Third Time and Counting : Remembering Past
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third time and counting: remembering past relocations and discussing the future in kaktovik, alaska Elizabeth Mikow Department of Anthropology, University of Alaska Fairbanks, P.O. Box 757720, Fairbanks, AK 99775-7720; [email protected] abstract In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the United States began to put defensive measures into place in Alaska to guard against attack by the Soviet Union. These measures included constructing airfields and a system of radar stations known as the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line. Barter Island, home to the Iñupiaq village of Kaktovik, was chosen for both an airfield and a DEW line installation, which resulted in three forced relocations between 1947 and 1964. Kaktovik is currently threatened by coastal erosion and may be forced to move again. Drawing from current perspectives and memories of the villagers, I explore how community members negotiated their relationships with the military and a changing physical environment and describe local perspectives on coastal erosion and relocation. keywords: DEW line, Iñupiat, Alaska Native communities, erosion, relocation Walking through the village of Kaktovik, Alaska, one con- conveyed by different institutions and actors. These actions stantly encounters reminders of a military past. Remnants were prompted by concerns of national security and, as of rusted oil drums litter the beach, Quonset huts stand such, were focused upon the stability of the greater popu- beside modern housing, and the DEW line facility, now a lation of the country as a whole. In any case, tensions at part of the Alaska Radar System, stands in the background. the international level brought state intervention—in the This military past shaped the course of the history of this form of the U.S. Air Force—upon this community. The community, one that includes three forced relocations in human element in state decision making is important to less than two decades. One danger of looking at the state remember. Norman Long (2001) explains that research on as a force of social change is the risk of viewing the actions development examines social change at the broader scope as stemming from a unified entity. Michel Foucault ([1991] of institutions, structures, and trends on the one hand, and 2006) illustrates the idea of state involvement through the changes at the level of the actors themselves on the other. concept of “governmentality,” a composite formed by in- While social changes can certainly be caused by external stitutions, their actions, and calculations that allow for the forces, these forces have to enter the lived worlds of indi- exercise of governmental techniques with which to inter- viduals and groups, who in turn negotiate and alter them. vene within a population. The stability of the population is Changes to social order come about through the commu- the end goal for this intervention, which in turn makes the nications and struggles between different kinds of social population more governable. This composite, in his view, actors, not only those who are directly interacting with contains a whole host of “governmental apparatuses,” cre- each other, but also those who are not physically present ating and using different kinds of knowledge that act upon and whose actions influence and alter the situation. The society (Foucault [1991] 2006:142). I consider the situa- agency and power of particular institutions, then, is formed tion that unfolded in Kaktovik in light of state authority, by networks of individuals (Long 2001). Alaska Journal of Anthropology vol. 8, no. 2 (2010) 33 This paper explores the Kaktovik relocations within background the social and historical context in which they occurred in order to understand how members of the community A large prehistoric village once existed on Barter Island, as negotiated their relationships with the military as an ex- noted by Canadian explorer and anthropologist Diamond tension of the state. I draw upon current perspectives and Jenness (1991), who counted thirty to forty old house sites memories of the villagers as they reflect upon their own there in 1914. According to oral history accounts, these ru- history and how they feel the relocations and the pres- ins were that of the Qagmaliks, or “people-from- farthest- ence of the military have shaped the community in which away” (Libbey 1983:2), most likely a whaling group from they live. Kaktovik also faces the threat of coastal erosion; Canada. The abandonment of this settlement may have therefore, this legacy of relocation may continue in the been due to warfare with Iñupiat from Alaska. One leg- future. I also explore local perspectives on how another end states that this conflict was caused by the Qagmalik relocation of the village should take place if it does be- murder of an Iñupiaq couple’s only son, whose body was come necessary. fished out of the water with a seining net. This legend is Going beyond a simplified view of forced relocation said to have given Kaktovik (Qaaktugvik) its name, which as an event in which the powerful state imposes its will translates as “seining place” (Jacobson and Wentworth upon a helpless population, I instead look at how villagers 1982:3). A similar situation occurred in the mid-to-late actively negotiated their changing physical environment 1930s, when a man named Pipsuk was reported to have and relationships with the state. Turton (2006) discusses drowned in the lagoon on the eastern side of the island. what constitutes forced migration within the context of A seining net was used to pull his body to shore, and the development-induced displacement. He advocates view- name of the modern community of Kaktovik was adopted ing a forced migrant as an ordinary person placed in a in memory of the event (Libbey 1983:3). particular social, political, and historical context. By view- Before the 1920s there was no year-round settle- ing migrants in this light, we avoid depersonalization and ment at Barter Island, and for centuries the region was include individual agency in the picture (Turton 2006). an important location of trade between Canadian Inuit Turton’s ideas are echoed by Long (2001:13), who feels that and Iñupiat from the Barrow region (Nielson 1977). The social actors need to be recognized not simply as “passive island was also used as a seasonal home for subsistence recipients of intervention,” but instead as individuals who hunting and fishing and at the turn of the twentieth actively process information and strategically engage with century, as a stop for commercial whalers in the region. others at different levels. Long discusses the importance The first year-round settlement came into being in the of exploring the ways in which people deal with difficult 1920s, when Andrew Akootchook and his family moved situations by their actions and choices, “turning the ‘bad’ to Barter Island. Andrew was the brother-in-law of trader into the ‘less bad’” (2001:14). As I demonstrate below, past Tom Gordon, who was convinced to move his fur trading relocations at Kaktovik were forced in the strictest sense of post to the island because of its good harbor and excellent the word, but individuals were active in dealing with the hunting opportunities (Jacobson and Wentworth 1982:3). changes imposed upon them. Because of the existence of a store on the island and easy Much of the information presented here was ob- access to hunting grounds in the mountains, people began tained through fieldwork conducted in the village in May to settle along the coast around Barter Island. Fur trap- 2009. During my three-week stay, I formally interviewed ping was a large portion of the local economy, with furs fourteen current residents of Kaktovik and had informal serving as a form of currency with which to obtain store conversations with a number of individuals. In order to goods and supplies (Libbey 1983:16). Although a year- inform the community of the goals of my research and round settlement existed during the 1920s and 1930s, the reason for my presence, I made a public presentation most of the inhabitants of the region continued to live a in the community center in conjunction with another re- seminomadic lifestyle spread out along the coast, mainly searcher, Stacey Fritz. While the majority of interviews gathering around the trading post during holidays and were taken in English, a few individuals spoke Iñupiaq, special events (Jacobson and Wentworth 1982). Contact and these interviews were facilitated by Kaktovik resident with non-native settlers during this period was minimal, Clarice Akootchook. consisting of dealings with the local trader and occasional 34 third time and counting: remembering past relocations in kaktovik, alaska visits from scientists, explorers, and missionaries (Nielson their supplies. She was stopped with her cousin by two 1977). The economy in the region changed drastically military men who wanted to ask them a question: when the price of fur declined in 1936, heralding the end We were just walking along, and all at once we of the trapping era. This, combined with the end of rein- stopped by these two guys, those guys in uni- deer herding in the late 1930s, led several families to move form, and we just stand there and . had no idea to Herschel Island, Canada (Jacobson and Wentworth what to say because we didn’t understand English 1982:5). Isaac Akootchook, a resident of Kaktovik, re- back then, this was before they started teaching us called that after 1936 “people began scattering—mov- English. We’re just standing there, and you know we’re very cultural, we have to stand, and with our ing out. A few stayed” (Libbey 1983:65). For those who heads down, if the elders are talking to us, we have did stay, the first military contact occurred in the 1940s, to stand and you don’t move if the elder is talk- when Marvin “Muktuk” Marston came to the commu- ing to you .