Somaliland's Oil and Gas Exploration Attempt
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September 29, 2005 Parliamentary Election Assessment Report
International Republican Institute Suite 700 1225 Eye St., NW Washington, D.C. 20005 (202) 408-9450 (202) 408-9462 FAX www.iri.org International Republican Institute Somaliland September 29, 2005 Parliamentary Election Assessment Report Table of Contents Map of Somaliland……………………………………………………………………..….2 Executive Summary…………………………………………………………………….....3 I. Background Information.............................................................................................…..5 II. Legal and Administrative Framework………………………………..………..……….8 III. Pre-Election Period……………. …...……………………………..…………...........12 IV. Election Day…………...…………………………………………………………….18 V. Post-Election Period and Results.…………………………………………………….27 VI. Findings and Recommendations……………………………………………………..33 VII. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………..38 Appendix A: Voting Results in 2005 Presidential Elections…………………………….39 Appendix B: Voting Results in 2003 Presidential Elections…………………………….41 Appendix C: Voting Results in 2002 Local Government Elections……………………..43 Appendix D: Voting Trends……………………………………………………………..44 IRI – Somaliland September 29, 2005 Parliamentary Election Assessment Report 1 Map of Somaliland IRI – Somaliland September 29, 2005 Parliamentary Election Assessment Report 2 Executive Summary Background The International Republican Institute (IRI) has conducted programs in Somaliland since 2002 with the support of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.S. Department of State, and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). IRI’s Somaliland -
From Somalia
Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help 25 November 2011 SOM103870.E Somalia: Somaliland, including government structure, security, and access for internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Somalia Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa Somaliland, located in the northwest of Somalia, is a self-declared independent republic (The Europa World Year Book 2011; Human Rights Watch 2011). It officially seceded from Somalia in 1991, but has not been recognized by the international community (MRG 2010, 17; The Guardian 26 Aug. 2011). Government and Administration Somaliland has a directly elected president and a bicameral legislature (US 8 Apr. 2011 Sec. 3; Human Rights Watch July 2009, 16-17) comprised of a house of representatives and a house of elders (ibid.; ACCORD Dec. 2009, 5). Its 2010 presidential elections were deemed to be generally free and fair by international observers (Human Rights Watch 2011; US 8 Apr. 2011, Sec. 3). The United States (US) Department of State notes that while the 2002 Somaliland constitution is based on democratic principles, the region also uses laws enacted prior to 1991, and does not recognize Somalia's Transitional Federal Charter (ibid., Sec.1.e). Somaliland's administrative institutions are considered to be generally functional (ibid., Sec. 3; ACCORD Dec. 2009, 5; The Guardian 26 Aug. 2011). However, sources also note that the government's limited revenue, due in part to its ineligibility for international development assistance as an unrecognized sovereign state, limits its ability to provide basic public services (ibid.; Human Rights Watch July 2009, 12; Freedom House 2011). -
Somaliland – a Walk on Thin Ice 1
7|2011 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 79 SOMALILAND – A WALK ON THIN ICE 1 Harriet Gorka “Northerners can in no way claim that the 1960 merger with the South was a shotgun wedding – by all accounts unification was wildly popular. Northerners could argue, however, that they asked for an annulment of the union prior to the honeymoon and that their request was unjustly denied.”2 This statement by a legal scholar reflects the prevailing balancing act of the conflict in Somaliland, which some might say started with the voluntary unification of Harriet Gorka worked Somaliland and the Italian Trust Territory of Somalia. Yet from February to April 2011 at the Konrad- the conflict goes deeper and is more far reaching than Adenauer-Stiftung in “just” the desire to secede from the Somali state. It is Windhoek, Namibia. an ongoing debate whether the right to self-determination should prevail over the notions of territorial integrity and sovereignty. May 2011 marked the 20-year anniversary of Somaliland’s proclamation of independence. However, its status has not officially been recognised by any state, even though it has a working constitutional government, an army, a national flag and its own currency, which should make Somaliland a stand out example for other entities seeking independence. The territory also sets itself apart from the rest of Somalia because it is stable and peaceful, which has been achieved by integrating clan culture into its government. The accom- plishments of the past two decades are impressive, despite 1 | The opinion expressed by the author is not in all points similar to the opinion of the editors. -
Puntland and Somaliland: the Land Legal Framework
Shelter Branch Land and Tenure Section Florian Bruyas Somaliland Puntland State of Somalia The Land Legal Framework Situation Analysis United Nations Human Settlement Programme November 2006 Map of Somalia 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Scope and methodology of the study Chapter 1: Introduction Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland 1.1 Background 1.2 Recent history of Somalia 1.3 Clans 1.4 Somaliland 1.5 Puntland 1.6 Land through History 1.6.1 Under colonial rules 1.6.2 After independence Chapter 2: Identification of needs and problems related to land 2.1 Land conflict 2.2 IDPs and refugees 2.2.1 Land tenure option for IDPs 2.3 Limited capacity 2.3.1 Human resources 2.3.2 Capital city syndrome Chapter 3: The current framework for land administration 3.1 Existing land administration 3.1.1 In Somaliland 3.1.2 In Puntland 3.2 Existing judicial system 3.2.1 In Somaliland 3.2.2 In Puntland 3.3 Land and Tenure 3.2.1 Access to land in both regions 3 Chapter 4: A new legal framework for land administration 4.1 In Somaliland 4.1.1 Laws 4.1.2 Organizations 4.2 In Puntland 4.2.1 Law 4.2.2 Organizations 4.3 Land conflict resolution Chapter 5: Analysis of the registration system in both regions 5.2 Degree of security 5.3 Degree of sophistication 5.4 Cost of registering transactions 5.5 Time required for registering transactions 5.6 Access to the system Chapter 6: Minimum requirements for implementing land administration in other parts of the country Chapter 7: Gender perspective Chapter 8: Land and HIV/AIDS References Annexes --------------------------------------- 4 Acknowledgement I appreciate the assistance of Sandrine Iochem and Tom Osanjo who edited the final draft. -
Observatoire Friqu De L’ St Aenjeux Politiques & Esécuritaires
Observatoire friqu de l’ st AEnjeux politiques & Esécuritaires Elections in Somaliland 2017 and their aftermath Markus V. Hoehne Institute of Social Anthropology, University of Leipzig Note analyse 5 Avril 2018 L’Observatoire de l’Afrique de l’Est (2017-2010) est un programme de recherche coordonné par le Centre d’Etude et de Documentation Economique, Juridique et Sociale de Khartoum (MAEDI-CNRS USR 3123) et le Centre de Recherches Internatio- nales de Sciences Po Paris. Il se situe dans la continuité de l’Observatoire de la Corne de l’Afrique qu’il remplace et dont il élargit le champ d’étude. L’Observatoire de l’Af- rique de l’Est a vocation à réaliser et à diffuser largement des Notes d’analyse relatives aux questions politiques et sécu- ritaires contemporaines dans la région en leur offrant d’une part une perspec- tive historique et d’autre part des fondements empiriques parfois négligées ou souvent difficilement accessibles. L’Observatoire est soutenu par la Direction Générale des Relations Interna- tionales et de la Stratégie (ministère de la Défense français). Néanmoins, les propos énoncés dans les études et Observatoires commandés et pilotés par la DGRIS ne sauraient engager sa responsabilité, pas plus qu’ils ne reflètent une prise de position officielle du ministère de la Défense. Il s’appuie par ailleurs sur un large réseau de partenaires : l’Institut français des relations internationales, le CFEE d’Addis-Abeba, l’IFRA Nairobi, le CSBA, LAM-Sciences Po Bordeaux, et le CEDEJ du Caire. Les notes de l’Observatoire de l’Afrique de l’Est sont disponibles en ligne sur le site de Sciences Po Paris. -
Somaliland 2021 Special Pre-Election Report-FINAL UPDATED
A VOTE FOR CHANGE: Somaliland’s Two Decades Old Electoral Democracy May 2021 cademy for Peace and Development kaademiga Nabadda iyo Horumarka 1 A Vote for Change: Somaliland’s Two Decades Old Electoral Democracy Contents 1. Executive Summary ......................................................................................................... 2 2. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 3 3. Background ...................................................................................................................... 4 4. Methodology .................................................................................................................... 5 5. Politics of Extension: Formal Rules of the Game ........................................................... 6 6. The Eastern Factor: Creating More Inclusive Politics .................................................... 9 Context .............................................................................................................................................................................. 9 Table 1: Regional Distribution of Votes in Somaliland’s elections (2002-2017). ............................. 9 Table 2: Seat Distribution between Isaaq and Non-Isaaq communities, 1960, 1998, 2005 ..... 10 What has changed now? ....................................................................................................................................... 10 7. The Elephant in the Room: Informal -
“Hostages to Peace”
“Hostages to Peace” Threats to Human Rights and Democracy in Somaliland Copyright © 2009 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-513-X Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org July 2009 1-56432-513-X “Hostages to Peace” Threats to Human Rights and Democracy in Somaliland Map of the Horn of Africa .................................................................................................... 1 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 2 Recommendations .............................................................................................................. 6 To the Government of Somaliland .............................................................................................. -
The Case for Recognition of Somaliland, 30 B.C
Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Volume 30 Issue 1 Sharpening the Cutting Edge of International Article 12 Human Rights Law: Unresolved Issues of War Crimes Tribunals 12-1-2007 When is a State a State? The aC se for Recognition of Somaliland Alison K. Eggers Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr Part of the African Studies Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Alison K. Eggers, When is a State a State? The Case for Recognition of Somaliland, 30 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 211 (2007), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr/vol30/iss1/12 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHEN IS A STATE A STATE? THE CASE FOR RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND Alison K. Eggers* Abstract: It has been well over a decade since the world attempted to save Somalia from the dustbin of “failed states.” During that decade, one re- gion of Somalia has pulled away from its post-colonial union with Soma- lia, established its own government, kept the peace, and managed to ºourish in a kind of stability that is only a faint memory to most Somali- ans outside the region. Somaliland, once a British colony, argues it should be recognized as an independent state. -
The Roots of Somali Political Culture
EXCERPTED FROM The Roots of Somali Political Culture M. J. Fox Copyright © 2015 ISBN: 978-1-62637-204-7 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents Preface ix 1 A Fragmented State 1 2 Precolonial Foundations 43 3 British Administration in Somaliland 91 4 The Impact of Italian Colonization 131 5 Unifying North and South 165 6 The Legacy of Political Culture 201 Bibliography 219 Index 231 vii 1 A Fragmented State The value of historical evidence, harnessed in focused, within-case comparisons of successive periods of history in a single country, remains relatively untapped.1 The fragmentation of the former Somali Democratic Republic as three distinct political entities constitutes a political and legal phenomenon, the likes of which exists nowhere else in the world today. Most remarkable is the sheer durability of what is now Somaliland, Puntland, and the recently formed Federal Government of Somalia (FGS).2 How they came about and why they have endured for more than twenty years is a complex political puzzle that has engendered a significant body of literature. Yet behind the range of explanations and the more immediate news of Somali political struggles, al-Shabaab’s persistence, humanitar- ian crises and international involvements, there are compelling historical influences that are able to shed some light on present circumstances.3 Some of these influences can be observed in the deep-rooted path of Somalia’s political culture, or rather, the distinctive historical political culture paths of the “three Somalias.” Of these three independently administered regions, Somaliland and Puntland have been and still are relatively peaceful, consensual in character and economically viable, though in their own distinctive ways. -
The Somali Compact
The Federal Republic of Somalia The Somali Compact Contents I. FRAMING THE SOMALI COMPACT .......................................................................................................3 II. SOMALI PEACE AND STATEBUILDING GOALS .....................................................................................5 PSG 1: Inclusive Politics.......................................................................................................................5 PSG 2: Security ....................................................................................................................................6 PSG 3: Justice ......................................................................................................................................7 PSG 4: Economic Foundations ............................................................................................................8 PSG 5: Revenue and Services............................................................................................................10 Cross-Cutting Issues ..........................................................................................................................11 III. A NEW PARTNERSHIP FOR MORE EFFECTIVE INTERNATIONAL ASSISTANCE ..................................14 The Somali Compact Partnership Principles .....................................................................................14 Humanitarian Principles and activities .............................................................................................17 -
Research Paper 23
DLPPolicy and Practice for Developmental Leaders, Elites and Coalitions DEVELOPMENTAL LEADERSHIP PROGRAM Research Paper 23 Political Settlements and State Formation: The Case of Somaliland Sarah Phillips, University of Sydney December 2013 www.dlprog.org DLPPolicy and Practice for Developmental Leaders, Elites and Coalitions DEVELOPMENTAL LEADERSHIP PROGRAM The Developmental Leadership Program (DLP) is an international policy initiative informed by targeted research and directed by an independent steering committee. DLP is supported by a global network of partners and currently receives its core funding from the Australian aid program. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the Australian Government or any of DLP’s other partner organisations. 1 Contents Executive Summary 3 Brief Timeline of Key Events 8 1. Violence and Political Settlements 11 2. Somaliland’s Unusual Structural Context 20 3. Agents and Ideas 38 4. Institutions 53 5. Political Analysis 72 6. The Wider Implications of Somaliland’s Story 77 References 81 2 Acknowledgements I want to thank the many Somalilanders who so kindly and eloquently dissected the history of their political processes for me. A very special thanks is due to Maxamed (Amin) Ali, whose patience, perseverance and kindness made the research for this project not only possible but also very enjoyable. Thanks also to Ahmed Du’ale Cajab for helping me to access some of the empirical detail that had continued to elude me. I am very grateful to the Developmental Leadership Program for funding this research, and would particularly like to thank David Hudson for helpful comments on earlier drafts and Steve Hogg for leading a program as interesting and worthwhile as the DLP. -
BTI 2020 Country Report — Somalia
BTI 2020 Country Report Somalia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — Somalia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | Somalia 3 Key Indicators Population M 15.0 HDI - GDP p.c., PPP $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.8 HDI rank of 189 - Gini Index - Life expectancy years 56.7 UN Education Index - Poverty3 % - Urban population % 45.0 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 120.7 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The beginning of the review period saw a presidential election in Somalia. Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, commonly known by his nickname “Farmaajo,” was elected as new president in January 2017.