Paradigms of Chinese Urbanism Traditional and Modern
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Joseph W. Esherick, ed.. Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900-1950. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. x + 278 pp. $65.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8248-2148-7. Yinong Xu. The Chinese City in Space and Time: The Development of Urban Form in Suzhou. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. xi + 361 pp. $47.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8248-2076-3. Reviewed by Peter Carroll Published on H-Urban (April, 2001) Paradigms of Chinese Urbanism Traditional banism a key component of traditional and mod‐ and Modern ern political, economic, and social ideology. Xu Yinong's rich and solidly researched study In light of the dearth of recent English-lan‐ of the political and cultural import of imperial guage work on ancient, medieval, and early mod‐ Suzhou's urban morphology and Joseph Esher‐ ern city planning and development, Xu Yinong's ick's edited volume of 13 lively essays on cities as meticulous book on Suzhou is particularly signifi‐ the discursive and material site for the coales‐ cant: it joins the select body of core English-lan‐ cence of modernist regimes in twentieth century guage "technical" works on traditional cities. [1] China both contribute boldly to the current fuo‐ Celebrated since the Song period (960-1279 CE) as rescence of scholarship on Chinese urbanism. an embodiment of economic plenty and cultural Considered together, these two works highlight richness and possessing a history of two and a the diversifcation of thematic and geographic foci half millennia, Suzhou was arguably the tradition‐ within Chinese urban history scholarship, which al city par excellence. (Recent transformations has, to cite the title of the 1996 conference that have fundamentally altered the city's surviving initiated the latter book, moved "beyond Shang‐ classical structure and neighborhoods of pic‐ hai". These two valuable volumes reappraise ur‐ turesque, though woefully unhygienic and incon‐ H-Net Reviews venient, late imperial dwellings; nonetheless, the nese cities were "open institutions", attesting to city still enjoys the reputation as a classic "tradi‐ the essential continuum, as opposed to a strict di‐ tional" city.) Suzhou was never a typical city, but chotomy, between city and countryside. 3) The an anomaly that represented the leading tenden‐ elimination of the walled urban ward system dur‐ cies of urban development. In many ways, howev‐ ing the Tang/Song "transition" period led to a reor‐ er, Suzhou, as a non-imperial though highly emi‐ ganization of the cityscape and social and com‐ nent regional center, is arguably more represen‐ mercial life, a fundamental albeit protracted "me‐ tative of urban development patterns than well- dieval urban revolution". studied imperial capitals such as Beijing, Nanjing, Starting with a detailed analysis of the origi‐ and Chang'an, whose roles as "cosmological cen‐ nal city purportedly built in 514 BCE by the ambi‐ ters" has long provided the basic template for our tious Wu king Helu, for whom the majesty of the understanding of traditional city planning. De‐ city was a testament to his ambition and power, spite the indisputable influence of ritual texts on Xu shows how cities exemplified China's singular‐ basic notions of urban design, the layout and ly humanist cosmology. Chinese cosmogony de‐ function of non-capital cities were guided by an‐ nied an original creator but posited that humans other related but distinct logic, the demonstration and the physical world were both constituent of the state's ordering power. As such, Xu estab‐ components of a spontaneously self-generating lishes Suzhou as an exemplary case study with cosmos. The paradigm of city building thus was the dual virtue of chronicling the pattern develop‐ not divine creation of the universe, but imitation ment common to most Chinese cities while also of the form of the universe. Given human society's showcasing fascinating, unique aspects of the essential involvement in universal processes, cos‐ city's singular development. mic patterns formed the basis for ideals of city Through enviable command of a wide variety and greater state order. Xu underscores this rela‐ of primary materials, Xu's seven chapters and tion with a close and provocatively original inter‐ brief introduction and conclusion offer a critical, pretation of the function and symbolism of dis‐ if sometimes overly schematic, overview of crete structural elements such as gates, walls, Suzhou's two and a half millennia development. canals, and bridges. Walls, Xu argues, were func‐ The book also provides an excellent examination tional and conceptual markers of state power. of scholarly approaches to pre-modern urban Walls delineated Suzhou as a city, chengshi, that is morphology. The author helpfully underscores the cheng, wall, and shi, market. More importantly, uses and limits of comparisons with European they declared the state's capacity to order society models by providing a nuanced reappraisal of within and without their span. Furthermore, the several classic characterizations of Chinese cities: remarkable stability of the city's walls, which 1) Unlike their European counterparts, Chinese were repeatedly rebuilt on old foundations in the cities were not integrated corporate political enti‐ face of great fux in the size and distribution of ties but centers of imperial administrative power, the population and commercial activity, attests to a situation partly responsible for the relative a predilection among conservative literati to view dearth of civic identity and consciousness, the the wall integument as a semi-natural element of parochial nature of urban social institutions, and the environment and permanent testimony to the the striking absence of large open public spaces power of the state. The striking continuity of within the city. (These questions remain much Suzhou's macro-urban form over a longue duree more contentious than the author acknowledges; does support these conclusions. Nonetheless, Xu more detailed case studies would help support his could more fully consider the novel social mean‐ interpretations.) 2) Socially and culturally, Chi‐ ings and uses that urban space acquired through 2 H-Net Reviews social practice within the integument of the city activities. This begs the largely unexplored ques‐ wall. For instance, Craig Clunas has demonstrated tion, what were the contours of the street as an how the social uses and meanings of urban gar‐ organized or ostensibly anarchic social site? How dens in Suzhou were transformed during the ff‐ did the street and temple differ as public spaces in teenth to seventeenth centuries even as their traditional cities? makers endeavored to "recreate" ancient forms.[2 Xu also explores the significance of cultural Xu notes that continuity of form did not hinder constructions of space by examining fengshui the development of suburbs (indeed, it probably ("wind and water"), or geomancy, on urban plan‐ encouraged it), or the reorganization of the popu‐ ning. Fengshui focuses on the relationship be‐ lation and commerce into three distinct areas tween land, water, human built structures, and during the Ming and Qing dynasties. What mean‐ energies animating the earth in order manipulate ings did people assign to these novel areas, how their interaction to forestall potential negative ef‐ did they view their relation to the "ancient" city? fects or foster positive consequences on humans. Given Xu's mastery of sources and analytic Though now enjoying a vogue among urban strengths, I hope he may consider some of these American glitterati concerned that the placement social geographic questions in the future. of their furniture may foster harmful energies, The structural and symbolic importance of fengshui has more traditionally been applied to walls is also key to Xu's analysis of public space. the siting of buildings, graves, and other struc‐ The ubiquity of walled courtyards and relative tures. Despite its connection to certain fundamen‐ lack of broad, open squares used for commercial tal conceptions of city planning and ostensibly and social purposes in European cities was not a universal use in the construction of buildings, the sign that public spaces were any less needed. actual influence of fengshui on urban growth re‐ Rather, the conception and ordering of public mains unclear. Xu argues that fengshui, on the space was different. Citing urban memoir litera‐ macro level at least, probably exercised minimal ture, Xu suggestively argues that unenclosed spa‐ influence on the city's physical development. As ces were viewed as unordered and therefore in‐ support, he cites the surprising infrequency with appropriate for social intercourse and commerce. which it is mentioned in the voluminous extant Rather, he argues that temple courtyards, such as writings of Suzhou elites. This is in stark contrast that of the massive Xuanmiao Guan (Daoist tem‐ to the south, where the use of fengshui in the ple) complex at the center of the city, served as building of individual structures and arrange‐ sites of worship, association, business, entertain‐ ment of cities as a whole is well-documented. Xu ment, and other aspects of social life. They were notes that this reticence on the importance of geo‐ at the center of social life. As such, these enclosed, mancy among Suzhou elites may stem from the hence ordered, spaces, provided suitable venues close supervision of classically educated peers, for public life and could be seen as analogous to which may have enforced more orthodox intellec‐ city squares in Europe. Though enlightening and tual strictures, if not actual practice and belief. He suggestive, this discussion would be enriched also stresses that at the very least elites were re‐ with more detailed examination of the various so‐ luctant to carry out large scale alterations to the cial uses of temples and their implications for the city's essential layout lest their actions have un‐ shape and functions of "public" space in imperial foreseen negative consequences on Suzhou's for‐ Suzhou.[3] Xu tantalizingly remarks that the city's tunes.