General Yakubu Gowon, 1966-1975: Fac- Tors and Interests

NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER MAJOR- GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON, 1966-1975: FAC- TORS AND INTERESTS

OLADIMEJI TALIBU

A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (Po- litical Science)

Kulliyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences International Islamic University Malaysia

APRIL 2013 ABSTRACT

This study examines Nigeria’s foreign policy under Major-General Yakubu Gowon. It analyses the internal and external factors that influenced Nigeria’s foreign policy under Gowon. The research employs qualitative method of data collection. The historical overview of post-independent Nigerian foreign policy suggests that Nigeria’s foreign policy under Gowon has been formulated in pursuit of national interests such as territorial integrity, citizen’s welfare etc. The internal factors of Nigeria’s foreign policy under Gowon identified in the study are: personality of Gowon, national interests, political terrain and economy. While external factors considered are: continental factor, major powers, the Cold War international system and the Middle East factor. This study found that Nigeria under Gowon began to assert independent foreign policy after it gained sovereignty from Britain in 1960. It also found that the Nigerian civil war that lasted for 3 years had a profound effect on Nigerian foreign policy under Gowon. The study recommends that Nigerian government should abandon its strategy of unwarranted financial aid that could be detrimental to the domestic economy. It also recommends that citizen’s diplomacy is needed for dynamic foreign policy formulation.

ii ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ

ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﹼﻮﺍﺀ ﻳﺎﻛﻮﺑﻮ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ. ﻭﲢ ﻠﹼﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ

ﺍﻟﱵ ﳍﺎ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻧﻴﺠﲑﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ. ﺍ ﺗﺨﺬﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﳉﻤﻊ

ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ. ﺍﻟ ﻨ ﻈ ﺮ ﺓ ﺍ ﻟ ﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺳﺘﻘﻼﳍﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥﹼ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ

ﲢﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ ﻗﺪ ﲤﹼﺖ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ

ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ. ﻓﺈﻥﹼ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻧﻴﺠﲑﻳﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ ﻫﻲ: ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ

ﺟﻮﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ، ﻭﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﺘ ﻀ ﺎ ﺭ ﻳ ﺲ ﺍ ﻟ ﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﻠﻞ ﺍ ﻟ ﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ: ﻋﺎﻣﻞ

ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﻢ، ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ، ﻭﺍﻟﻨ ﻈ ﺎ ﻡ ﺍ ﻟ ﺪﻭﱄ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ. ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﻥﹼ ﻧﻴﺠﲑﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ

ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺳﺘﻘﻼﳍﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1960. ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺃﻥﹼ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ

ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﻗﺖ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺳﻨﲔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱃ

ﻭ ﰲ ﺍ ﻟ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ، ﻓ ﺈ ﻥﹼ ﺍ ﻟ ﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺠﲑﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﲡﺘﻨﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺭ

ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ. ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺄﻥﹼ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻣﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱄ ﺍﻷﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍ ﻟ ﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ

ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍ ﻟ ﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ.

iii APPROVAL PAGE

I certify that I have supervised and read this study and that in my opinion, it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (Political Science)

……………………………………………… Wahabuddin Ra’ees Supervisor

……………………………………………… El Fatih A. Abdel Salam Examiner

This dissertation is submitted to the department of political science and is accepted as fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Science (Political Science) ……………………………………………… M. Moniruzzaman Head, Department of Political Science

This dissertation is submitted to the Kulliyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences and is accepted as fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Science (Political Science)

.. …………………………………………. Mahmood Zuhdi, Dean, IRKHS

iv DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. I also declare that it has not been previously or concurrently submitted as a whole for any degrees at IIUM or other institutions.

Oladimeji Talibu

Signature…………………. Date…………………

INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY MALAYSIA

DECLARATION OF COPYRIGHT AND AFFIRMATION OF FAIR USE OF UNPUBLISHED RESEARCH

NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER MAJOR-GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON; 1966-1975: FACTORS AND INTERESTS.

No part of this unpublished research may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the copyright holder except as approved below.

1. Any material contained in or derived from this unpublished research may be used by others in their writing with due acknowledgement.

2. IIUM or its library will have the right to make and transmit copies (print or electronic) for institutional and academic purposes.

3. The IIUM library will have the right to make, store in a retrieval system and supply copies of this unpublished research if requested by other universities and research libraries.

Affirmed by Oladimeji Talibu

…………………………… ……….………… Signature Date

vi DEDICATION

I sincerely dedicated this work to the following people: MY DAUGHTER, HIKMAT OLADIMEJI, MY PARENTS- SHEIKH SAFIYU OLADIMEJI OLODO AND MRS HASSANAT AWEKE OLADIMEJI

vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In the name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful All praise be to Allah (SWT) for enabling me to complete this study. I am thankful to Him for the health and energy that He gave me throughout my academic endeavours. Peace and blessing be upon our beloved Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W), his family and his companions. In carrying out this research I am greatly indebted to the following people and institutions from whom I directly or indirectly benefitted. First of all I would like to express my sincere and deepest appreciation and thanks to my supervisor, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Wahabuddin Ra’ees, for supervising this study. His guidance, comments, suggestion, and financial support were instrumental to the successful completion of this thesis. I would also like to thank Prof. Dr. Elfatih Abdel Salam for reading this thesis. I appreciate his valuable suggestions and comments. I am also indebted to Dr. Tunku Mohar, the former Head of the Department of Political Science for his useful suggestions and comments at the initial stage of this work. My endless thank also goes to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Moniruzzaman, the Head of Department of Political Science, for his moral and constant financial support towards the completion of this study. I am also indebted to Prof. Dr. Abdul Rashd Moten for his comments and suggestions in the early stage of the work. My sincere appreciation also goes to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ishtiaq Hossain and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Garoot Eissa for their useful comments and suggestions in the early stage of the work. My gratitude also goes to the Management of the KIRKHS for sustaining my research progress with graduate teaching assistantship. May the blessing and mercy of God be with you all. My special thanks also go to the staff in the IIUM library and Centre for Postgraduate Studies (CPS) for being there for me throughout my study. I would also like to thank the Princess of the State of Johor, Tunku Masera Zahira Iskandariah binti Sultan Iskandar, for her invaluable and generous financial support during my study in IIUM. May Allah also sustain and provide for your needs. I am thankful to Sr. Noor Syahada Sedik, for her constant accommodation and hospitality in the Office of Deputy Dean (Academic Affairs) KIRKHS. My final appreciations go to my family members especially my sibling, here in IIUM, Mohammed Munerdeen Olodo Alshafii, my wife, Oladimeji Tawakalt, Mr and Ms Sheriff Ajiteru, friends, Aderibigbe Akeem, Abidoye Morufu, and Adegoke Surajudeen. I am very grateful for their encouragements, finance and prayers. May we together live to reap the fruit of the labour. God bless you all.

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... ii Abstract in Arabic ...... iii Approval page ...... iv Declaration page ...... v Copyright page ...... vi Dedication ...... vii Acknowledgement ...... viii List of figure ...... ix List of abbreviation ...... x

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Background to the Study ...... 1 Statement of the Problem ...... 4 Justification of the Study ...... 4 Objectives of the Study ...... 6 Literature Review ...... 6 Conceptual Framework ...... 16 Framework of Analysis ...... 31 Methods of Data Collection ...... 32 Chapter Outline ...... 33

CHAPTER TWO: HISTORY OF NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY Introduction ...... 34 Nigerian Foreign Policy under the British Rule ...... 34 Goals And Objectives of Nigeria’s British Foreign Policy ...... 36 Geopolitical and Strategic Issue ...... 36 Containing the Machinations of Soviet Union ...... 39 The Need to Dominate Global Commerce ...... 41 Nigeria’s Post-Colonial Foreign Policy ...... 45 Background ...... 45 Balewa and Nigerian Foreign Policy ...... 46 Objectives of Nigerian Foreign Policy under Balewa ...... 48 Basic Principles of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under Balewa ...... 50 Major–General Aguiyi Ironsi’s Short Term in Office and Policy ...... 56 Conclusion ...... 58

CHAPTER THREE: NIGERIAN INTERESTS AND FOREIGN POLICY UNDER GOWON Introduction ...... 60 Nigerian Interests under Gowon ...... 61 National Security and Territorial Integrity ...... 61 Africa unity ...... 64

ix Elimination of All Forms of Colonialism ...... 66 Leadership Role in Africa ...... 67 Promotion of Regional Economic Groupings ...... 68 Promotion of Peaceful and Just World ...... 69 Foreign Policies under Gowon ...... 69 Policy of Decolonization ...... 70 Policy of Regional Integration ...... 73 Policy of Good Neighbourliness ...... 75 Policy of Multilateral Diplomacy ...... 78 Policy of Non-Alignment (NAM) ...... 80 Conclusion ...... 84

CHAPTER FOUR: FACTORS OF NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER GOWON Introduction ...... 85 Domestic Factors of Nigerian Foreign Policy under Gowon ...... 85 Gowon’s Personality and Experience ...... 86 Socio-Political Factor ...... 89 Economic Factor ...... 92 Petroleum Production and Exports ...... 96 External Factors and Nigerian Foreign Policy under Gowon ...... 97 The Continental Factor ...... 97 The Middle East Factor ...... 102 The Major Power Factor ...... 105 The Cold War International System ...... 110 Conclusion ...... 111

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS .. 112

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 119

x LIST OF TABLES

Table No. Page No.

1.1 Framework of analysis 31

4.1 Petroleum production and export, 1961-74 96

4.2 Nigeria’s trade with Israel, 103

xi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ACP Africa Caribbean and Pacific AMF African Military Force AU African Union CFA Communautte Francais Africaine ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EEC European Economic Community FMG Federal Military Government FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office MPLA Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola NAM Non Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NCNC National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon NPC Northern People Congress NSWFP Nigerian Socialist Workers’ and Farmers’ Party NTUC Nigerian Trade Union Congress NYM Nigerian Youth Movement OAU Organisation of African Unity OIC Organisation of Islamic Conference OPEC Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries RSA Republic of South Africa UAC United African Company UNO United Nations Organisation USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

xii CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Nigeria is a large country in the West African sub-region and it covers 356,668 square miles.1 In comparative analysis, Nigeria is roughly twice the size of the State of Cali- fornia in the United States of America and three times the size of the United King- dom.2 In Africa generally, Sudan, Egypt, South Africa, Libya, Algeria, Mali, Niger, and Chad are all territorially larger than Nigeria but in terms of demography, Nigeria is a giant. The latest census (2006) estimated that Nigeria has over140 million people and this makes it the seventh largest in the world.3 In the whole of Africa, Nigeria is by far the most populated and it is the largest black nation in the world. This position makes it the mouthpiece of black race in the global politics.

By October 1st 1960, Nigeria gained her independence from the United King- dom and automatically became a member of the Commonwealth Nations and 99th member of the United Nations (UN). The country is bordered to the south by the At- lantic Ocean; in the west, Nigeria shares border with the Republic of Benin; on the north by Republic of Niger, and on the east by Cameroon. In its north-eastern corner,

Lake Chad separates Nigeria from the Republic of Chad.4

Nigeria, as a nation, has developed international relations through the disper- sions of its people throughout the world and its diplomatic presence has often been significant as well. Nigeria has been a vocal and active participant in international af-

1Falola, Toyin and Heaton, Mathew. A History of Nigeria (New York: Cambridge University press, 2008), 258. 2Ibid., 260. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.

1 fairs because it is a diverse, populous, and resource-rich country with political, economic, and cultural connections throughout Africa and the wider world. The dominant impact of the British influence on Nigerian foreign policy and its ruling elites contin- ued until the 1960s when the lessons of the Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 forced Ni- geria’s foreign policy elite to reappraise its stand towards external environment. Thus, an examination of the psychological variables and important issues like oil, the military, ethnicity and religion that make Nigeria’s foreign policy distinct, is vital to un- derstanding Nigeria’s foreign policy. Many of these issues have shaped, and do not stop shaping, Nigeria’s foreign policy in many ways. Christopher Kolade, the High

Commissioner of Nigeria to the United Kingdom, stated:

The impact of the civil war on Nigeria’s foreign policy was significant, causing Nigeria’s leader to draw five major lessons from the experience: first, that the country’s survival as a sovereign state could not be taken for granted; second, that based on France sending arms to secessionist Biafra through Gabon and Cote d’ Ivoire, there was compelling need to have friendly governments in neighbouring countries…; third, that the existence of majority white-owned regimes in southern Africa, which backed Biafran secessionists during Nigeria’s civil war, was a clear threat to the nation’s security; fourth, that it was dangerous to depend disproportionately on one power bloc for the supply of arm required to maintain internal security…; and fifth, that the publicity and propaganda were vital in the conduct of external relation.5

The end of the civil war, therefore, marked a significant shift in Nigeria’s foreign policy and this dictated, to a greater extent, the direction of Gowon’s foreign policy formulation. With the ending of the civil war, and the subsequent reincorporation of Biafra into Nigeria, Nigerian foreign policy took a radical turn

This research considers all West African countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, Ivory

Coast, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Maurita- nia, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo) as Nigeria’s neighbours. Nigerian gov-

5Christopher, Kolade, “Nigeria’s Foreign Policy After the Cold War: Domestic, Regional and External Influences” International Peace Academy (UK: University of Oxford, July 2003), 10-12.

2 ernment places great value on controlling or defending neighbouring territories, because these areas contain ethnically related populations and believes that the major threat to its territorial integrity might materialize through adjacent lands. Achievement of favourable strategic frontiers has, therefore, been a traditional short-run policy ob- jective to which Nigeria has been willing to commit great resources. Upon gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria faced security threat from its neighbours resulting from the influence of Portugal, France, and the white-ruled Southern African regimes. The first government of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa did not recognize this which is partly due to its shallow knowledge of the world politics.

By October 1960, when Nigeria got her independence, the interest of Britain was still the basis for Nigerian foreign policies and Nigerian economy was closely tied to the dictate of Britain. This policy was vigorously pursued by the first elected president, Balewa. By 1962, the Nigerian Students’ Union protested against the Anglo-

Nigeria Defence Pact of 1961, calling it an orchestrated act by Britain to perpetuate her hegemony in Nigeria.6 With the protest across the country, the Nigerian government abrogated the Defence Pact in 1962. Also, the severance of diplomatic relations with France in 1961 over the testing of Atomic Bomb in the Sahara desert which Ni- geria regarded as a security threat to its security could be regarded as the sign of independent foreign policies formulated after independence by Balewa government.7 Be- sides these, all policies were formulated and executed according to the wishes of Brit- ain, the former colonial master. By January 1966, the first military coup was staged and brought in Aguyi Ironsi who spent six months before his government was toppled by, yet another coup, led by Major-General Yakubu Gowon.

6 Victor N. Chibundu, Foreign Policy with Special Reference to Nigeria: 1961-2002 (Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2003), 2-18. 7Ibid.

3 With the coming of Gowon to power in 1966, the nation was plunged into three years civil war. After the war, Gowon introduced policies that removed threats to Ni- gerian security, hence the necessity of examining Nigerian foreign policy under

Gowon with greater emphasis on its neighbours.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Nigeria, upon independence, faced serious security challenges from its neighbours and the Balewa led government did nothing to remove them. One of such security challenges is that the country is surrounded by Franco-phone African countries which are signals to the presence and influence of France in the neighbouring countries. For example, during the Nigerian civil war, France supplied arms to the secessionists Biafra through these neighbouring countries, the threat to which Gowon executed some policies to address threats of the war. Thus, this study focuses on the Nigeria’s foreign policy under Gowon (1966-1975) and it seeks to answer the following questions:

1. What were the interests of Nigeria as seen by Gowon?

2. What were the Gowon’s policies in pursuit of Nigeria’s interests?

3. How did changes occur in Nigerian foreign policy under Gowon?

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objectives of this study are to:

1. Examine the interests of Nigerian foreign policy as seen by Gowon;

2. Anylyse Gowon’s policies in pursuit of Nigeria’s interests; and

3. Examine changes in Nigerian foreign policy under Gowon;

4 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY

Gowon came to power through coup d’état in July 1966 and shortly after his ascen- sion, civil war, which lasted for three years, broke out. During the civil war, Gowon’s foreign policies were tailored towards winning allies for his government abroad. With the successful end of the war in 1970, many facts were made open to him about the nature of the world politics. Such facts are: the realization of Nigeria’s position in Af- rica; discovery of the danger of over-reliance on the West; and the need to adhere strictly to Nigerian foreign policy factors.

Many scholars and writers have written on Gowon’s foreign policies both in

Nigeria and abroad, for example, Oye Ogunbadejo’s work ‘General Gowon’s African

Policy’ shed light on the major policies of Gowon towards African countries. It must, however, be said that some of these works do not give enough attention to Gowon foreign policies towards Nigeria’s neighbours. Most of the works only focus on Gowon’s policies with the superpowers while some make passive reference to it. Some of these writers do not also give enough attention to the execution of the civil war by Gowon government. This is because the civil war marked a turning point in the execution and implementation of the Nigerian foreign policies.

Also, the Nigerian foreign policy and the debate concerning it, is no longer confined to academic circles but are also becoming the talk of the day, even among politicians. Therefore, focusing research on this pivotal issue of Nigerian foreign policy is, at this time, imperative. One must have a proper look at the entire developments that took place in the post-civil war period in order to analyse the Gowon’s foreign policy. Given the fact that most of the Nigerian foreign policy makers at this present age were very young during the Gowon administration, it is thus important at this cru- cial moment to delve into history so as to learn from the knowledge and mistakes of

5 the past in order to address the problems of the present and the future foreign policy making. This will enable the present generation to appreciate the danger inherent in over-reliance on the foreign help during emergency.

Thus, the most important impetus for this research is its focus on Gowon’s policy generally. The work thus presents a comprehensive analysis of Nigeria’s foreign policy under Gowon. All the scattered works by different authors on Gowon’s foreign policy has inspired me to write this thesis in a definite time span since no book has dealt so far exclusively on Gowon’s foreign policy. It is in realization of all these facts, therefore, that makes the study significant and the work will use an all- encompassing approach to the study of Gowon’s foreign policy. It is therefore, hoped, that the proposed study will pave the way for further exploration and expansion on the subject and will also serve as a reference point to subsequent researchers and policy makers both in Nigeria and abroad.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Although there are many literatures that exist on Nigerian foreign policy, it must be said that the knowledge of available literature is sine qua non to the successful writing of a thesis that will fill a gap. As a result, an attempt will be made to consult the available books and journals article on Nigerian foreign policy in general and on Gowon’s regime in particular. This literature review is divided into two parts; literature on Ni- gerian foreign policy in general and literature that make reference to Gowon’s foreign policy in particular.

6 Literature on Nigeria’s Foreign Policy

The Nigerian foreign policy, according to Cyril Obi, has responded to transnational security and links this with a discussion of Nigerian foreign policy towards West Af- rica within which Nigeria plays a prominent role. As a regional and a hegemon in

West Africa, Nigeria has succeeded in putting in place a mechanism that controls in- cessant conflicts in the region and prevent as much as possible the external interfer- ence in the region that may pose a threat to Nigerian security.8 The Economic Com- munity of West African States (ECOWAS) is said to be the mechanism that was put in place by the effort of the Gowon administration in 1975 to serve as regional body for socio-political and economic integration.

Olajide Aluko also supports security dimension of Nigerian foreign policy by identifying the prime motive of Nigerian government behind the establishment of

ECOWAS and other continental organisations. “The realization of regional insecurity experienced by Gowon during the civil war propelled the regime to carry along other

West African countries in the region for the establishment of ECOWAS”, Aluko as- serts. Nigeria is a power in black Africa when taking into consideration its economic potential and population and with the changes in the global political economy in the

1970s, as well as with the ending of its own civil war, Nigeria became ever more in- disputably Africa’s leading state. With the oil boom of the early 1970s, Nigeria in- creasingly played a major role in the West African sub-region by giving financial aids to its neighbours and sold its oil at concessionary price to most of them.9Timothy

Shaw identifies Nigeria’s economic capability and its role in Africa and the global politics and that Nigeria should not be hoodwinked by its economic resources and

8Obi Cyril, “Nigerian Foreign Policy and Transnational Security Challenges in West Africa,” Journal of Contemporary African studies, Vol.26, no.2, (2008): 183-196. 9Shaw Timothy, “Nigeria as Africa’s Major Power”, Timothy Shaw and Olajide Aluko (eds.), Nigerian Foreign Policy- Alternative Perceptions and Projections (London: Macmillan, 1983), 1-16.

7 population; its house needs to be put in order before projecting an economically viable foreign policy.

When Nigeria got its independence in 1960 under the first civilian government of Balewa, Africa became the centre-piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Stephen

Wright argues that Nigeria used its oil power to manipulate international political system to its advantage especially in Africa. In the Angolan crisis, Nigeria supported the

Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) against the Apartheid regime in South Africa by providing financial assistance to the organization. Also in

1980, through the instrument of ECOWAS, President Sheu Shagari of Nigeria ex- cluded Samuel Doe of Liberia from ECOWAS and the Organization of African Unity

(OAU) meetings because of his irrational behaviours that stand to threaten the security of the region.10

Furthermore, Aluko argues that bureaucratic approaches to decision-making can also apply to African countries. He refutes the argument that bureaucratic model to decision-making does not apply to African countries and what matters in the foreign affairs decision in African countries are the personalities of individuals rather than the character of bureaucratic institutions. He says that the view is culture-bound and it is based on the inadequate facts about decision-making processes in many de- veloping countries, especially in Nigeria. During the period of Gowon, the Secretary to the Federal Military Government and Head of the Federal Civil Servants had been initiators and originators of all policies both under First Republic and under military.11

Kasali Adegboyega highlights some of the internal dimensions to Nigerian foreign policy formulation and implementation. As a country with diverse ethnic and re-

10 Stephen Wright, “Nigerian Foreign Policy: A Case of Dominance or Dependence,” in Timothy Shaw and Olajide, Aluko (eds.), Nigerian Foreign Policy-Alternative Perceptions and Projections (London: Macmillan, 1983), 93-116. 11Olajide Aluko, 77-92.

8 ligious group, Nigeria has been forced to maintain cordial relationship with Israel because of the mutual suspicion between Muslims and Christians. In fact, this generated a lot of controversy during the Arab/Israeli war in 1973. Nigeria could not maintain a stand in the war because of the domestic issue.12Ebenezer Okpokpo supports this argument by stating that the foreign policy of Nigeria should reflect its internal realities and should put the welfare of its citizens into consideration before any other interest.

He stresses the role played by Nigeria in both sub-regional and continental levels and contends that Nigeria should not limit its role to Africa only; it must formulate a policy that reflects the contemporary realities. He is of the view that Nigeria should formulate foreign policy that promotes its economic interests in the global politics and that lesson must be learnt from countries like the United States of America, Great

Britain, and China.13

Dipo Olubomehin and Dayo Kawonishe identify the activities of President

Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) in the establishment of African Union. Both are of the view that it is in the foreign policy interest of the president to promote political and economic integration at the continental level. With the economic and political integration, they posit, Nigeria stands to benefit more than any other African state because of its market potential.14Ogene and Obiozor employ domestic approach to Nige- rian foreign policy. It is not by accident of history to discover that pressure groups, trade unions, workers’ unions, and labour congresses have been having impacts in the formulation of Nigerian foreign policy.15

12Adegboyega Kasali, “The Impact of Domestic Factors on Foreign Policy: Nigeria/Israel Relations”, Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.6, No.3 and 4, (2007):116-131. 13 Ebenezer Okpokpo, “The Challenges Facing Nigeria’s Foreign Policy in the Next Millennium,” Afri- can Studies Quarterly, Vol.3, no.3, (2000): 19-42. 14 An article submitted to the African Studies Association of Australia and Pacific Annual Conference, in the University of Western Australia (26-28 November, 2006): 14. 15Ogene F.G., Interest Groups and the Shaping of Nigerian Foreign Policy, Nigeria Institute of Interna- tional Affairs Vol. 6, no.4, (1983): 7

9 This is clearly demonstrated in 1962 when the Nigerian students’ Union de- manded that government should abrogate the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact which

Balewa signed after independence. The clear domination of internal reality in Nigeria foreign policy was given a boost decade after the independence especially with the realization of Nigeria’s position in the global politics particularly in Africa. Taking into consideration internal and external realities, many responsibilities were attended to by Nigerian policy makers and it is in this situation that Nigeria pursued anti- apartheid policy because of its implication to Nigerian security.16

From the above, it can be realized that most of the written works look at Nige- rian foreign policy from different perspectives. Domestic, security, and hegemonic approaches are applied by most of these writers. While Adegboyega discusses economic and foreign aid policy, Obi and Aluko emphasize security issues in the formulation of Nigerian foreign policy. Therefore, this thesis will benefit immensely from domestic approach adopted by most of these works while, at the same time, consider- ing the external factors.

Literature on Gowon’s Foreign Policy

Because of the nature of this research, which focuses on the distant past, most of the relevant works are published decades ago. Thus, there are limited recent articles to be reviewed on Gowon’s foreign policy at present and as a result, most of the literatures reviewed are rather old.

Oye ogunbadejo contends that for the first ten years after independence, Nige- ria maintained a low-profile African policy. The successive crises which began in the early 1960s and culminated in a civil war in 1967 were, in part, responsible for this

16Obiozor G. , The Politics of Precarious Balancing: An Analysis of Contending Issues in Nigerian Domestic and Foreign Policy, Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Vol.8, no.12, (1984): 16.

10 stance: both civilian and military regimes were too deeply engrossed with their internal difficulties to play any role in African affairs. He examines Nigeria’s African policy under Gowon administration and looks at the continental issues and mechanics of regional policy adopted by Gowon.17 Cyril Kofie and Timothy Shaw also opine that the countries of this continent have been plagued by two important phenomena – the ghost of secession endangering the survival of existing states, and factionalisation among the different contenders for power. This article analyses Biafra’s attempt to secede from Nigeria, and the fighting between the Popular Movement for the Libera- tion of Angola (MPLA) and other political organizations within Angola.

The authors analyse the reactions and motives of different African states, within and outside the OAU, to reach each of these events. Some African countries like Ivory Coast, Tanzania, South Africa and Malawi supported the secession of Bia- fra from Nigeria during the Gowon period and this resulted in a prolonged war in Ni- geria.18

Bassey Eyo stresses the fundamental problems posed to Nigeria by the historical presence of France in West-Central Africa, particularly since 1960. In concrete terms, this problem assumes two main forms: the first is the effect of the French presence in the region on Nigeria’s national security,19 and the second is its constraint on the natural growth of Nigeria’s cultural and political interests in the region. It furthers that, in its conventional form, the French involvement in West-Central Africa impeded the natural emergence of Nigeria as a regional power. Thus there is a need for pro-

17Oye ogunbadejo, “General Gowon’s African Policy” Journal of International Studies, Vol. 16, No. 35, (1977): 36-50. 18Kafe Cyril and Shaw Timothy, “The Political Economy of Decision-Making in Africa Foreign Policy: Recognition of Biafra and the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola” Third World Foreign- Policy-International Political Science Review, Vol. 5 no. 1, (1984): 21-46. 19Eyo Bassey, “The Presence of France in West- Central Africa as a Fundamental Problem to Nigeria” Journal of International Studies, Sage, Vol. 12 no. 110, (1983): 110-126.

11 gressive development of a technological base of power by Nigeria in order to become a dominant force in the region. This is sine qua non to a strong military force and a self-reliant economy which will in reality confirm Nigeria’s credentials as an alternative regional power to France.

Chibuke Uche attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a selfish agenda of one Nigeria solution in the Nigerian civil war. While the official position of the Brit- ish government was that its main interest in the Nigerian conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, however, the true position was more com- plex. During this war, Britain was desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day

War.20 Thus supporting a ‘one Nigeria’ solution was considered the best option to achieve the objectives mentioned above. Furthermore, Timothy Shaw opines that the cyclical pattern of Nigeria’s external relation has followed that of its political constitu- tion and petroleum product. Aspirations to great-power status in the 1970s have yielded to austerity and modesty in the 1980s. Yet core concerns about development, integration, and liberation continue despite a series of changes in governmental struc- ture and oil profits.

Throughout, there have been lively debates about preferred policy directions and analytical explanations, symptomatic of the openness of Nigeria’s political culture. The above authors highlight one major determinant, oil, in the formulation of Ni- geria's foreign policy during the Gowon administration and it will be wrong to limit domestic factors of Gowon policy to only two factors. Therefore, this work will go further in discussing more factors that determine Gowon’s foreign policy. This work

20Uche Chibuke, “Oil, British Interests, and Nigerian Civil War” Journal of African History, Vol. 49, no. 6, (2008): 640.