Notes and References
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Notes and References CHAPTER 1 1. The term 'Bantu', shorn of its racialist overtones (since the Boer element of the white settler community of South Africa began calling itself African- Afrikaner- and calling Africans the Bantu) owes its academic origins as a term of linguistic classification to the philologist W. H. I. Bleek (1827-75) and, within the context of South Africa, as a political entity, and Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland it recognises two major linguistic groups: (a) the 'Sotho' who are divided further into the Batswana, Bapedi, Basotho (in and outside the country Leso tho); (b) the 'Nguni' (Abakuni or Bakone), who are further divided into the AmaXhosa (including AmaMpondo, AmaMpondomise, AbaThembu), AmaZulu (Zulu) and AmaSwati (AmaSwazi). See C. M. Doke, The Southern Bantu Languages (London, 1967) pp. 11-13; and S. M. Molema, The Bantu: The Past and Present (Cape Town, 1963) p. 35. On the problem of Bantu migrations see J. Vansina, 'Bantu in the crystal ball', History in Africa, VI (1979) and VII (1980); and ibid., 'Western Bantu Expansion', Journal of African History, XXV (1984) 2. 2. J.D. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth-Century Rev olution in Bantu Africa (Essex, 1966) p. 15. Omer-Cooper acknowl edges his dependence on I. Schapera, Government and Politics in Tribal Societies (London, 1956, reprint, 1963). 3. T. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour to the North-East of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope (Cape Town, 1846) p. 401. 4. Peter Sanders, Moshoeshoe, Chief of the Sotho, (London, 1975); Leonard Thompson, Survival in Two Worlds, Moshoeshoe of Lesotho, 178(r..J870 (London,1975). 5. E. Sidney Hartland, Primitive Law (London, 1924) introductory para graph to ch. II: 'Constitutional Law', p. 10. 6. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath, p. 173. 7. Eugene Casalis, The Basutos, or Twenty-Three Years in South Africa (London, 1861) p. 209. 8. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour, p. 373. 9. 'About the beginning of the last [that is, the seventeenth] century, a band of refugees calling themselves Bamaru, or People of the Clouds, migrated from Zululand to the south of Basutoland. These people adopted Basuto customs and intermarried with the followers of Mon aheng, by whom they were termed Maphetla, or the pioneers'; Ger mond, R. C., Chronicles of Basutoland (Morija, Lesotho, 1967), p. 330. 10. D. F. Ellenberger, and J. C. MacGregor, History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern (London, 1912) p. 263. See also Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour, p. 373. 307 308 Notes 11. Ellenberger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, p. 303. 12. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour, p. 373. 13. Casalis, The Basutos, p. 214. Although Ian Hamnet takes issue with Casalis on this point, for being 'unduly swayed by sentiment' (a criticism with which I do not agree), in his own translation he writes: 'The verb ho rena means "to be rich not to work; to be a chief." ' This translation is not functionally different from Casalis'. Ian Hamnet, Chieftainship and Legitimacy: An Anthropological Study of Executive Law in Lesotho (London, 1975) pp. 86, 151. 14. On the view that Morena e Mahala is analogous to King see also Hamnet, Chieftainship and Legitimacy, p. 86. Leonard Thompson also writes 'By 1833 [Moshoeshoe] was recognised not merely as a Morena e Mahala (a chief) but as the Morena e Mahala (the Great Chief: the King).' Thompson, Survival in Two Worlds, p. 64. 15. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour, pp. 378, 385. 16. For a comprehensive modem historical appraisal of Mohlomi see L. B. B. J. Machobane, 'Mohlomi: Doctor, Traveller and Sage', Mohlomi, Journal of Southern African Historical Studies, vol. 11 (National University of Lesotho, 1976) pp. 5-23. On Ratlali see Ellen berger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, p. 83. Even after Mohlomi's death, according to the self-trained Mosotho historian Azariel Sekese, 'Maliepollo maintained interest in Lesotho. She is said to have sent a messenger named Thamanamane to Moshoeshoe, from Grahamstown where she had retreated since lifaqane, in 1833, advising him to get white missionaries to help him to maintain his kingdom. Sekese, Leselinyana, 1 April 1892, p. 1. 17. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour p. 380. 18. Indeed when Casalis published his first work on Basotho in 1861 even the territory of Basotho was already styled 'Lesotho'. Casalis, The Basutos, p. 319. 19. According to Thompson, Moshoeshoe can be assumed to have taken over effectively from his father at the start of lifaqane, on the occasion of Sekonyela's pending attack of Mokhachane's chiefdom (1823); but this is speculation, albeit plausible. Thompson Survival in Two Worlds, p. 41. 20. 'Bohali for the first wife of the chief', writes Rolland, 'was paid for by the community, usually before he came to power'. Emile Rolland, Journal des Missions Evangeliques (hereafter JME) 18 Dec. 1844, p. 212, cited in Judy Kimble, 'Towards an Understanding of the Political Economy of Lesotho: The Origins of Commodity Production and Migrant Labour, 1830-c.1885' (M A thesis, National University of Lesotho, 1978) p. 74. 21. Hugh Ashton, The Basuto, (London, 1952), p. 193. 22. F. Laydevant, OMI, 'Le Sceptre Des Chefs Basuto', Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, vol. 18 (1948) no. 1, p. 41. Translated for me by Miss H. M. Ewan (M A (Hon.) French, Edin burgh University). 23. Thebeamang Masopha, who had what was probably Masopha's Notes 309 (Moshoeshoe's third and valorous son's) rhinoceros club, and Batho Hlalele, who had led me to the former. 6 March 1979. 24. Laydevant, 'Le Sceptre Des Chefs Basuto', p. 41. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid, p. 42. 27. Casalis, The Basutos, p. 220. 28. Ashton, The Basuto, p. 204. 29. Schapera, Government and Politics in Tribal Societies, pp. 137-43. 30. Ibid., p. 137, cited from Saga (1932), p. 31. 31. Machobane, 'Mohlomi', pp. 18-21. 32. N. S. Luthango, Umohlomi (Pietermaritzburg, 1938) p. 146. 33. Arbousset, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour, p. 278. 34. George Tlali (Moshoeshoe), 'Litaba tsa Basotho', pt. 1, edited and translated with an introduction and notes by M. Damane and P. B. Sanders, sect. 20, in Mohlomi Journal, val. n (CapeTown, 1858) p. 133. 35. Ellenberger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, p. 106. 36. Jacques Heurgon, The Rise of Rome to 264 B. C., translated by James Willis (London, 1st Eng. edn, 1973) p. 113. 37. Jonathan Molapo, 'Minutes of Meeting held by the Chief Letsie at Thaba Bosigo, on the 3rd July 1880, in order that the deputation sent by him to Cape Town might make known to the people the result of their mission', in British Parliamentary Paper, LXVI (C. 2755), 1881, Frere to Kimberly, no. 22, 2 August 1880, Enclosure 2 in No. 22, p. 52. 38. Ibid. p. 54. 39. Ellenberger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, p. 292. 40. Casalis, The Basutos, p. 206. 41. Casalis, Morija, May 1834, in Robert C. Germond, Chronicles of Basutoland (Lesotho: Morija, 1967) p. 517. 42. Casalis narrates yet another incident when he was interrupted in the middle of a very rewarding conversation with the King. Moshoeshoe tried in vain to chase the man away: 'Begone! my white man is with me, pray leave him in peace!'; but the man retorted: 'No, it is now three days that I have been waiting for you to judge my case; judge it at once; my wife and children are alone at home, I wish to return to them.' The King was only able to get rid of his subject, temporarily, by sending him to one of his wives to 'tell her on my behalf to give you a shoulder of mutton which I left anon'. Ibid. p. 516. 43. See Schapera, Government and Politics in Tribal Societies, pp. 69-74. 44. Casalis, Thaba Bosiu, September 1838, in Germond, Chronicles of Basutoland, p. 540. 45. Ellenberger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, p. 266. 46. Chief Jobo, Commission on Laws and Customs of the Basutos 1873 (Cape Town, 1873, reprinted by Morija, Lesotho) p. 50. 47. According to Reverend F. Coillard, Basotho observed the rule that 'the person of an ambassador is sacred, whatever his message'. C. W. Mackintosh, Coillard of the Zambesi, pp. 54-5. By way of comparison, it is interesting to note that in the neighbouring AmaMpondomise 310 Notes polity, according to its authorities, even an insult to a ruler's messen ger was 'a great crime' for which punishment was 'to take up the "Tiger Tail", which means that he would have to pay one head of cattle'. Evidence of Gangalizwe, Nyanga, Sangoni, Mpiti, Xelo, Sila Pantshwa, Nqayi, Cutalele, Dinase, Umgendiki, Umsengi, and twelve others, Report of the Commission on Native Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1881) Minutes of Evidence, p. 442. 48. For this part of the paragraph see Casalis, The Basutos, p. 224. 49. Morena e Moholo Letsie, recalling his role in the Langalibalele affair to Colonel Griffith. 'Report of Proceedings of Meeting in School room of the Morija Mission Station on 22nd June, 1881, in Cape of Good Hope Report of the Honourable the Secretary for Natives Affairs on His Visit to Basutoland, June 1881, (G. 26-82) p. 27. 50. Casalis, The Basutos, pp. 261-6; Ellenberger and MacGregor, History of the Basuto, pp. 280-9. 51. Casalis, Mes Souvenirs, 1833. Cited In Germond, Chronicles, p. 516. 52. Schapera, Government and Politics in Tribal Societies, pp. 13-15. 53. Hartland, Primitive Law, p. 15. 54. Reverend Mr Mackenzie, 'Minutes of Evidence', Report of the Com mission on Native Laws and Customs, p. 495. 55. Gangelizwe, Nyanga, Sangoni et al., ibid, p.