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HERAKLES VOM BERGE SANBULOS Als der Arsakide Gotarzes (II., ca. 40-51 n.Chr.) im Jahr 49 gegen Meherdates (Mihrdad) vorrückte, den die Römer unterstützten, bezog er an einem Fluß namens Corma Stellung und erwartete dort seinen Gegner, der Ninive und eine Festung (castellum) bei Gaugamela (wohl Arbela) eingenommen hatte (Tacitus, Ann. XII 13)1. Izates II. von der Adiabene2 und Abgar V. Ukkama (4 v. – 7 n. und 13-50 n.Chr.) von Edessa3 hatten Meherdates vor der entscheidenden Schlacht am Corma verlassen, die darum für den parthischen Prinzen mit einer Niederlage endete. Gotarzes ließ jedoch Gnade walten und schnitt ihm nach alter persischer Sitte die Ohren ab4, damit er nie wieder auf den Gedanken käme, den parthischen Thron usurpieren zu wollen (XII 14)5. 1 Für Tacitus’ Annalen wurden die Editionen von H. WEISKOPF (P. Corneli Taciti Annalium Libri XI- XII [WSt, Beih 4] 1973, S. 63f.) und Ist. BORZSAK – K. WELLESLEY (Cornelii Taciti libri qui supersunt I.2 [BSGRT] 1986, S. 22) benutzt. Die Abkürzungen von Periodica, Lexika und Reihenwerken richten sich nach S. SCHWERTNER, Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Abkürzungsverzeichnis, Berlin–New York 1976. 2 Zu Izates vgl. F.H. WEISSBACH, Izates (2), in: PRE X 1 (1919), Sp. 1391f.; L.H. SCHIFFMAN, The Conversion of the Royal House of Adiabene in Josephus and Rab- binic Sources, in: Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity, ed. by L.H. FELDMAN – G. HATA (1987), S. 293-312; M. FRENSCHKOWSKI, Iranische Königslegende in der Adiabene. Zur Vorgeschichte von Josephus: Antiquitates XX, 17-33, ZDMG 140 (1990), S. 213- 233; R.M. BOEHMER – H. VON GALL, Das Felsrelief bei Batas-Herir, BaghM 6 (1973), p. 65-77; J. TEIXIDOR, The Kingdom of Adiabene and Hatra, Ber. 17 (1967/68), S. 1-11, bes. 2-6. 3 Mit dem «Acbarus, dem König der Araber» bei Tacitus kann nur der edessenische Fürst Abgar V. mit dem Beinamen «der Schwarze» gemeint sein, der nach der Doctrina Addai (ed. G. Phillips 1876; ed. G. Howard 1981), der Lokallegende Edessas, mit Jesus korrespondierte (cf. J.B. SEGAL, Edessa, 1970, S. 12; A.VON GUTSCHMID, Untersuchungen über die Geschichte des Königreichs Osroëne, Mémoires de l’Academie Impériale des Sciences de St.-Pétersbourg [7. sér.] 35 No. 1, 1887, S. 23 u.ö.). 4 R.G. KENT, Old Persian. Grammar, Texts, Lexicon (AOS, 33), 21953 = 1982, S. 124; E.N. VON VOIGTLANDER, The Babylonian Versions of the Achaemenian Inscriptions I. The Bisutun Inscription of Darius the Great. Babylonian Version (Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, I 21 ), 1978, S. 57f.; A. DEMANDT, Die Ohren des falschen Smerdis, IrAnt 9 (1972), S. 94-101; Ammianus Marcellinus XXX 8.4 (ed. W. SEYFARTH IV, 31986, S. 230- 231); vgl. noch C. NYLANDER, Earless in Niniveh: Who Mutilated “Sargon’s” Head?, AJA 84 (1980), S. 329-333. 5 Zum Verlauf des Kampfes zwischen den beiden Kontrahenten vgl. A. STEIN, Gotarzes, in: PRE VII 2 (1912), Sp. 1679f.; N.C. DEBEVOISE, A Political History of Parthia, 1938, S. 172f.; W. SCHUR, Parthia (II B), in: PRE XVIII 4 (1949), Sp. 2013; 242 J. TUBACH Gotarzes hatte sich nach Artabanos’ II. Tod (12-38 n.Chr.) gegen des- sen Sohn Vardanes anfangs erfolgreich durchgesetzt6. Es gelang jedoch Vardanes bald darauf, sich des westlichen Teiles des Partherreiches zu bemächtigen. Gotarzes war vermutlich ein Neffe7 des Artabanos und machte offenbar über die tanistry–Erbfolge8 Ansprüche auf den Thron M.-L. CHAUMONT, Etudes d’histoire parthe IV. A propos d’une inscription du “grand roi” Gotarze, Syr. 56 (1979), S. 164-170; Kl. SCHIPPMANN, Grundzüge der parthischen Geschichte, 1980, S. 53f.; A.D.H. BIVAR, The Political History of Iran under the Arsacids, in: The Cambridge History of Iran III 1. The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods, ed. E. YARSHATER, 1983 (= 1993), S. 76-78; M. KARRAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches auf der Grundlage antiker literarischer Überlieferung, 1988, S. 48f., 62f., 73f.; M.SCHOTTKY, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier. Eine Untersuchung der dynastischen und geographischen Verflechtungen im Iran des 1.Jhs.n.Chr., AMI 24 (1991 [ersch. 1993]), S. 109-112; zur Rolle Roms bei diesem Konflikt vgl. K.-H. ZIEGLER, Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich, 1964, S. 65f.; A.S. SCHIEBER, The Flavian Eastern Policy, Ph.D. State University of New York at Buffalo 1975, S. 31f.; E. DABROWA, La politique de l’état parthe à l’égard de Rome – d’Artaban II à Vologèse I (ca 11 – ca 79 de N.E.) et les facteurs qui la conditionnaient (Uniwersytet Jagiellonski. Rozprawy habilitacyjne, 74), 1983, S. 121-124. 6 Zu Vardanes und Gotarzes vgl. A. STEIN, Gotarzes, Sp. 1677-1679; N.C. DEBE- VOISE, Political History (o. Anm. 5), S. 166f., 169-171; R.H. MCDOWELL, Coins from Seleucia on the Tigris (UMS, H 37), 1935, S. 118f., 225-227; W. SCHUR, Parthia (o. Anm. 5), Sp. 2010-2013; U. KAHRSTEDT, Artabanos III und seine Erben (Dissertationes Bernenses, I 2), 1950, S. 16-27 u.ö.; R. HANSLIK, Vardanes, in: PRE VIIIA 1 (1955), Sp. 368-371; M.-L. CHAUMONT, Etudes IV (o. Anm. 5), S. 160-164; Kl. SCHIPPMANN, Grundzüge (o. Anm. 5), S. 53; E. DABROWA, Politique (o. Anm. 5), S. 118-120; M. KAR- RAS–KLAPPROTH, Studien (o. Anm. 5), S. 60-62, 186-189; A.D.H. BIVAR, Political History (o. Anm. 5), S. 75f.; M. SCHOTTKY, Parther (o. Anm. 5), S. 103-109. 7 U. KAHRSTEDT, Artabanos (o. Anm. 6), S. 18, 20-22; Kl. SCHIPPMANN, Grundzüge (o. Anm. 5), S. 53; DERS., Arsacids II, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica II (1987), S. 529; M. KARRAS-KLAPPROTH, Studien (o. Anm. 5), S. 60; E.E. HERZFELD, Sakastan, in: AMI 4 (1932 [=1966]), S. 61f.; DERS., Archaeological History of Iran (SchL, 1934), 1935 (= 1980), S. 56; F. JUSTI, Geschichte Irans von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Ausgang der Sasaniden, in: Grundriß der iranischen Philologie II, ed. W. GEIGER – E. KUHN (1896- 1904 [= 1974]), S. 504; sowie bes. M. SCHOTTKY, Parther (o. Anm. 5), S. 99, 100, 102f.; zur Münzlegende vgl. E.E. HERZFELD, a.a.O.; DERS., Am Tor von Asien, 1920, S. 46f., F. JUSTI, Geschichte, und M. SCHOTTKY, Parther (o. Anm. 5), S. 92-94 Abb.9. 8 Dazu F. ALTHEIM – R. STIEHL, Geschichte Mittelasiens im Altertum, 1970, S. 447, 621; F. ALTHEIM, Geschichte der Hunnen I, 21975, S. 119f. Die patrilineare Erbfolge betonen M. SCHOTTKY (Parther [o. Anm. 5], S. 97) und M. KARRAS-KLAPPROTH (Studien [o. Anm. 5], S. 221f.), obgleich im Partherreich immer wieder Brüder oder Neffen des Großkönigs und nicht die Söhne die Nachfolge antreten. Iustin (XLI 5.9f.) ist kein Beleg für die Primogenitur. Der in einer patriarchalischen Welt lebende Iustin (bzw. Pompeius Trogus) konnte sich nicht recht vorstellen, daß ein Vater seine eigene Söhne von der Erbfolge ausschließt und seinen Bruder zum Nachfolger bestimmt, weshalb er die Herrschaft des Mithradates (I., 171-138 v.Chr.) als Sonderfall darstellt. HERAKLES VOM BERGE SANBULOS 243 geltend9. Nach Vardanes’ Ermordung 45 n.Chr. fiel Gotarzes das ganze westliche Gebiet zu. Wegen seiner tyrannischen Herrschaft wandten sich unzufriedene Satrapen an Rom, das Hilfe zusagte. Die treibende Kraft bei diesem Unternehmen scheint das Oberhaupt der Adelsfamilie Karin10, bei Tacitus nur Carenes genannt, gewesen zu sein. Als Kronprätendenten nahm Claudius (41-54 n.Chr.) Meherdates, den in Rom wohnenden Sohn von Vonones I. (9-12 n.Chr.), dem Vorgänger von Artabanos II. auf dem Arsakidenthron. Meherdates war ein Enkel von Phraates IV. (38 v.–2 n.Chr.), der seine vier Söhne (Seraspadanes, Vonones, Phraates, Rhodaspes) im Jahre 10/9 v.Chr. an der Euphratgrenze M.Titius, dem römischen Legaten von Syrien, übergeben hatte, um Phraatakes (2 v.– 4 n.Chr.), dem Sohn von Musa, einer Sklavin aus Italien, die ihm einst Augustus schenkte, den Thron zu sichern. Die Prinzen lebten fortan in der römischen Hauptstadt11. In die Schilderung der Rebellion des Meherdates flocht Tacitus (Ann. XII 133) eine längere Notiz über den Kult des Herakles vom Berg San- bulos ein, dem Gotarzes im Hinblick auf den bevorstehenden Kampf ein Opfer darbrachte, ehe er sich samt seiner Armee am Fluß Corma ver- schanzte, da er den gegnerischen Truppen unterlegen war. Unmittelbar zuvor berichtete er, daß Meherdates die urbs Ninos und das castellum einnahm, wo einst Alexander den entscheidenden Sieg über Dareios Kodomannos errang: Indessen brachte Gotarzes auf einem Berg, dem man Sanbulos nennt, den Göttern des Ortes seine Gebete dar. Gegenstand besonderer Verehrung ist Herkules, welcher zu festgesetzter Zeit die Priester im Traume anweist, Pferde, zur Jagd angeschirrt, vor dem Tempel bereit- zustellen. Sobald man den Pferden die mit Geschossen gefüllten Köcher aufgeladen hat, zerstreuen sie sich in dem Waldgebirge und 9 Nach Tacitus bestieg Gotarzes nach Artabanos’ Tod den Thron (Ann. XI 8), nach Flavius Josephus jedoch Vardanes, der Sohn von Artabanos II (Ant. XX 3.4, §69). Da Vardanes später mit seinem ‘Bruder’ Gotarzes (so Tacitus) einen Vertrag schloß und ihm Hyrkanien als Herrschaftgebiet überließ, waren dessen Ansprüche eventuell nicht völlig aus der Luft gegriffen. In Rom bezichtigt ihn die parthische Adelsgesandtschaft nicht der Illegitimität, sondern klagt über seine Tyrannei. Die einschlägige Forschung folgt bei der Darstellung der Ereignisse nicht selten Tacitus (R. HANSLIK, Vardanes [o. Anm. 6], Sp. 368f.; W. SCHUR, Parthia [o. Anm. 5], Sp. 2011; N.C. DEBEVOISE, Political History [o. Anm. 5], S. 166f.; M. SCHOTTKY, Parther [o. Anm. 5], S. 104f.). 10 R. SCHMITT, Suren und Karin, MSS 42 (1983), S. 197-205. 11 N.C. DEBEVOISE, Political History (o. Anm. 5), S. 143f.; W. SCHUR, Parthia (o. Anm. 5), Sp. 2000; Kl. SCHIPPMANN, Grundzüge (o. Anm. 5), S. 47f.; M. KARRAS- KLAPPROTH, Studien (o. Anm. 5), S. 95f., 145-147, 147f, 154f., 158, 210. 244 J. TUBACH kommen erst nachts mit leeren Köchern heftig schnaubend wieder zurück.
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  • Leonardo Gregoratti Durham University

    Leonardo Gregoratti Durham University

    ELECTRUM * Vol. 24 (2017): 107–121 doi:10.4467/20800909EL.17.024.7506 www.ejournals.eu/electrum CORBULO VERSUS VOLOGASES: A GAME OF CHESS FOR ARMENIA Leonardo Gregoratti Durham University Abstract: The available books of Tacitus’ Annales constitute the most important source of infor- mation concerning the long war between Rome and the Great King for supremacy in Armenia. Leaving in the background the stereotypical way in which the Arsacids are often portrayed, his characterisation of the protagonists, both Roman and Parthian, reflects Tacitus’ opinions about Rome’ political past and present. The representations the Roman author provides of the various leaders, Corbulo, Paetus, Vologases and Tiridates, seem to marginalise the distinction between Roman and Parthians, in order to distinguish between those who are familiar with the rules of psychological warfare and experts in the tricks of the war game and those who are tragically not. Keywords: Armenian Wars, Nero, Corbulo, Parthians, Vologases, Tacitus, Paetus, terror. From the mid-first century BC, when the Roman legions led by the triumvir Crassus met their fate on the open steppes of northern Mesopotamia, to the early decades of the third century AD, the Parthians fiercely opposed Rome’s expansionist goals in the East.1 A quick look at a map showing the extension of the Arsacid domains makes it clear that the Parthian Empire was a geographically imposing political subject, a fearsome op- ponent, due to its size and resources, for the state which considered itself the heir to the Greeks west of the Euphrates: that is to say Rome. The invasion attempts from both sides that followed Carrhae, though exploiting the periods of political crisis in the respective empires, brought nothing more than ephemeral and inconclusive victories eventually followed by decisive defeats.2 The circumstances forced Augustus to settle once and for all the res in Oriente.
  • Kharasan and Its Cultural, Political and Commercial Position During Arsacid

    Kharasan and Its Cultural, Political and Commercial Position During Arsacid

    ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ؛ ﭘﮋوﻫﺶﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ ي اﻧﺠﻤﻦ اﻳﺮاﻧﻲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺳﺎل ﭼﻬﺎرم ، ﺷﻤﺎره ي ﺷﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ ، ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎن 1392 ، ﺻﺺ 132ـ113 ﺧﺎراﺳﻦ و ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎه ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ و ﺗﺠﺎري آن در ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ اﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻘﻮب ﻣﺤﻤﺪي ﻓﺮ،* ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ** ﭼﻜﻴﺪه1 ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ درﺻﺪد اﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎراﺳﻦ در ﺟﻨﻮب ﻣﻴﺎن رودان را ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎدﺷﺎﻫﻲ اﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ و اﻣﭙﺮا ﺗﻮري روم ﺑﺴﻨﺠﺪ . ﺧﺎراﺳﻦ ﺑﺎ اﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻔﺮد ﺧﻮد ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ زﻳﺎدي در رواﺑﻂ اﻳﻦ دو ﻗﺪرت ﺑﺰرگ و رﻗﻴﺐ داﺷﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ . ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ اﻳﻦ رواﺑﻂ از ﻻﺑﻼي ﻛﺎوش ﻫﺎي ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ اﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ي ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ اﻃﻼﻋـﺎت ﺑﺴﻴﺎر ﻣﺤﺪود و اﻧﺪﻛﻲ راﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ آن وﺟﻮد دارد اﻣﻜﺎن ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮد . ﻳﺎﻓﺘـ ﻪﻫـﺎي ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت ﺳﻜﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ، ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎن ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ و ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ اﺳﺖ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎن اﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ رﻳﺸﻪ ي ﺑـﻮﻣ ﻲ، و ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﺳـﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺗﺴـﻠﻂ ﺑـﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎرس و ﺗﺠﺎرت آن ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ، اﺳـﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ در رواﺑـﻂ ﺑـﺎ اﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎن و اﻳﺠﺎد رواﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮده ﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ اﻣﭙﺮاﺗﻮري روم و ﻫﻨ ﺪ داﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ. واژه ﻫﺎي ﻛﻠﻴﺪي : اﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎن، ﺟﻨﻮب ﻣﻴﺎن رودان، ﺧﺎراﺳﻦ و ﺧﺎراﻛﺲ، ﺗﺠﺎرت . Downloaded from chistorys.ir at 16:28 +0330 on Monday September 27th 2021 * داﻧﺸﻴﺎر ﮔﺮوه ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎن ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ـ ﻫﻤﺪان . ([email protected] ) ** داﻧﺸﺠﻮي ﻛﺎرﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎن ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎـ ﻫﻤﺪان .( [email protected] ) ) ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ درﻳﺎﻓﺖ : 01/05/92 ـ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ : 09/05/ 92 .1 ﻧﮕﺎرﻧﺪﮔﺎن از ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ در راﺳﺘﺎي ﻧﮕﺎرش ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﻳﺸﺎن را ﻳﺎري دادﻧﺪ، ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗـﺪرداﻧﻲ ﻣ ﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ . دﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎري از ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ اﺻﻠﻲ در راﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ و ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎنﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎراﺳﻦ ﺑـﺎ دﺷـﻮار يﻫـﺎ ي ﺑﺴﻴﺎري روﺑﻪ رو ﺑﻮد .
  • Alberto M. Simonetta

    Alberto M. Simonetta

    ELECTRUM * Vol. 15 Kraków 2009 View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Portal Czasopism Naukowych (E-Journals) Alberto M. Simonetta THE COINAGE OF THE SO-CALLED PARTHIAN “DARK AGE” REVISITED The problem of the attribution of the different coin series to the Parthian kings whose names are recorded either by classical sources or by documents contemporary with the coins issued during the years that David Sellwood has aptly named “the Parthian Dark Age” is still an unsettled one. Since I published my last paper on the subject (Simonetta 2001), at least two important papers have been published (Assar 2006b; Vardanyan 2006) and, as these provide some signifi cant new evidence and as I am not convinced by their proposals, a fresh discussion of the whole problem may be useful; moreover the new evi- dence makes it necessary also to make some changes in my own previous conclusions. As I think that a correct method in the approach to any problem is essential and that this has been all too often at fault in many authors’ discussions where pre-conceived attributions have been taken for granted or more or less debatable assumptions by previ- ous authors have been taken as solid groundwork on which to build further hypotheses, I shall fi rst outline the methodological approach that I shall follow, then I shall examine the available evidence without any reference to previous opinions, including my own, and fi nally try to reach some conclusions. On matters of method and principles I shall fi rst stress that, when tackling a controversial issue, the correct method is fi rst to analyse the evidence without any reference to previous hypotheses by any author, however, well qualifi ed as he can be.