The Atlantic World in the Antipodes: Effects and Transformations since the Eighteenth Century

Edited by

Kate Fullagar To the memory of Bernard Smith (1916-2011)

The Atlantic World in the Antipodes: Effects and Transformations since the Eighteenth Century, Edited by Kate Fullagar

This book first published 2012

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2012 by Kate Fullagar and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system. or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic. mechanical, photocopying, recording or othelWise, without the prior pennission afthe copyright owner,

ISBN (10): 1-4438-3744-X, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-3744-6

I I CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... ix

Acknowledgments ...... xi

Introduction ...... xiii The Atlantic World in the Antipodes Kate Fullagar

Part I: Voyaging

Chapter One ...... 2 Women of the East, Women of the West: Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages Margaret Jolly

Chapter Two ...... 33 Convicts! Slaves and Prison Inmates: The Voyage to Australia in Comparative Perspective Hamish Maxwell-Stewart

Chapter Three ...... 52 Antipodean Experiments: Charles Darwin's South Seas Voyages, 1835-36 lain McCalman

Part II: Investigating

Chapter Four ...... 70 In Transit: European Cosmologies in the Pacific Simon Schaffer

Chapter Fi ve ...... 94 Strange Climes: John MacGillivrary and Natural History Collecting Sophie Jensen viii Contents

Chapter Six ...... 120 Karl Haushofer's Geopolitics of the Pacific Ocean LIST OF FIGURES Alison Bashford Part ill: Befriending

Chapter Seven ...... 146 Fig. I-I. William Hodges, "Woman and child of Tanna," 1774. National Defending Friends: Robert Codrington, George Sarawia and Edward Library of Australia, nla.pic-an27 17054. Wogale Helen Gardner Fig. 6-1. "Skizze der Meeresstronmugen, Juli-September" from Karl Chapter Eight...... 166 Haushofer, Geopolitik des Pazifischen Ozeans (Heidelberg-Berlin: On the Trail of Nikolai Miklouho-Maclay: A Russian Encounter Kurt Vowinckel, 1938). in the Antipodes Fig. 6-2. "Karte der politischen," from Karl Haushofer, Geopolitik des Sheila Fitzpatrick PaZifischen Ozeans (Heidelberg-Berlin: Kurt Vowinckel, 1938). Chapter Nine ...... 185 Fig. 6-3. "Wehrgeopolitische Skizze des Pazifik," from Karl Haushofer, Creating the Anthropological Field in the Pacific Geopolitik des Pazifischen Ozeans (Heidelberg-Berlin: Kurt Anita Herle Vowinckel, 1938). Part IV: Resisting Fig. 9-1. Members of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Chapter Ten ...... 220 Torres Strait on Mabuiag island. 1898. © MAA P.75I.ACHI. Facing Empire: Indigenous Histories in Comparative Perspective Michael A. McDonnell Fig. 9-2. The Expedition's friends and assistants on Mabuiag. © MAA P.704.ACHI. Chapter Eleven ...... 237 Taking Liberty: Towards a New Political Historiography Fig. 9-3. Gift of food to the Expedition members shortly after their arrival of Settler Self-Government and Indigenous Activism on Mer. 1898. ® MAA P.918.ACHI. Ann Cllrthoys Fig. 9-4. Inside the "Anthropological Laboratory" in the former LMS Chapter Twelve ...... 256 mission house. 1898. ® MAA P.756.ACHI. Cultural Development and Cultural Observatories in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States Fig. 9-5. Layard's first photograph taken on Atchin. ® MAA N.98455. Katerina Martina Teaiwa I, Fig. 9-6. Carved wooden ancestor figure noted by Layard for its naturalist Afterword ...... 283 style, Pwelut, Wala Island. 1915. ® MAA N.98707. Opposite Footers Damon Ieremia Salesa I Fig. 9-7. Meldektari and Maltsel touching a stone nawot, Pwetertsuts ceremonial grounds, Atchin Island. 1914. ® MAA N.98466. Contributors ...... 301 "~-~""-~-~------

Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 3

The historical geographer Miles Ogborn has written about both the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans in a way that reveals the changin relations CHAPTER ONE of knowledge and power exercised in and over these regions. f For him, Atlantic geographies exceed local or national perspectives and are attentive to the longer term of "dynamic circumnavigatory flows," the WOMEN OF THE EAST, WOMEN OF THE WEST: movements of peoples, ideas and materials, alld the movement of winds and ocean currents in both "violent and productive ways." The Atlantic is REGION AND RACE, GENDER AND SEXUALITY both a place and a time-in European periodisation the moment of early ON COOK'S VOYAGES modernity. "It was made through the unequal labour, knowledge and investment of the peoples living around its rim and moving across its depths and shallows from the late fifteenth century onwards.,,6 It was not just a Euro-American place but also one that engaged African men and MARGARET JOLLY women as "active contributors to the new hybrid intercultures of the oceanic zone.,,7 Both Europeans and Africans criss-crossed the ocean many times and, "threw a cat's cradle of voyages across the waves and swells," and "stitched the margins of the Atlantic world together."g Ogborn differentiates three epistemologies for Atlantic geographies: An Oceanic Turn? Atlantic and Pacific Crossings "the survey. the network and the trace." The survey entails comparisons between places and times within a conceived unity, but usually maps This volume constructs a connection between the Atlantic and the Pacific, territories or nations bordering the ocean rather than charting the ocean the world's two largest oceans. It might be read as part of the recent itself. The network rather focuses on the changing web of social and "oceanic turn" in history. Although there is much to celebrate about the material connections; in lieu of a surveyor's map it graphs a topology of distinctive fluidity of a history abroad on oceans rather than landlocked by lines and points. The trace is a more particularist account, for example of continental perspectives, which have arguably dominated Euro-American individual journeys that reveal how "intimate and large-scale histories and history to date, we need to be conscious of why and how we conceptualise geographies intersect in wandering paths and personal transformation.,,9 this connection, these crossings between two oceans. l I will return to this He considers all three have their flaws and they are not mutually problem but first consider the prior question of how we conceive of a incompatible. region, especially one framed by an ocean. David Armitage also offers a tripartite division, between what he calls The regions of our world have been variously named, mapped and the three concepts of Circum-Atlantic history (a transnational history), envisaged. As many scholars have demonstrated, maps chart historically­ Trails-Atlantic history (an international history) and, after Thomas changing relations of knowledge and power, and predicate a point of view Jefferson, Cis-Atlantic history (national or regional history in an Atlantic 2 from the location of a privileged observer. So large tracts of Asia that had context).10 Armitage had earlier proclaimed: "We are all Atlanticists previously been designated "Tartary" were, during the course of the now!,,11 This rousing proclamation has been both celebrated and nineteenth century, re-named as Near, Middle and Far East, calculated in critiqued. 12 There is a comparable passion in celebration and critique in terms of relative proximity from the locus of Europe, although the calculus Pacific Studies, but the echoing cry would not be the spitting sibilants of of remoteness shifted over time.' Similarly, the twentieth-century moniker "We are all Pacificists now!" but, rather, "We are all Oceanists now!", of the "West" invests a cardinal direction with an ideological and especially in the wake of the visionary writing of Tongan scholar Epeli geopolitical value, while the contemporary language of global "North" and Hau'ofa, whose passing we recently mourned. 13 "South" denotes regions as richer/more developed versus poorer/less developed and problematically associates geopolitical conceptions with cardinal directions and quotidian notions of "up" and "down.,,4 4 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 5

What's in a Name? Region and Race more labile concept that loosely denoted "nation" or "type" to one which denoted the ontological reality of biologically determined hereditary People made a home in the world of Oceania and navigated across its groupings. She glosses this shift as one "from climate to crania.,,22 If race waters for millennia prior to European "discoveries" from the fifteenth was a slippery and contested word, so too was its conjugation with the century: ancestors of indigenous Australians from c. 50,000 BP, of the concept of region. In some earlier formulations, location, environment and Papuan speakers of Papua New Guinea, Bougainville and the Solomons climate were seen to have a strong influence on the character of "races" from c. 40,000-50,000 BP and of Austronesian speakers who predommate while in later formulations, biological racial essences were seen to prevail in the insular Pacific from c. 3,000 BP.'4 Speakers of all these languages regardless of location. of the Pacific had a variety of names for the ocean they inhabited, evoking both its material liquidity and the space of passage. Women of the east, Women of the west The name Pacific is rather a foreign label, first conferred by Magellan who, on his long voyage of 1519-21, found it relatively tranquil (likely In this chapter, I explore how, before the naming of d'Urville's "two compared to the stormy Atlantic he had just crossed). The ocean With Its distinct races," Melanesians and Polynesians, some European voyagers many islands-and, for centuries in European visions, an lI~agllled perceived profound differences between peoples and places of the Pacific. antipodean continent Terra Australis Incognit~ (from the Slxtee.nth Texts and images from Cook's three voyages, and especially the second century)-was known in European languages varIOusly as Mageliamca, voyage, suggest differences were made not just on the criteria privileged 15 • • f Mar del Sur, the South Seas, Oceanica and Oceania. As the wntmgs 0 by d'Urville ("skin colour, appearance, language, politics, religion and the both Bronwen Douglas and Serge Tcherkezoff demonstrate, albett m reception of Europeans") but, crucially, on the basis of gender. From the different ways, the preferred labels differed between Europe~n language~6 late eighteenth century, before "race" was reconceived as a natural and the boundaries of all such regIOnal labels were hlStoncally flUId. biological difference, the difference between women and men was already "Oceania" thus earlier included not only all the islands of the Pacific, from being seen as a natural universal. grounded in sexual and reproductive what we now call Rapanui to Papua New Guinea, but also insular biology.'3 In the Pacific, this difference was further explored and Southeast Asia, Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand and, in some elaborated by European navigators and scientists. There was a strong formulations, even Madagascar. 17 contrast made between "the women of the east" and the "women of the The labels "Melanesia" and "Polynesia" were applied by Dumont west"-that is, between the eastern and the western islands of the d'Urville in 1832, to distinguish not just regions but "two distinct r~ces" Pacific-in terms of women's physical beauty, the character of their on the basis of "skin colour, phYSical appearance, language, pohtlcal labour, their position vis-a.-vis men and, crucially, their sexual receptivity institutions reli oion, and reception of Europeans."t8 His distinction was to European men. 24 This contrast was always articulated with a patently hierarchical: "black" Melanesians were ~djudged i~ferior to comparison to European women, whom I might dub, anachronistically, as "copper-coloured" Polynesians but supenor to those prll?l~lVe~ clo~er to "women of the West." Thus the contrastive figures of exotic women in the state of nature-Australians and Tasmanians. His dlStmctlOns hnked distant Pacific islands were always triangulated with a third-the figure of region and race while Charles V. Monin's map, drawn after d'Urville, European women-and, on Cook's voyages, often English women, condensed them, overlaying divisions earlier drawn by ge,ographers With "Britannia's daughters," the progeny and producers of the "Island Race" d'Urville's divisions of "races of men."" Epeli Hau ofa reclaimed ofhome.25 "Oceania" in an anti-racist project that rejected such foreign partitions and In navigating this argument, I am conscious of three major reefs, which deployed the ocean as material and metaphor, connecting all. Pacific I try to avoid: the perils of presentism and teleology, an anachronistic use peoples in both region and rim, in both islands and dIStant dlasponc of national rather than archipelagic identities, and the challenge of locations. 2o reconstructing indigenous experiences and realities-of recovering As Doualas has persuasively argued, "race" is a slippery and contested "double vision" through the monocular lens of a plethora of texts and a D h . word, especially in the late eighteenth century. She suggests t at ItS images authored by Europeans. meaning hardened from the eighteenth to the nineteenth centunes from a 6 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 7

First, although inspired by Greg Dening's vision of the relation of past objects now in foreign museums can reveal as much about the indigenous and present as like the double helix of our DNA,26 dialogically connected contexts of and motivations for exchange as they do about the passions and inexorably intertwined, I try to avoid presentism or a teleological and constraints on European collecting of such "artificial curiosities.,,34 reading of sources, thereby construing the experiences of late-eighteenth­ The dominance of weapons of war from the islands of the western century voyages in terms of what came later. I am arguing that gender is Pacific-from the New Hebrides (Vanuatu) and New Caledonia-as crucial in delineating a difference between Pacific peoples and places on against the more diverse arrays from Tahiti, Hawai'i and Tonga (including the Cook voyages, not that this is the same difference or merely anticipates many objects created and used by women such as tapa and pandanus what was later named as MelanesiaIPolynesia. 27 baskets and textiles from the latter islands) suggests not just that European Second, the differences detected by Europeans were often perceived representations of the western islands were dominated by views of within island archipelagos as well as between them. Several Pacific bellicose men who opposed the strangers with indigenous weapons" but, archipelagos are still known by names conferred by Cook, but those names too, that women in the western Pacific, such as Malakula and Tanna were now signal a novel unity developed in the colonial and postcolonial far less engaged in exchanges with Europeans than were women in the formation of nation states and territories: Vanuatu (the indigenous name east.36 Moreover, the perceptions and insights of generations of Pacific adopted at independence in 1980, previously Cook's New Hebrides), New peoples remembered in oral traditions, inscribed in texts by missionaries Caledonia (so named by Cook), Hawai'i (named the Sandwich Islands by and ethnographers, and authored as indigenous histories and analyses, can Cook), French Polynesia (0-Taheitee and Society Islands, per Cook,) and be deployed, not to suggest eternal unchanging cultural scripts but, rather, Aotearoa New Zealand (a conjunction of an indigenous name and Cook's to ensure that our "double vision" is not so much blurred as more deeply New Zeeland, an Anglicisation of the Dutch Nova Zeelandia). Distinctions stereoscopIC.. 37 were often made within such island groups, for example between In dealing with gender and sexuality on Cook's voyages, we are Malakula28 and Tanna in the archipelago Cook called the New Hebrides. dealing with both the embodied experiences of European and Pacific Finally, and most consequentially, there is the problem of the partiality historical agents-"real" men, women, and transgendered people-and of our sources-partiality in both the sense of incompleteness and of with gender as a labile, fertile and changing code: one that, as Strathern interestedness. It may seem odd to emphasise partiality, given the has argued for the world of "Melanesia,,,38 contextually designates simultaneous abundance. There are copious primary sources: many voyage relations, processes and events rather than merely marking the natural texts authored by Cook, several officers and scientists like Johann essences of sexed bodies. In this Enlightenment period when "nature," and Reinhold Forster and his son George; • a vast array 0 f'Images, rangmg. especially reproductive difference, was being privileged as the universal from in situ drawings through published engravings, watercolours and oil difference between men and women,39 gender as a code was also being paintings by several voyage artists-Sydney Parkinson, William Hodges deployed by Europeans in increasingly complex ways to mark not just and John Webber-and a huge number of Pacific objects collected by differences of sex but also of race and class. In contrast to Edward Said's Cook and others, most of which are now held in diverse European view, articulated in Orientalism (1978), that colonised peoples such as museums. 3D Secondary sources abound and are growin~; more than thirty those in the Middle East were feminised,40 in the Pacific we rather witness new Cook books have appeared in the last thirty years. I The sheer plenty that while both men and women of the eastern islands, and especially of this material, primarily offoreign authorship, entails certain risks-that those of noble rank were frequently feminised (and seen as indolent, instead of true "double vision," that stereoscopic depth of perspective voluptuous, vulnerable and accommodating), peoples of the western generated by looking from both sides of such cross-cultural encounters, we islands (women and men) were rather masculinised (and seen as hard­ rather end up with that other sense of the term: blurred, disturbed and working, ascetic, muscular and resistant). Complex gender codes distorted vision. 32 interacted with European constructs of exotic sexuality emergent from Yet it has been argued not only that we can read such European texts voyage encounters, particularly apropos the sexual excess and access and images "against the grain" but also that indigenous agency can be imputed to the eastern islands of Tahiti and Hawai'i. In the visions of discerned as "counter-signs" in such sources, albeit camouflaged within Pacific peoples, gender and sexuality were no less complex and intimately Eurocentric views and requiring rigorous decoding.33 Moreover, Pacific entangled constructions,41 8 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 9

"European Vision": From Preconception and Projection and some (but not all) of the gentlemen officers and scientists on board to Embodied Experience refrained from sexual relations with Pacific women. Cook castigated and tried episodically to prevent his crews from giving way to their "brutal Bernard Smith's magisterial corpus, from European Vision and the South appetites" and thereby spreading deadly venereal diseases. But the erotic Pacific (1960) to Imagining the Pacific (1992), yields brilliant insights appeal and the sexual availability of women were nevertheless critical to into how the aesthetics of drawing, engraving and painting were the categories formulated by the scientists. inseparable from the colonial relations and discourses of the eighteenth­ We might also consider the way in which these men related the erotic century Pacific.42 Smith also establishes how crucial the "discoveries" of appeal of women's bodies to the work women did. In many of the eastern Pacific voyaging were in the genesis of scientific empiricism and islands high-ranking women in particular were depicted as ample and evolutionary theory in Europe. Moreover, he underscores how central the fleshy both because of the expansiveness of their diet and the languidness knowledge and the embodied experience of Pacific peoples were in the of their pursuits. In such places, the main work of high-ranking women metropolitan cultural contests about the state of "nature" and in was the work of making tapa-a cloth beaten from bark, most usually constituting the tension between the tropes of noble and ignoble savages. from the inner skin of the paper mulberry. The beating, formation and As Smith protests in the foreword to the second edition of European decoration of tapa cloth was perceived by European observers not as hard Vision (1985), his focus is not so much on how European preconceptions, manual labour but as a refined art. The wielding of the mallet was no often developed in the Atlantic world, were projected onto the Pacific but doubt more strenuous than the insinuation of the needle in embroidery and rather on how the embodied experience of the Pacific (in which he tapestry by English ladies, but it was classed similarly as a refined included Australia) changed European visions43 and had profound effects feminine art that women did together. By contrast, women in Vanuatu, back "home." Pacific voyaging from the late eighteenth century onwards New Caledonia and New Zealand were perceived as spare, with brought many revolutionary ideas back to Europe, as well as "natural" and "masculine" musculature and sometimes cast as haggard, crippled and "artificial curiosities" and the novel fashion of tattooing. deformed because of their hard work: cultivating taro and yams or Perceptions of Pacific women and their relations with men were central collecting fern roots, fetching water and wood, with babies on their backs to debates that linked constructs of exotic others with differences between or in their bellies. Their labour was not aestheticised but bestialised; they contemporary Europeans, all across the Atlantic world, and postulations were described as "pack horses" or "beasts of burden." about past societies, especially ancient Greece and Rome. The Pacific, like Finally, women in the eastern and the western islands were contrasted the Atlantic, was not just a place but was plotted in time. The figure of in terms of their empowerment vis-ii-vis men. The high-ranking women of woman became a crucial sign in the emergent but still unstable theory of Hawai'i, Tahiti, and Tonga were seen as formidable ladies in their own progress from savagery to civilisation, just as she was a sign of the dangers right, sometimes of higher rank than their husbands or brothers, and able of opulence and overheated commerce in Europe itself. Indeed, as Harriet to exercise their own rights in exchanges with Europeans-be they Guest has argued, on the basis of Cook voyage texts, "woman" was material or corporeal. Women in the western islands, by contrast, were perceived not just as a sign of progress but as its catalyst:4 The ambiguous seen as subjugated by their menfolk-not only drudges in the fields, but potency of the figure of woman is best revealed if we consider not only subject to cruel physical treatment and oppressive male domination. This Tahitian women but also women from other parts of the Pacific with construction of women's power rebounded on the European perception of whom they were regularly compared and contrasted. We are dealing with the agency of the women in sexual relations with European men. At one both the singular figure of "woman" as a universal and, pluralised, extreme, women were seen as licentious and lascivious, even to the point particular figures of "women." of forcing their sexual attentions upon the sailors. At the other extreme, Divergent figures of women were a critical part of an emergent women were Seen to have little or no agency and, regardless of whether hierarchy, contrasting the light-skinned, soft-haired peoples of the eastern they were or were not having sexual liaisons with foreigners, were seen as islands and the dark-skinned, frizzy-haired people of the western islands. the "property" of their fathers or other male kin. This elides elements of The eroticisation of women's bodies was a crucial aspect of this: they were coercion or forcible persuasion in the first scenario and of women's will assessed in terms of their sexual allure for European men. Captain Cook and efficacy in the second:' In such voyage texts, the "status of woman" 10 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 11 as subject or object, as agent or victim in relation to men thus ~ecame a own published Observations; sections on Dusky Bay were likely drafted crucial index of the passage from savagery or civilisation. This wa~ a by Johann. George also drew on Cook's journals. But it elaborates on all commonplace in the writings of both the French and the Scottish these sources and is "essentially George's composition." It has a Enli ohtenment and the philosophy of John Stuart MIll and Mary distinctive voice, a lyricism that, Nicholas Thomas adjudges, is only c 46 Wollstonecraft. occasionally matched by that of Forster senior. 5l In terms of the labels that emerged in the nineteenth century, this might be seen to correspond roughly to the partitioning of "Polynesia" from Johann Reinhold Forster's Observations "Melanesia"." In the late-eighteenth century, though, the details of distinctions made by voyagers suggest greater fluidity and flexibility. The I now consider some of the broad and general proclamations by Johann Maori women of New Zealand float between these two classes. Although Reinhold Forster, in his Observations. I then situate his pronouncements in classified "racially" with those of the eastern islands, Maori were seen by the light of some events described in George Forster's Voyage. The Johann Reinhold Forster to be "slipping down" and Maori women were magnum opus Observations Made During A Voyage Round the World is frequently represented in terms akin to those of the western islands. Their different to the daily logs and journals and the published narratives by both appearance is denigrated, their work perceived as arduous drudg?ry; they Cook and others. It reads as the detemporalised, despatialised, seemingly are seen as oppressed by men. Their oppression is patent in theIr sexual disembodied writing of the philosopher, the natural historian, the availability to Europeans, whereby they are seen as the "property" of their ethnologist. Forster's comments on the appearance and the position of menfolk. They are, to use Johann Forster's inimitable phrase, "ready women and their relations with men lie beside other reflections on the victims." "natural varieties" of the Pacific, the formation of the land and ocean, In what follows, I explore these contrasting figures of Pacific women volcanoes and icebergs, the varieties of flora and of fauna. His text in the writino of Johann Reinhold Forster and his son George. But I also primarily grapples with questions of location, environment and climate araue that a focus only on such generalising contrasts fails to capture not and the effects of people migrating between different latitudes. His ju~t the fluidity and complexity of such adjudications but also the more observations of "nature" were inextricably connected to his theories of uncertain character of embodied experience and, integral to that "culture" and, more specifically, the changing "nature" of women with experience, the agency of indigenous people-women and men. A social transformations. rigorous reading of Cook voyage sources must engage, as many have done,48 a critical comparison of many competing accounts-an ~ware~:ss The rank assigned to WOMEN in domestic society, among the various of the chasm between generalising pronouncements and the particularItIes nations, has so great an influence upon their civilization and morality, that of local, often evanescent experiences, and a passion not just for the visual I cannot leave this subject, without adding a few remarks. The more traces of European maps, sketches, engravings and paintings (and notably debased the situation of a nation is, and of course the more remote from those of Tupaia) but also for indigenous creations collected as so many civilization, the more harshly we found the women treated .... In NEW­ ZEELAND, they collect the eatable fern-roots "', they dress the victuals, "artificial curiosities." I will concentrate my focus on the second voyage and on the prepare the flax-plant and manufacture it into garments, knot the nets for 49 their fishing, and are never without labour and employment; whilst the differences between the accounts of Johann Reinhold Forster and those surly men pass the greater part of their time in sloth and indolence: of his son George. Many of Forster senior's grandiloquent generalisations however, these are the least hardships of these unhappy females; for they in his Observations are at odds not just with daily events depicted in other are not only the drudges of the men, but are not even permitted to punish sources but even with those reported by Forster junior in his A Voyage their unruly and wanton boys, who often throw stones at their mothers,52 or Round the World. so Johann had been precluded from publiShing an official beat them with impunity, under the eyes and sanction of their fathers; and narrative by the British Admiralty. This ban did not extend to George, they are looked upon as beings calculated for the mere satisfaction of whose Voyage was published six weeks before the official account came brutal appetites, nor treated better than beasts of burden, without being out under Cook's name. Its authorship has been long contested. It IS based allowed to have the least will of their own: which incontestibly proves, on Johann's journal and includes opinions therein different from Johann's how much men, in a degenerated and savage state, are inclined to oppress the weaker party.53 12 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 13

Forster continues: Forster senior thus plots a temporal stadial theory of progress from savagery, through the stages of barbarism, in which the bestial character of The females at TANNA, MALLICOLLO, and NEW-CALEDONIA, were not in a much happier condition; for, though we never knew them to be women's labour, their harsh oppression by men and the "mere satisfaction beaten and abused by their own offspring, they were however obliged to of brutal appetites" is opposed to the refinement, equality and mutual love carry burdens, and to take upon themselves every laborious and toilsome approaching civilisation. This suggests a dystopian view of the original part of domestic business. 54 state of nature as harsh, brutal and debased, closer to Hobbes than Rousseau. As Thomas notes, Forster senior also raises the spectre of But in the following paragraph: degeneration, even in relation to the felicitous Tahitians, insofar as licence, luxury and indulgence portend, as they did for European aristocrats in his In ORTaheitee, the Society, the Friendly Isles, and the Marquesas, the fair view, moral decline and weakness.57 This temporal plot is complicated by sex is already raised to a greater equality with the men; and if, from no a spatio-temporal plot which situates "nations" not only in relation to their other reason, from this alone we might be allowed to pronounce, that these latitude, proximity to the poles, and climate but their ~roximity to or islanders have emerged from the state of savages, and ought to be ranked distance from cultural centres and their imputed origin. 5 "More remote one remove above barbarians. For the more the women are esteemed in a from civilization" is a powerful but suggestive phrase denoting both nation, and enjoy an equality of rights with the men, the more it appears that the original harshness of manners is softened, the more the people are temporal and spatial remoteness from Europe but also, for those living in capable of tender feelings, mutual attachment, and social virtues, which the western islands or southern latitudes, remoteness from where he naturally lead them towards the blessings of civilization. In O-Taheitee, thought they originated, likely in Asia (a prescient speculation since and its neighbourhood, the women are possessed of a delicate organization, prehistorians now locate the homeland of Austronesians in south China or a sprightly turn of mind, a lively, fanciful imagination, a wonderful Taiwan). qUickness of parts and sensibility, a sweetness of temper, and a desire to In this huge and extraordinary tome, Forster senior established a please; all which, when found connected with primitive simplicity of gradation of Pacific peoples visited on the second voyage. manners, when accompanied with a charming frankness, a beautifully proportioned shape, an irresistible smile, and eyes full of sweetness and We chiefly observed two great varieties of people in the South Seas, the sparkling with fire, contribute to captivate the hearts of their men, and to one more fair well limbed, athletic of a fine size and a kind benevolent secure to them a just and moderate influence in domestic and even public te~per; the other, blacker, the hair just beginning to become woolly and affairs. 55 cnsp, the body more slender and low, and their temper, if possible more brisk, though somewhat mistrustful. The first race inhabits O-Taheitee and Forster senior thus derives the status of women, their subjection or the Society Isles, the Marquesas, the Friendly Isles, Easter-Island' and esteem by men, from their place in "domestic society" -that is, within New-Zeeland. The second race peorsles New-Caledonia, Tanna and the marriage or family life. Their domestic elevation is portrayed as initially New Hebrides, especially Mallicollo. 9 due to male esteem, but this is seen to catalyse women's capacity to socialise more generally and exert a broader influence not just in He acknowledged individual diversities within these "two races of men" "domestic" but "public" affairs. Johann is patently drawing on his own and perceived several internal varieties "which form the gradations European experience and the ways in which family life was changing in towards the other race" in the descending order distilled in the sequence this period, especially among the emergent middle classes, with the quoted above. Significantly, these gradations reflected degrees of increasing demarcation between domestic and public worlds.56 His dIfference from European bodies, from lighter to darker skin colour, from Enlightenment ideal of an egalitarian family is an idyll at variance with the straight hair to woolly hair, but they were also configured in a gendered prevailing hierarchies of patriarchal families. His racialised hierarchy is hierarchy which saw soft, ample flesh as feminine, and hard, muscly flesh equally patriarchal, of course: the crucial sign of women's civilised state is as masculine. The feminine is more appealing and more invitino- but their capacity to "learn the great art to please [men]" and thereby win their sof~ness is also associated with the dangers of overexcited sensuality:' with hearts. lazmess and luxury, and with an opulence that portends deaeneration and ~~ a 14 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 15

Such "masculine" and "feminine" formations of flesh Forster senior found on both male and female bodies. So amongst the Tahitians he observes that although the chiefly men are tall and of athletic habit, this is always blended with "a degree of effeminacy, ,,60 a softness of flesh, which in those who do not work becomes patently feminine. Tahitian commoners, both male and female, are gendered more masculine, not only darker, but with more firm and vigorous musculature. He says of Tongan men, "The outlines of their bodies are not so beautifully feminine, as those of the chiefs in the Society-Isles,,,61 whilst the features of New Caledonian men he thought "strong and masculine.,,62 Denigrations of the appearance of the women of Tanna and Malakula pervade most narratives of the second voyage: they are "black and woolly haired," "illfavoured," "ugly," "deformed," although. as I have argued, William Hodges' drawings and paintings and engravings based on these are far more generous (see Fig. 1_1).63 There are constant invidious comparisons drawn between the bodies of women of Tanna and Malakula and those of Tahiti in aesthetic adjudications. Johann shared such views. He opined: ''The breasts of the women of O-Taheitee, the Society-Isles, Marquesas, and Friendly-Isles, are not so flaccid and pendulous as is commonly observed in negro-women, and as we likewise noticed them in all the Western islands, in New-Zeeland, and some of the females of the lower sort at the Society-Isles.,,64 He attributed these differences not just to breast feeding, but to bodies relaxed by hard work and exposure to sun and air, and to the lack of the gentle constrictions of tapa, which, in "women of quality" served to "keep the breasts high.,,65 High breasts were not only more beautiful but iconic of high rank and cultural elevation.

George Forster at Point Venus, Tahiti

When George Forster arrives in Tahiti on Cook's second voyage, he is full of anticipation-the voyagers have survived the rough seas, seaboard sickness and the rigours of the southern latitudes. After journeying from the Cape of Good Hope, through the Antarctic Circle, and the southern islands of New Zealand, they sail towards this isle already famed for the beauty of its landscape, the friendliness of its men and the licentiousness of its women.66 George's text, like all the others, romances about the bodies of Tahitian women. Among those who came in canoes to the ships and exchanged Fig. 1-1. William Hodges, "Woman and child of Tanna," 1774. National Library of their "natural productions" (of fish, coconuts, breadfruit and bananas) for Australia, nla.pic-an2717054. transparent beads and small nails were "several females, pretty enough to attract the attention of Europeans who had not seen their own country- Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 19 18 Chapter One

the women came out of their huts, and seated themselves in the little gro~p with a few Maori families, Cook endeavoured to entice a family, which which surrounded us. They were in general of a low stature, compared W:1th had been paddling in the cove, closer to the ship. Cook ordered the fife, the men, and wore shaggy petticoats, made of grasses and leaves, whIch the bagpipe and the drum to be played-all of which the Maori found lengthened according to their age. Such as had borne chil.d~en. and seemed singularly unimpressive. Several officers and sailors went ashore and were to be about thirty years old, had entirely lost all the femmme graces .... It received hospitably, although the language of signs proved insufficient for appeared to me that the women were not held in any esteem by the men, extensive communication, but obeyed upon the smallest sign; and, according to the accounts of our waterers many were seen in the humiliating guise of drudges and beasts of However, the young woman shewed a great partiality to one of the young 78 burden. seamen, and from her gestures it was supposed she took him for one of her own sex; but whether he had taken some improper liberties, or whether she No doubt women on Tanna and Malakula had far less contact with the had any other reason to be disgusted, she would never suffer him to come strangers and did not have sex with them, but George Forster's account near her afterwards. 81 belies the idea that men were forcibly sequestering them. Alone among the commentators on the second voyage, George Forster tells us of a musIcal This seems like a fair exercise of will, but later, in the environs of Queen . T 79 exchange on a balmy evemng on anna. Charlotte Sound in May 1773, there is recorded the first instance of sexual relations which conforms to the generalised representation by Forster We amused them as usual by singing to them, and they became so fa~il~ar senior. After the usual denigratory details about how Maori women looked at last as to point out some girls to us, whom from an excess. of ~ospltal~ty to him, George goes on to say, not uncommon with uncivilized nations, they offered to their fnends with gestures not in the least equi vocal. The women at the first hint of the Our crews, who had not conversed with women since our departure from civility which the men intended to confer upon us, ,ra,n of~ to a great the Cape, found these ladies very agreeable; and from the manner in which distance seemingly much frightened, and shocked at their mdelicacy, their advances were received, it appeared very plainly that chastity was not rigorously observed here, and that the sex was far from being impregnable. Hardly jealous sequesters, these men were in fact offering women, but the However their favours did not depend on their own inclination, but the Tannese women clearly felt no compunction to do what these men men as absolute masters, were always to be consulted upon the occasion", suggested-they simply refused and disappeared. . . _. Whether the members of a civilized society, who could act such a brutal Perhaps even more interesting is how sexual relatlons with MaorI part, or the barbarians who could force their own women to submit to such women are represented by George Forster. Although the Maori were indignity, deserve the greatest abhorrence, is a question not easily to be classified by Johann Forster as part of the first "race" of Pacific peoples, decided,82 he put them at the lowest level, alleging that they had degenerated to a lower state of barbarism because of the cruel effects of the cold chmate, But then on 13 November 1773, on a return visit to Queen Charlotte the loss of knowledge and techniques appropriate to cultivating root c;ops Sound, Forster tells us that the natives supplied them with plenty of fish and living on a tropical island, and their distance from theIr cultural ongm. while They were also liminal to his first racial class in so far as how women our sailors carried on their former amours with the women, amongst whom were esteemed. In Johann Forster's text, as III many narratlves from there was but one who had tolerable features, and something soft and Cook's second voyages, Maori women were represented in ways to ~~milar feminine in her looks. She was regularly given in marriage by her parents the women of Tanna and Malakula-as ugly and as oppressed. As we to one of our shipmates, who was particularly beloved by this nation, for have seen, this adjudication also permeates Forster senior's construction of devoting much of his time to them, and treating them with those marks of sexual relations with European men. Women are seen as the "property" of affection which, even among a savage race, endear mankind to each other, Maori men, To-gheeree, for so the girl was called, proved as faithful to her husband as This is discordant with the variety of events and situations as witnessed if he had been a New Zeelander, and constantly rejected the addresses of by the son, George Forster. A month after the arrival of the Resolution on other seamen, professing herself a married woman (tirra-time),83 the first stay at Dusky Bay on 11 April 1773, after some desultory contact 20 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 21

There is not much of a hint of duress here. The "former amours" are "An uncommon degree of voluptuousness" resumed without mention of coercion, and To-gheeree is cast rather as agreeing to a "marriage" arranged by her parents and comfortably Sexual relations between European men and indigenous women on Pacific embracing her status as the "wife" of a stranger. She is simultaneously voyages have been far more debated for the islands of Tahiti and Hawai'i singled out by George as having tolerable features, something "soft and than for other islands of the Pacific.87 As I have telegraphically suggested feminine in her looks." in a recent essay, there are three dominant interpretations of these As in his father's broader adjudication, there is a pronounced aesthetic relations. 88 dimension in George Forster's hierarchy of women, and a recurring link First, there are those who, like many of the Cook voyage authors, between the perceived beauty of women and their capacity for volition. stress the "voluptuousness" and sexual licence of Tahitians and Hawaiians, However, he quickly disrupts this notion of an idyllic love union in the and thereby stress the licentious agency of the women in sexual passage immediately following: exchanges. So David Samwell, while in Hawai'i on the third voyage, Whatever attachment the Englishman had to his New Zeeland wife, he claimed: "Indeed we found all the women of these Islands but little never attempted to take her on board, foreseeing that it would be highly influenced by interested motives in their intercourse with us, as they would inconvenient to lodge the numerous retinue which crawled in her garments almost use violence to force you into their Embrace regardless whether we and weighed down the hair of her head. He therefore visited her on ~hor~, gave them with a Toi for their fathers or whoever brought them on and only by day, treating her with plenty of the rotten part of our blSCUlt, board."" There is no doubt that sexuality in these islands was celebrated which we rejected, but which she and all her countrymen eagerly and sacralised, but it was hardly an act of individual free will since, as 84 devoured. Samwell suggests, women and young girls were brought on board by their fathers or other kin. This collective dimension of sexual exchange has What intrioues me is the distance between the generalised representation often developed into what Tcherkezoff has critically dubbed the "sexual of Maori wo~en as coercively prostituted by their male kin in Forster the hospitality" thesis.'" father's overarching theory, and the diversity of situations Forster the son A second competing but complementary explanation is that these were, recounts, even as his general claims struggle to conform to his ~ather's as the Forsters adjudged, acts of prostitution. In fact Cook used the spectre adjudications of "vile prostitution." Although, as in the eastern tslands, of prostitution to defend the women of the eastern islands against the claim women are also receiving presents, sheets, shirts, iron tools, and spike they were all prostitutes.9! Married women, unmarried women of high nails, the very passage of goods for their sexuality suggests that women rank, and even those of lower rank, Cook asserted, were not available. are here men's "property" in a way quite dissimilar from the Women selling sex were a minority, as in Britain, but unlike in Britain it representation of the agency of Maroral in Tahiti. The fact that some was not seen as a "crime so deep a die" as to ostracise them from society. women are reluctant is taken to suggest that all Maori men are brutal, Both contemporaneous commentators and later scholars have used the whereas the fact that some Tahitian women are reluctant does not so language of prostitution to describe the mutual exchange of shirts and implicate all Tahitian men. For the Maori, sexual commerce is a sign of sheets, nails and hatchets, beads and mirrors for sexual acts, not as the debauchery and the fatal allure of European objects: "we c:eated new exchange of valued gifts but as commodities. Eighteenth-century depictions wants."ss Sexual commerce in Tahiti was viewed far more ambIguously by are saturated with the language of commerce and emergent capitalism. Forster senior and others, as a symptom of indigenous debauchery Both Forsters adduce from the gifts of Maori women's sexuality that their certainly, but also as a sign of liberty and openness to a br?ader commerce persons must thereby have been the "property" of their fathers or with European civilisation, which, in this locale was perceIved as good not husbands. The language of sex as a commodity in commerce has persisted. bad. So while sexual exchange with Tahitians compromised, it also, It is unlikely that indigenous Pacific people understood such early acts of paradoxically, constituted their civility. But in New Zealand it is so sexual exchange in the terms of an emergent capitalism. infamous as to render the Maori debased to the point of being without a The third explanation, initially made by Marshall Sahlins apropos "shadow of sensibility.,,86 Hawai'i,92 but elaborated by Tcherkezoff primarily apropos Tahiti and Samoa, that these sexual exchanges were rather gifts of young girls to the 22 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 23 strangers who, like Cook, were perceived as high-ranking, powerful, and stocks for having had sex with Pacific women while knowingly being verging on the divine. Not only does Sahlins attest that Cook was afflicted with venereal disease. Certainly neither Johann nor George perceived by the Hawaiians as their god Lona, he also suggests that an Forster succumbed. Despite their voyeuristic depictions of women, they, aura of divinity attached even to the common sailors on board, such that like Cook himself, represented these sexual relations as a sign of they were perceived to be desirable in a way akin to local chiefs of high debauchery, both on the part of Pacific peoples and on the part of the 97 rank. He speculates that Hawaiian women were keen to have sexual common sailors. relations with the Europeans not just for the erotic adventure but because Despite Cook and the Forsters' insistence on the class dimensions of of the prospect of having babies by them. Sahlins imputes that the the trade, engaging those of the "common sort" on both sides, it is patent indigenous motivation a commoner woman would have to bear a baby to a that a number of scientists and officers were involved: Joseph Banks on high-ranking or chiefly man was thus transposed onto novel negotiations the first voyage98 and Samwell, and likely King and Anderson, on the with the strangers. He quotes a Hawaiian oral tradition which, baldly third. It is interesting, then, that the Forsters rather constantly allude to the 99 translated, asks "what woman would not want to plant an umbilical cord of crew and the common sailors. This is articulated with the strong sense of her baby in the crannies of that ship?"" Sahlins' thesis about Cook, much class distinction they make between themselves as gentlemen scientists criticised by Gananath Obeyesekere and others, raises another crucial and the common sailors, a distinction also made by Forster senior in question apropos sexual exchange.94 What were the ranks of the women contrasting his serious scholarly collection of curiosities from the free­ and the European men involved? Sahlins suggests, as do many wheeling trade of the sailors. The male hierarchy established in this contemporary commentators like the Forsters, that both were of the homosocial world bears far more discussion but, by describing the sexual "common sort." appetites of the crew as "brutal," the Forsters signal their proximity to men of the western islands, as alike mired in a state of savagery. Thus the "The low stature of the common class of people" racialised hierarchy of men plotted across the Pacific mirrors the class hierarchy imported from the Atlantic world of the voyagers-a hierarchy Tcherkezoffs exhaustive studies suggest otherwise. There is no doubt that inscribed in the very fabric of their vessels, abroad on another ocean. many of the women involved in these exchanges were not commoners but were high-ranking, even noble women and young girls. Marora'i was not Conclusion alone. Tcherkezoff suggests that high-ranking families were much involved and that both male and female kin forcibly persuaded or even Both Johann Forster and his brilliant young son George refrained from coerced their young virgin daughters to have with the strangers "sacred sexual liaisons with Pacific women and castigated those sailors (but less so marriages," which usually entailed defloration. The babies born of such officers and gentlemen) who indulged. However, the erotic appeal and the unions, who would be extremely kapl/ltapu as the first-born children of sexual availability of women were nevertheless diacritical to the virgin girls, would thereby raise the status of the entire family. He sees not complicated theories of human progress, degeneration and migration that Polynesian licence, free will or benign sexual hospitality but "young girls the Forsters formulated. The racialised hierarchy these men plotted was in tears.,,95 not disembodied. Their white male bodies were the norm from which We also need to acknowledge, though, the high rank of many of the difference was marked and their sexual desires and the fraught question of European men involved in such liaisons. Captain Cook was offered sexual access to Pacific women was paramount. The subjectivity of the women in several islands,96 and although the imputation that he accepted indigenous women of the Pacific was frequently forced to fit one of two is part of Hawaiian oral tradition, his reason remained unsubverted by figures, agent or victim, when there were no doubt elements of free will sexual passion (although it might have been afflicted by anger, gout, and coercion in all such sexual exchanges. The discordance between gastric fluxes, or worms). Cook tried to stop sexual relations in Tahiti, in Johann Reinhold Forster's generalising accounts and his son's depictions Hawai'i, in Tonga and in New Zealand because of his own moral of daily events suggests varieties and uncertainties at odds with any grand, censoriousness and because of the deadly spread of venereal disease. theoretical schema. There are many episodes where sailors were given the lash and put in 24 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 25

I am not arguing that there were no differences between indigenous women's situation in the eastern and western islands of the Pacific. Pre­ 5 Ogborn, "Atlantic geographies"; Ogborn, Indian Ink. contact regimes of sexuality and reproduction likely differed widely in 6 Ogborn, "Atlantic geographies", 379. their valuation of sexual licence or chastity and fecundity and this surely 7 Ogborn, "Atlantic geographies", 380; see Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlalllic: influenced how indigenous women related to European men. Pre-existing Double Consciousness and Modernity. (Cambridge Mass: Harvard University differences were nonetheless exaggerated and overplayed in the service of Press, 1993). an abstract model of racialised hierarchy and social transformation. Pacific 8 Ogborn, "Atlantic geographies", 380. 9 Ogborn, "Atlantic geographies", 382. women were frequently compared with women back home-from the fair, 10 David Armitage, "Three concepts of Atlantic history," in The British Atlantic refined daughters of Britannia whom Johann Forster thought even more World, 1500-1800, eds., David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick, second edition beautiful than Tahitian women, to those poor women who were forced to (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009 [2002]), 17-29. make a living as prostitutes in Covent Garden or Drury Lane. 11 Armitage, "Three concepts of Atlantic history," 8. Moreover, the differences between Pacific peoples were articulated 12 On Armitage's restrictive focus on the British Atlantic, see J. H. Elliott, with the plots of Europe's own historical trajectory. It has been long "Atlantic history: a circumnavigation," The British Atlantic World, 253-70. observed how Pacific peoples were seen through the figures of Europe's 13 See Epeli Hau'ofa, "Our sea of islands," The Contempormy Pacific (1994) 6(1): past, assimilated to the mythical and historical personae of classical 148-61; Hau'ofa, ''The ocean in us," The Contemporary Pacific (1998) 10: 391- Greece and Rome-the men of Tahiti compared to Apollo and Brutus, the 410; Hau'ofa, "Epilogue-pasts to remember," in Remembrance of Pacific Pasts: women of Tahiti likened to Aphrodite and Venus. But Pacific people were An Invitation to Remake HistOl)', ed. Rob Borofsky (Honolulu: University of Hawai'j Press, 2000), 453-71; Hau'ofa, We Are The Ocean: Selected Works also implicated in visions of Europe's present and future. Classical (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2008). Similar debates have resonated in knowledge laid the foundations of the European Renaissance and what we Pacific Studies but with different articulations (see Teaiwa, this volume). call the Enlightenment, but that movement also drew on the new 14 Matthew Spriggs, "Oceanic Connections in Deep Time," Pacifi-currents (2009) knowledge of different societies in the Pacific to imagine futures both 1(1): 7-27. E Journal of AAAPS. httpllwww.aaaps.edu.au. accessed 30 June 2011. utopic and dystopic. Ultimately, these voyages of the late eighteenth 15 Conrad Malte-Brun, Universal Geography: or a description of all parts of the century and the texts they produced proved enormously consequential, world, on a new plan, according to the great natural divisions of the globe; connecting both Atlantic and Pacific worlds in ways we might describe, accompanied with analytical, synoptical, and elementary tables, Volume 3 after Miles Ogborn, as both "violent and productive." (Boston: Wells and Lilly, 1825). Geoffrey Clark, "Dumont d'Urville's Divisions of Oceania: Fundamental Precincts or Arbitrary Constructs?" The Journal of Pacific History (2003) 38 (2): 175-96. Notes 16 Bronwen Douglas, "Foreign bodies in Oceania," in Foreign Bodies: Oceania alld the Science of Race 1750-1940, eds. Bronwen Douglas and Chris Ballard (Canberra: AND E Press, 2008), 3-30; Douglas, "Climate to crania: science and 1 See Miles Ogborn, "Atlantic Geographies," Social and Cultural Geography the racialization of human difference," Foreign Bodies, 33-96; Douglas, "'Novus (2005) 6(3): 379-85; Frances Steel, Oceania under Steam: Sea Transport and the orbis Australis': Oceania in the science of race, 1750-1850," Foreign Bodies, 99- Cultures of Colonialism, c. 1870-1914 (Studies in Imperialism) (Manchester: 155. Serge Tcherkc;~zoff, "A long and unfortunate voyage towards the 'invention' Manchester University Press, 2011). of the Melanesia/Polynesia distinction 1595-1832," in Dumont d'Urville's 2 Margaret Jolly, "Imagining Oceania: indigenous and foreign representations of a Divisions of Oceania: Fundamental Precincts or Arbitrary Constructs?" ed. sea of islands," The ContemporQ/Y Pacific (2007) 19(2): 508-45. Geoffrey Clark, Journal of Pacific History (2003) 38(2): 175-96, special issue; 3 Tessa Morris-Suzuki, "Japan and its region: the new area studies and East Asia's Tcherkezoff, "A Reconsideration of the role of Polynesian women in early unfinished cold war", paper delivered at Pacific and Asian History Seminar, The encounters with Europeans: Supplement to Marshall Sahlins' Voyage around the Australian National University, Canberra, 17 May 2011. islands of history," in Oceanic Encounters: Exchange, Desire, Violence, eds. 4 Margaret Jolly, "The south in Southern Theory: antipodean reflections on the Margaret Jolly, Serge Tcherkezoff and Darrell Tryon (Canberra: ANU E Press, Pacific," Australian Humanities Review, 44 (March 2008): 75-100. Online: 2009), 113-159; Tcherkezoff, PolynesielMelanesie: I'invention jranraise des « http://epress.anu.edu.au/ahr/044/pdf/essay05.pdf, accessed 30 June 2011; Ogborn, races» et des regions de l'Oceallie (Papeete, Tahiti: Au Vent des lIes, 2008). "Atlantic geographies"; Miles Ogborn, Indian Ink: Script and Print in the Making of the East India Company (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2007). 26 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 27

17 See Douglas, "Foreign bodies in Oceania"; Margaret Jolly, "Imagining Oceania: C. Beaglehole. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967 for the Hakluyt Indigenous and foreign representations of a sea of islands," The Contemporary Society); James Cook, The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Pacific (2007) 19(2): 508-545. Discovery, Vol 111. The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776-1780 Parts 18 Douglas, "Foreign bodies in Oceania", 9. 1 and 2, ed. John C. Beaglehole (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967 19 See Douglas, "Foreign bodies in Oceania", II, and Spriggs, "Oceanic for the Hakluyt Society); James Cook, The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Connections in Deep Time", for a critique of the labels and their irrelevance in the Voyages of DiscovelY Vol II. The Voyage of the Resolution and Adventure, 1772- deep time of Oceanic history. 1775, ed. John C. Beaglehole (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961, 20 Hau'ofa, "Our sea of islands"; Hau'ofa, 'The Ocean in us"; Hau'ofa, reprinted 1969 for the Hakluyt Society). "Epilogue"; Hau'ofa, We Are The Ocean. 30 See Adrienne L. Kaeppler, "Artificial curiosities: an exposition of native 1h 21 Bronwen Douglas, "Slippery Word, Ambiguous Praxis. 'Race' and Late 18 _ manufactures collected on the three Pacific voyages of Captain James Cook, RN," Century Voyagers in Oceania," The Journal of Pacific History (2006) 41:1-29. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 65 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum 22 Douglas, "Climate to crania," 33-98' Douglas, "Novus Orbis Australis", 99- Press, 1978); Kaeppler, Cook Voyage Artifacts in Leningrad, Berne and Florence 155. Museums (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1978). 23 See Ludmilla Jordanova, "Natural facts: a historical perspective on science and 31 Among some of the more important and relevant for this discussion are: Greg sexuality," in Nature, Culture and Gender, eds. Carol P. MacCormack and Marilyn Dening, The Death of Captain Cook (Sydney: Library Society, State Library of Strathern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 42-69. Jordonava, NSW, 1984); Dening, Perfo17tlanCeS; Dening, ReadingslWritings; Dening, Beach Sexual Visions: Images of Gender in Science and Medicine between the Eighteenth Crossings: Voyaging across Times, Cultures and Self (Philadelphia: University of and Twentieth Centuries (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989); Thomas Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Rudiger Joppien and Bernard Smith 1985. The Art of Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, Captain Cook's Voyages, Volumes 1 and 2 (London and New Haven: Yale Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990). University Press, 1985); Joppien and Smith, The Art of Captain Cook's Voyages, 24 See Margaret Jolly, "Lascivious ladies, beasts of burden and voyaging voyeurs: Volume 3 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988); Gananath Obeyesekere, representations of women from Cook's voyages in the Pacific", paper presented to The Apotheosis of Captain Cook, European Mythmaking in the Pacific (Princeton, David Nicholl Smith Seminar IX, Voyages and Beaches, Discovery and the Pacific New Jersey/Honolulu: Princeton University Press/Bishop Museum Press, 1992); 1700-1840, University of Auckland, 24-28 August 1993; Jolly, "From Point Marshall Sahlins, Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Structure in the Venus to Bali Ha'i: eroticism and exoticism in representations of the Pacific," in Early History of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom ASAO Special Publication 1 (Ann Sites of Desire, Economies of Pleasure: Sexualities in Asia and the Pacific, eds. Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1981); Sahlins, Islands of History (Chicago: Lenore Manderson and Margaret Jolly (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, University of Chicago Press, 1985); Sahlins, How 'Natives' Think: About Captain 1997),99-122 (incl. notes: 303-306); Jolly, "Revisioning gender and sexuality on Cook, For Example (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Cook's voyages in the Pacific," in James Cook lind die Entdeckung der Sudseel Anne Salmond, Two Worlds: The First Meetings between Maori and Europeans James Cook and the Exploration of the Pacific, eds. Robert Fleck and Adrienne L. 1642-1772 (Auckland: Penguin New Zealand, 1991); Salmond, Between Worlds: Kaeppler (Bonn: Kunst-und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutchsland, Early Exchanges between Maori and Europeans 1773~1815 (Auckland: Penguin English version, London:Thames and Hudson, 2009), 98-102. New Zealand, 1997); Salmond, The Trial of the Cannibal Dog: Captain Cook in 25 See Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the the SOl/th Seas (London: Allen Lane, Penguin Books, 2003); Salmond, Aphrodite's Eighteenth Century (Routledge: London and New York, 2003). Island: The European Discovery of Tahiti (Berkeley: University of California 26 Greg Dening, Peifonllallces (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1996); Greg Press, 201 0); Bernard Smith, Imagining the Pacific: In the Wake of the Cook Dening, ReadinglWritings (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1998). Voyages (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press at the Miegunyah Press, 1992); 27 Cf Jolly '''Ill-natured comparisons'?: Racism and relativism in European Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, second edition (Sydney: Harper and representations of ni-Vanuatu from Cook's Second Voyage," in Colonialism and Row, 1985 [1960]); Harriet Guest, Empire, Barbarism, and Civilisation: James Culture, ed. Nicholas Thomas, History and Anthropology, Special Issue (1992) Cook, William Hodges, and the Return to the Pacific (Cambridge: Cambridge 5(3-4): 331-64; Jolly, "From Point Venus to Bali Ha'i." University Press, 2007); Nicholas Thomas, Discoveries: the Voyages of Captain 28 This is the contemporary spelling; it was usually known on Cook's voyages as Cook (London: Allen Lane, Penguin Books, 2003); and more specifically on Mallicollo and later as Malekula. I will use today's spelling except in quotes. gender and sexuality on the Cook voyages: Patty O'Brien, The Pacific Muse: 29 Original and published journals and many later editions, such as the definitive Exotic Femininity and the Colonial Pacific (Seattle: University of Washington editions of Beaglehole: James Cook, The JOllmais of Captain James Cook on his Press, 2006); Lee Wallace, Sexual encounters: Pacific texts, Modem sexualities Voyages of DiscovelY Vol. 1. The Voyage of the Endeavour, 1768-1771, ed. John (Ithaca New York: Cornell University Press, 2003); Kathleen Wilson, The Island 28 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 29

Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century (Routledge: Philosophy, new edition, ed. Nicholas Thomas, Harriet Guest and Michael London and New York, 2003). Dettelbach (Honolulu: University of Hawai 'i Press, 1996), 258, 260. 32 See Margaret Jolly and Serge Tcherkezoff, "Oceanic encounters: A Prelude." 54 Forster, Observations (1778), 419. Note in the several sentences deleted Forster Oceanic Encounters, 1-36. speculates that women's very oppression, together with their more "delicate 33 Douglas, "Slippery Word"; Douglas, "Novus Orbis Australis". frame" and "the finer and more irritable texture of their nerves" improved their 34 See Jennifer Newell, Trading Nature: Tahitians, Europeans alld Ecological intellectual faculties beyond that of the men. Exchange (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2010); Jolly, "The sediment of 55 Forster, Observations (1778), 421-22. Forster goes on to say that the kapu voyages: re~membering Quir6s, Bougainville and Cook in Vanuatu," Oceanic constraints, the commensal segregation of women from "their surly lords and Encounters, 57-111. husbands" in Tahiti, though of unclear origin, must be a remnant of their former 35 See Nicholas Thomas, In Oceania: Visions, Artifacts, Histories (Durham and subjugation. London: Duke University Press, 1997),93-155. 56 See Lenore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of 36 See Jolly, ''The sediment of voyages." the English Middle Class (London: Hutchinson, 1987). 37 Margaret Jolly and Serge Tcherk6zoff, "Oceanic Encounters: A Prelude." 57 Nicholas Thomas, '''On the varieties of the human species': Forster's 38 Marilyn Strathern, The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems comparative ethnology," in Forster, Observations (1996), xxiv-xxvii. with Society in Melanesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). 58 Thomas, "'On the varieties' ," detects a tension between two temporal models: a 39 Jordanova, "Natural Facts"; Jordonava, Sexual Visions. "particularizing historical geography" and a "general narrative of human 40 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978). evolution," p. xxxii. 41 See Jolly, "Revisioning Gender and Sexuality"; Tcherkezoff, "A Reconsideration." "Forster, Observations (1778), 228. 42 Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific; Smith,Imagining the Pacific. 60 Forster, Observations (1996), 154. 43 Cf Bronwen Douglas, "In the Event: Indigenous Countersigns and the 61 Forster, Observations (1778), 234. Ethnohistory of Voyaging," Oceanic Encounters, 175-198. 62 Forster, Observations (1996), 162. 44 Harriet Guest, "The great distinction. Figures of the exotic in the work of 63 Jolly, "'Ill-natured Comparisons'?"; Jolly, "Revisioning Gender and Sexuality." William Hodges," The Oxford Art Jou/'Ilol (1989) 12(2): 36-58. 64 Forster, Observations (1996),181. 45 See Jolly, "Revisioning Gender and Sexuality." 65 Forster, Observations (1996),181. 46 See Guest, ''The great distinction"; Guest, Empire, Barbarism, and Civilisation; 66 For the effect of Wallis and Bougainville's voyages on European views of Ann Curthoys, "Mary Wollstonecraft Revisited" in Key Thinkers and their Tahiti, see Salmond, Aphrodite's Island and Tcherk6zoff, "A Reconsideration." Contemporary Legacy, ed. Ned Curthoys Humanities Research Special Issue 16 Salmond persuasively argues that European and Tahitian myths intersected in (2010): 29-48. http://epress.anu.edu.aulhrh201O_2_citation.html, accessed online Afhrodite's Island. 13 December 2011. 6 George Forster, Georg Forster's Werke. Vol 1. [A Voyage Round the World in 47 In the writings of Dumont d'Urville and de Rienzi. See Thomas, In Oceania; his Britannic Majestys Sloop, Resolution], ed. Robert L. Kahn (Berlin: Academie­ Douglas, "Foreign bodies in Oceania." Verlag, 1968 [1777): 156; Forster, Voyage (2000),144. 48 For example, see Nicholas Thomas, Discoveries; Anne Salmond, The Trial of 68 Porster, Voyage (2000), 144. the Cannibal Dog. 69 Forster, Voyage (2000), 146. 49 Johann Reinhold Forster, Observations Made During a Voyage Round the World 70 Forster, Voyage (2000), 147. all Physical Geography, Natural History and Ethic Philosophy (London: G. 71 Thomas suggests 0-Tar, was not, as Cook and Forster senior suggested a Robinson, 1778). mana/lime (often mistranslated as "gentry") but more likely a ra'atira, a noble or 50 George Forster, A Voyage Round the World in His Britannic Majesty's Sloop lesser chief. Forster, Voyage (2000), 444. Salmond simply affirms he was a chief Resolution (London: B. White, 1777). and observes that while the amorous officer was emerging from the cabin, Cook 51 Nicholas Thomas, "Johann Reinhold Forster and his Observations," in George was on deck swearing "Goddamn" as the boat crashed towards the reef: Forster A Voyage ROllnd the World, eds., Nicholas Thomas and Oliver Bernhof Aphrodite's Island, 263-4. (Honolulu, University of Hawai 'i Press, 2000), xxviii. 72 George Forster elsewhere asserts, like Cook, that it is as wrong to see 52 This derives from only one such incident he observed, reported by Forster, prostitution as typical of all Tahitians as it is to think it characteristic of the Voyage (1777), 511. See Thomas, In Oceania. English. 53 Forster, Observations (1778), 418-19; J. R. Forster, Observations Made During 73 Forster, Voyage (2000), 148. a Voyage Round the World, on Physical Geography, Natural History and Ethic 74 Forster, Voyage (2000), xxix. 30 Chapter One Region and Race, Gender and Sexuality on Cook's Voyages 31

75 Cook, The Journals of Captain James Cook, vol. II, 546. visits England might with equal justice draw the Characters of the women 76 Forster, Voyage (2000), 527. there, from those which he meet with on board the Ships in one of the 77 Forster, Voyage (2000), 535, Naval Ports, or in the Purlieus of Covent Garden or Dury [sic] lane, 78 Forster, Voyage (2000), 537. 92 Apropos Hawai'i, see Sahlins, Historical Metaphors; Sahlins, Islands of Histo!)'. 79 Forster, Georg Forster's Werke, vol. 1,345. 93 Sahlins suggests that commoner women perceived foreign men as treating them 80 For example, Forster, Georg Forster's Werke, vol. 1, 93: "one of the women, with greater respect and familiarity than Hawaiian men, in particular by sharing which we afterwards believed to be his daughter, was not so wholly disagreeable food with them. Exchanges with foreigners were thus he argues crucial in the as one might have expected in New Zeeland. but the other was remarkably ugly collapse of the kapu system of segregated eating. Gananath Obeyesekere notes and had a huge excrescence on her upper lip." And Forster, Voyage (2000), 87: ironically that in their denigrations of the commensal segregations of the tapu/kapu "One of the wives who had the excrescence or wen on her upper lip, and was system throughout the Pacific, the Europeans seemed to lack a reflexive evidently neglected by the man, probably on account of her disagreeable appreciation of how their own commensality was hierarchically configured, since appearance." no common sailor would aspire to eat at the captain's table, See Obeyesekere, The 81 Forster, Voyage (2000), 94. Ar.0theosis, 82 Forster, Voyage (2000). 121. It is interesting to compare this with a depiction of 9 Obeyesekere, The Apotheosis, sexual exchanges the next day when the sailors went ashore, with the Captain's 95 Tcherkezoff, "A Reconsideration"; Serge Tcherkezoff, Tahiti 1768: felines permission, traded for curiosities and "purchased the embraces of the ladies." Here Filles ell pleurs, fA face cachee des premiers contacts et fa naissance du mythe George Forster is more preoccupied again with the ugliness and uncleanliness of occidelltale (1595-1928) (Tahiti: Au Vent des lies, 2009). the women; he dwells on their stench and the vermin which crawled in their hair 96 Cook was later implicated by both native Hawaiian writers and missionaries in and on their clothes, Again he vaunts his own abhorrence and restraint as against the spread of venereal disease, with some even imputing that he himself had had the sailors "who could gratify an animal appetite with such loathsome objects," sex with local women, David Malo recorded some oral traditions from his elders Forster, Voyage (2000), 123. that suggested not only that Cook was perceived to be the god Lono, but that the 83 Forster, Voyage (2000), 274. female chief Kamakahelei gave her daughter Lelemahoalani to Cook in exchange 84 Forster, Voyage (2000), 274. See Guest's extended analysis of the representation for iron. This is recorded in Fomander with the words "And Lono slept with that of New Zealand in Chapter 5 of her Empire, Barbarism and Civilization, woman and the Kauai women prostituted themselves to the foreigners for iron" 85 Forster, Voyage (2000), 121. (cited in Cook, The Joumals of Captain James Cook, vol. III, 266), Beaglehole 86 Forster, Voyage (2000), 121. caustically comments, "Whatever the success the young lady might have had with 87 See Tcherkezoff, "A Reconsideration"; Salmond, Aphrodite's Island; Guest, Lono, it is very certain she could not have had much with Cook" (ibid.). Empire, Barbarism, and Civilization. 97 Debauchery along with the segregation of men and women in eating were, for 88 Jolly, "Revisioning Gender and Sexuality," Forster senior, the flaws in the civilisation of Tahiti. 89 Samwell's journal in Cook, The Journals of Captain James Cook, voL III, 1152. 98 Salmond, Aphrodite's Island, 155-6, 163, for Banks' relation with his "flame," 90 Tcherkezoff, "A Reconsideration," 114. Teatea. 91 Cook, The Jou11lals of Captain James Cook, vol. II, 239. Spelling as in the 99 Yet George Forster elsewhere rather acknowledges, if in slightly impenetrable originaL Very similar statements are to be found in George Forster's Voyage and in prose, that officers as well as common sailors were indulging in sex with Maori King's journal. women. Witness this observation, Forster Georg Forster's Werke, voL II, 469-70, S[i]nce we can hardly charge them with any other vice great Injustice bas Each of their huts contained a fire, of which the smoke entirely involved been done the Women ofOtahiete and the Society Isles, by those who have them ... Notwithstanding the inconvenience of this situation, there were not represented them without exception as ready to grant the least favour to wanting several of our shipmates who readily took up with the same any man who will come up to their price, But this is by no means the case; lodging, in order to receive the caresses of the filthy female inhabitants. the favours of the Maried women and also the unmarried of the better sort, Perhaps it may be imagined that only brutish sailors could have such are as difficult to obtain here as in any Country whatever. Neither can the groveling appetites; but the imperious element, on which they are charge be understood indiscrimenately of the unmaried of the lower class. continually tossed about, seems to level all distinctions. Indeed, when Much the greater part of these admit of no such familiarities .... But the people habitually give full course to their unbounded desires, it is not truth is, the Women who becomes a prostitute, do not seem on their surprising that they gratify one sense at the expence of all the rest. The opinion to have committed a crime so deep a die as to exclude her from the nations whom we had lately visited in the New Hebrides, and at New esteem and society of Community in general. On the whole a stranger who Caledonia, having very wisely declined every indecent familiarity with 32 Chapter One

their guests, the most loathsome objects in a New Zeelander's smoky and nasty hovel, were eagerly addressed. CHAPTER Two

CONVICTS, SLAVES AND PRISON INMATES: THE VOYAGE TO AUSTRALIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE

HAMISH MAXWELL-STEWART

In the wake of his 1832-38 tour of the Australian penal colonies, Quaker George Washington Walker concluded that the health of prisoners in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) was generally inferior to that of the working classes in England. I He attributed this not to conditions in the convict colony, but to the dissolute lives that convicts had lived in the British Isles prior to their arrest and transportation. In fact, he thought that the "salubrity of the climate" combined with "the ample allowance of food" and "moderate labour ... tend in considerable degree to counteract the mischief thus incurred.,,2 Walker's positive description of the conditions faced by convicts is at odds with many popular depictions. Thus, according to the nineteenth-century convict ballad, Jim Jones at Botany Bay, prisoners exiled to Australia toiled for "day and night in irons clad like poor galley slaves"-a cycle terminated only by death, whereupon their bodies were used "to fill dishonoured graves.,,3 By using the testimony of convicts and the records employed to regulate their lives, it is possible to test Walker's hypothesis. In all, some 139,000 men and 26,000 women were transported to the Australian penal colonies between the years 1787 and 1868. About one hundred of the male convicts left a record of their experiences in the form of a narrative (unfortunately there are no known narratives authored by female prisoners). One of the most detailed of these accounts was supplied by Linus Miller, a twenty-two-year-old law clerk from upstate New York. Miller was unusual in a number of respects. While the majority of convicts were transported for small-scale petty theft, he was sentenced to life for participating in an ill-thought-out armed incursion into Upper Canada launched from the United States. It was not only the political (and, one 302 Contributors The Atlantic World in the Antipodes 303

The Savage Visit: New World Peoples and Popular Imperial Culture in and Gender in Vanuatu (1994); Sites of Desire, Economies of Pleasure: Britain, 1710-1795, is forthcoming from the University of California Sexualities in Asia and the Pacific (ed. with Lenore Manderson, 1997); Press. She has published articles on various New World travellers, and Maternities and Modernities: Colonial and Postcolonial Experiences in was Assistant Editor of The Oxford Companion to the Romantic Age: Asia and the Pacific (ed. with Kalpana Ram, 1998); Borders of Being: British Culture, 1776-1832 (Oxford, 1999). Citizenship, Fertility and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific (ed. with Kalpana Ram, 2001); and Oceanic Encounters: Exchange, Desire, Helen Gardner is a Senior Lecturer in the School of History at Deakin Violence (ed. with Serge Tcherkezoff and Darrell Tryon, 2009). University. Her book Gathering for God: George Brown in Oceania (2006) was shortlisted for the Ernest Scott History Prize in 2007. She has lain McCalman, AO, is a Professorial Research Fellow in History at the published a number of articles on nineteenth-century missionary University of Sydney. His books include Radical Underworld (1988); An anthropology and is currently finishing a book on the spread of kinship Oxford Companion to the Romantic Age: British Culture, 1776-1832 studies through Oceania in the 1870s: Finding Kin: The writing of (General Editor, 1999); Gold: Forgotten Histories and Lost Objects of Kamilaroi and Kumai. Her new project, "Theologies of nation: the Australia (Co-Editor, 2001); The Last Alchemist: Count Cagliostro, churches and the decolonisation of the Pacific," examines the role of Master of Magic in the Age of Reason (2003); and Darwin's Armada Pacific Island missions and churches in the independence of the Pacific (2009). He is currently working on a history of the Great Barrier Reef. In Islands in the 1960s and 1970s. 2007, having served as Director of the Humanities Research Centre (AND) and President of the Australian Academy of the Humanities, he Anita Herle is Senior Curator for Anthropology at the University of was awarded an Order of Australia for services to history. Cambridge. Her work on the early history of British anthropology has focused on the interaction between different knowledge systems, the Michael A. McDonnell received his DPhil in History at Oxford complex intersubjective relations that develop in the anthropological field University and now teaches at the University of Sydney. He is the author and the potency of objects and photographs in relational encounters. Her of numerous articles on the American Revolution. His most recent book, regional interests include Torres Strait, Vanuatu, Fiji and the Northwest The Politics of War: Race, Class, and Conflict in Revolutionary Virginia Coast of Canada. Her publications include a co-edited volume (with (published by the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Sandra Rouse) Cambridge and the Torres Strait: Centenary Essays on the Culture, 2007) won the New South Wales Premier's History Award in Anthropological Expedition (2011) and a recent co-authored book (with 2008. He also won the Lester Cappon Prize for the best article published in Haidy Geismar) Moving Images: John Layard,jieldwork and photography the William and Mary Quarterly in 2006. He is currently working on a in Malakula since 1914 (2010). book length project entitled Distant Empires: French, Anishinabe and Metis in the Making and Unmaking of the Atlantic World (New York: Hill Sophie Jensen is a Senior Curator at the National Museum of Australia. She & Wang, forthcoming). has curated a range of travelling and temporary exhibitions including Miss Australia, In search of the Birdsville Track and Rare Trades. She waS part Hamish Maxwell-Stewart has authored or co-authored a number of of the curatorial team behind the Eternity exhibition which opened in books including Chain Letters: Narrating Convict Lives (2001), A Pack of 2001. In 2010 she completed a PhD thesis from the Australian National Thieves? Fifty-Two Port Arthur Lives (2001), American Citizens, British University examining the life and career of the naturalist and collector, Slaves (2002) and Closing Hell's Gates: The Death of a Convict Station John MacGillivray. (2008). He is an Associate Professor at the University of Tasmania where he specialises in the history of health, colonisation and heritage studies. Margaret Jolly is an Australian Research Council Laureate Fellow and Professor in Anthropology, Gender and Cultural Studies and Pacific Damon Ieremia Salesa is currently an associate professor jointly appointed Studies in the College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National in the History Department, the Program in American Culture, and University. Her books include Women of the Place, Kastom, Colonialism AsianlPacific Islander American Studies at the University of Michigan, 304 Contributors

Ann Arbor. Born in New Zealand, of Samoan and New Zealand parents, he holds a DPhil in Modern History from the University of Oxford (2000) where he was the first Rhodes Scholar of Pacific Islands descent. He has written widely on the history of the Pacific, and on the British and U.S. empires. His publications include Discovering Our Ancestors (UNESCO, 2004) and, most recently, Racial Crossings: Race, Intermarriage and the Victorian British Empire (OUP, 2011).

Simon Schaffer is Professor of History of Science at the University of Cambridge. He recently co-edited The Mindful Hand: Inquiry and Invention from Late Renaissance to Early Industrialization (KNA W, 2007) and The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Networks 1770- 1820 (Science History, 2009). He is currently principal investigator on a research project funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council: "The Board of Longitude 1714-1828: Science, Innovation and Empire in the Georgian World."

Katerina Martina Teaiwa is Senior Lecturer in and Convener of Pacific Studies at the Australian National University. Born and raised in Fiji, she is of Banaban, I-Kiribati and African American descent. Her monograph Consuming Ocean Island: a multi-sited historical ethnography of Banaban phosphate is forthcoming in 2012. This work has inspired a permanent exhibition at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, as well as the multi-media installation, Kainga Tahi, Kainga Rua, by renowned New Zealand sculptor Brett Graham, exhibited at the Adam Art Gallery in Wellington in 2003 and Moving Image Centre in Auckland in 2007. She has been a consultant with the Secretariat of the Pacific Community and UNESCO on cultural policy, intercultural dialogue and sustainable development.