The Legacy of Peace Bosnia and Herzegovina 20 Years After the Dayton Peace Accords

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Legacy of Peace Bosnia and Herzegovina 20 Years After the Dayton Peace Accords THE LEGACY OF PEACE BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 20 YEARS AFTER T THE LEGACY OF PEACE BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 20 YEARS AFTER THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS H E EDITORS D AYTON PEACE AYTON AMER KAPETANOVIć JUDITH IllERHUES A CCORDS ThE LEGACY OF PEACE BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 20 YEARS AFTER THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS Sarajevo, 2015. Title: Naslijeđe mira Bosna i Hercegovina 20 godina poslije Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma Original title: Naslijeđe mira - Bosna i Hercegovina 20 godina poslije Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma Authors: Srećko Latal, Nerzuk Ćurak, Đorđe Vuković, Goran Marković, Svetlana Cenić, Žarko Papić, Marko Radovanović, Jasmin Mujanović Hoda Dedić, Adnan Ćerimagić Editors: Amer Kapetanović Judith Illerhues Publisher: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) Kupreška 20 71 000 Sarajevo Bosnia and Herzegovina Tel.: +387 (0)33 722-010 E-mail: [email protected] www.fes.ba Responsible: Judith Illerhues Proofread: Šejla Hasanović DTP: Filip Andronik Print: Amos graf Circulation: 150 copies CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 341.382(497.6)”1995/2015”(082) 323(497.6)(082) The LEGACY of peace : Bosnia and Herzegovina 20 years after the Dayton Peace Accords / [authors Srećko Latal ...[et al.]. - Sarajevo : Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2015. - 260 str. : graf. prikazi ; 25 cm Prijevod djela: Naslijeđe mira. - Short biographies of the authors listed in the order of publication of the essays: str. 245-249. - Bibliografija: str. 250-258 i uz tekst. ISBN 978-9958-884-46-7 1. Latal, Srećko COBISS.BH-ID 22533382 Attitudes, opinions and conclusions expressed in this publication do not necessarily express attitudes of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung does not vouch for the accuracy of the data stated in this publication. Commercial use of all media published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is not permitted without the written consent of the FES. THE LEGACY OF PEACE BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 20 YEARS AFTER THE DAYTON PEACE ACCORDS EDITORS AMER KAPETANOVIć JUDITH IllERHUES Sarajevo, 2015. CONTENTS Judith Illerhues FOREWORD .............................................................................. 7 Amer Kapetanović INTRODUCTION ...................................................................... 11 Srećko Latal AGREEMENT IN ITS LABYRINTH .............................................. 19 CHAPTER ONE THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL LEGACY OF THE DAYTON AGREEMENT ............................................................ 41 Nerzuk Ćurak STUDY OF RETURN OF THE STATE .......................................... 43 Đorđe Vuković FATE OF THE STATE IN THE CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE ........ 65 Goran Marković REORGANIZING WHAT’S POSSIBLE ......................................... 89 CHAPTER TWO THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL LEGACY OF THE DAYTON PEACE AGREEMENT .............................................. 119 4 Svetlana Cenić THE BOSNIANHERZEGOVINIAN PATH .................................... 121 Marko Radovanović BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA’S QUANTITATIVE EASING ......... 143 Žarko Papić CONSENSUS ON THE COMMON GOOD ............................... 161 CHAPTER THREE EUROPEANISATION OF THE DAYTON CONTEXT: EU AND THE FUTURE OF BIH ................................................ 181 Jasmin Mujanović FROM THE BOTTOM UP, FORWARD ...................................... 183 Hoda Dedić THE ARITHMETIC OF BAD ASSUMPTIONS ............................. 201 Adnan Ćerimagić THE IMAGINARY WORLD OF COMPETENCIES ...................... 223 Short biographies of the authors ............................................... 245 Bibliography ............................................................................... 250 Abbrevations ............................................................................. 259 5 FOREWORD Judith Illerhues he Dayton Peace Accords from 1995 brought an end to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Twenty years later it is the Tright moment not only to sum up achievements, but also to reflect on the challenges Bosnia and Herzegovina faces today. The country is in a severe crisis, where the status quo has been prevailing for almost a decade with little progress in implementing important reforms. This lack of progress is expressed in an increasing political and economic instability and social inequality. Extensive research has been undertaken to examine the underly- ing causes of the stalemate. Some scholars identify the constitutional norm, which derived from the Dayton Peace Accords, as a main hindrance to reforms. It is true that the Dayton regime allows for a strong influence of veto power in the decision-making process, which is not favorable for implementing comprehensive reforms. But unfortunately, this argument is too often used to justify the prevailing absence of reforms in the country and the maintainance of the status quo. Since a comprehensive reform of the constitution seems unlikely at this point, the question arises: to what extent do the current political and social challenges occur as a consequence of the Dayton constitution? And more precisely: what can be done 7 to achieve further progress in political and social reforms as well as in EU-integration in the scope of the Dayton context? The complexity of these questions and the need for a better understanding and a constructive way forward for the country mo- tivated the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) in Bosnia and Herzegovina to prepare this publication together with national intellectuals and researchers. As a political foundation, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, it is the core task of the FES in Bosnia and Herze- govina to contribute to analyzing sociopolitical challenges, develop- ing recommendations for policy approaches and engaging with our partners in a constructive and open dialogue to discuss solutions. This publication is the result of a joint effort by a team of intel- lectuals from various disciplines. Each author reflected on the topic from his or her own perspective and scientific background with the objective of specifying reform needs to address the current dilemma. They all started from analysis of the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and then highlighted the question of what kind of re- forms and actions are needed to strengthen political and economic stability, social equality and EU-integration in a sustainable manner. The publication’s objective is not to reach consensus on a single proposed way forward for the country. On the contrary, the idea is to assemble different – sometimes contradictory - views and to debate on a menu of options for Bosnia and Herzegovina to improve today’s situation based on analysis of a state-of-the-art debate. 8 Bosnia and Herzegovina 20 years after the Dayton Peace Accords | Judith Illerhues Our aim is to reflect the multifaceted public discourse and offer a platform for open discussion and exchange of ideas. The approaches and views presented in the essays may differ significantly, and they do not necessarily represent the editors’ opinion. But we believe that a pluralistic – and thus democratic - society is based upon the open discussion of different opinions, varying from more conservative to more progressive approaches. We would especially like to thank Mr. Amer Kapetanovic for his excellent contributions to the editing of the volume as well as all the authors for their valuable research, thinking and writing. We hope that their thoughts, ideas and insights provide readers with a better understanding of the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their joint efforts are an encouragement for all of us not to be over- whelmed by the complexity of the situation, but rather to contem- plate the opportunities and realistic scenarios for improvements 20 years after the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords. Foreword 9 INTRODUCTION Amer Kapetanović his publication is the result of intensive joint efforts by the German Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) Office in Sarajevo and Ta group of local intellectuals from Bosnia and Herzegovina, including authors, publicists and professors. Although published on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), the aim of the publication is not to celebrate this jubilee and write for this occasion but to use two decades of practical experience with the DPA in order to draw some relevant conclusions. This publication should be observed as a kind of introspection of local intelligence, which may not be greater that the international one, but which is most certainly adapted to the necessity of life in BiH as it is. The authors and the FES achieved agreement on such an approach immediately without any further ado due to the fact that, inter alia, there is not much that has not been said or written about this Agreement and any reiteration would actually be like writing in the sand. Therefore, we decided to focus on the issues that seemed insufficiently analysed, such as how to create a more functional state within the Dayton limitations without necessarily introducing Dayton II or substantial amendments to the Annex IV to the Agreement. Our intention is, therefore, to examine 11 if the non-functionality of the political systems in BiH within the Dayton framework is preconditioned by the constitutional norm, its absence or whether it is a result of many-years-long abuse, contor- tion of or even distancing from the Dayton Agreement as such. How much has this situation been instigated by clientelist
Recommended publications
  • Alternative Report HRC Bosnia
    Written Information for the Consideration of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Second Periodic Report by the Human Rights Committee (CCPR/C/BIH/2) SEPTEMBER 2012 Submitted by TRIAL (Swiss Association against Impunity) Association of the Concentration Camp-Detainees Bosnia and Herzegovina Association of Detained – Association of Camp-Detainees of Brčko District Bosnia and Herzegovina Association of Families of Killed and Missing Defenders of the Homeland War from Bugojno Municipality Association of Relatives of Missing Persons from Ilijaš Municipality Association of Relatives of Missing Persons from Kalinovik (“Istina-Kalinovik ‘92”) Association of Relatives of Missing Persons of the Sarajevo-Romanija Region Association of Relatives of Missing Persons of the Vogošća Municipality Association Women from Prijedor – Izvor Association of Women-Victims of War Croatian Association of War Prisoners of the Homeland War in Canton of Central Bosnia Croatian Association of Camp-Detainees from the Homeland War in Vareš Prijedor 92 Regional Association of Concentration Camp-Detainees Višegrad Sumejja Gerc Union of Concentration Camp-Detainees of Sarajevo-Romanija Region Vive Žene Tuzla Women’s Section of the Association of Concentration Camp Torture Survivors Canton Sarajevo TRIAL P.O. Box 5116 CH-1211 Geneva 11 Tél/Fax: +41 22 3216110 [email protected] www.trial-ch.org CCP: 17-162954-3 CONTENTS Contents Paragraphs Background 1. Right to Life and Prohibition of Torture and Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, Remedies and Administration of Justice (Arts. 6,
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 Strategy for Development Of
    Мај 2Ju020 July 2019 Strategy for Development of the “One Society For All” Concept and Interculturalism VERSION 2 – JULY 2019 Table of contents 1. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................ 3 Why do we need a Strategy for One Society and Interculturalism? ............................................................... 3 Vision ............................................................................................................................................................... 6 The drafting process and structure of the Strategy ........................................................................................ 6 2. Strategic areas ............................................................................................................................................. 7 2.1 Legal framework ....................................................................................................................................... 7 2.1.1. State of play ....................................................................................................................................... 7 2.1.2 Кey priorities and objectives ............................................................................................................ 11 2.2 Education................................................................................................................................................. 12 2.2.1. State of play ....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine: Thinking Together Kyiv, 15-19 May Manifesto This Is An
    Ukraine: Thinking Together Kyiv, 15-19 May Manifesto This is an encounter between those who care about freedom and a country where freedom is dearly won. This year Ukraine has seen protests, revolution, and a counter-revolution from abroad. When millions of people gathered to press for the rule of law and closer ties to Europe, the Yanukovych regime answered with violence. Vladimir Putin offered the Ukrainian government money to clear the streets and join Russia in a Eurasian project. Yanukovych criminalized civil society, which only broadened the protests. Then the police began to kill the protestors in large numbers. This brought revolution, a shift of political power to parliament, and the promise of free elections. Russian authorities reacted by invading Crimea, sending provocateurs into eastern Ukraine, threatening to dismember the country, and suppressing Russian civil society. Ukraine today, like Czechoslovakia in 1938, is a pluralist society amidst authoritarian regimes, a fascinating and troubled country poorly understood by its neighbors. It is also home to an extraordinary tradition of civil society, and to gifted writers, thinkers, and artists, many of whom, reflecting on the Maidan, have raised in new ways fundamental questions about political representation and the role of ideas in politics. In the middle of May, an international group of intellectuals will come to Kyiv to demonstrate solidarity, meet their Ukrainian counterparts, and carry out a broad public discussion about the meaning of Ukrainian pluralism for the future of Europe, Russia, and the world. The Maidan and reactions to it, in Ukraine and abroad, raise classical and contemporary questions of politics and ethics.
    [Show full text]
  • Hierarchical Sisterhood for Ella & Denni
    Hierarchical Sisterhood For Ella & Denni and in loving memory of Sadeta Vladavić (1959–1992) Moje duboko ubeđenje je da su žene svih generacija, u svom vremenu sa svim njegovim i svojim vlastitim ograničenjima, uradile što je bilo moguće. It is my deep conviction that women of all generations did what was possible, within their own limits and within the limits of their times. Historian Neda Božinović Örebro Studies in History 19 SANELA BAJRAMOVIĆ Hierarchical Sisterhood Supporting Women's Peacebuilding through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013 Cover illustration: Vladimir Tenjer Maps: Courtesy of the United Nations Pictures: Courtesy of Kvinna till Kvinna © Sanela Bajramović, 2018 Title: Hierarchical Sisterhood. Supporting Women's Peacebuilding through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013 Publisher: Örebro University 2018 www.oru.se/publikationer-avhandlingar Print: Örebro University, Repro 09/2018 ISSN 1650-2418 ISBN 978-91-7529-258-8 Abstract Sanela Bajramović (2018). Hierarchical Sisterhood. Supporting Women’s Peace- building through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013, Örebro Studies in History 19, 322 pages. This dissertation examines possibilities and challenges faced by interna- tional interveners in a post-socialist and violently divided area. The study object is the Swedish foundation Kvinna till Kvinna, formed in 1993 during the Bosnian war, originating from the peace movement and supported by the Swedish government aid agency Sida. The aim is to contextualize and analyze Kvinna till Kvinna’s two decades of engage- ment in peacebuilding in Bosnia. The encounter with domestic women’s NGOs is of particular interest. By focusing on rhetoric, practice and silences, the ambition has been to understand the international/local relationship from the perspective of both actors.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosanskohercegovačko Tržište Elektroničkih Medija
    Slavo Kukić, Marij a Čutura Bosanskohercegovačko tržište elektroničkih medij a 70 Informatologia 40, 2007, 2, 70–77 INFO- 972 UDK: 339.1:316.774(497.6) PrimljenoReceived: 2006-04-18 Izvorni znanstveni rad/Original Scientific Paper BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKO TRŽIŠTE ELEKTRONIČKIH MEDIJA MARKET OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Slavo Kukić, Marija Čutura Ekonomski fakultet, Sveučilište u Mostaru, Mostar, Bosna i Hercegovina Faculty of Economy, University of Mostar, Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina Sažetak Abstract U radu je prikazan društveno-povijesni kontekst konstitucije This paper presents social and historical context of electronic tržišta elektroničkih medija BiH, struktura današnjega RTV media’s market constitution, a structure of today’s RTV sector and its sektora, te način na koji se on regulira. Posebno je prikazana regulation framework in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special attention it regulacija programske produkcije, ali nju se je pokušalo dovesti i is addressed to regulation of program production in accordance with u vezu s europskom regulativom u toj oblasti. Rad se osvrće i na European regulation policy in that specific sector. The subject of the utjecaj novih tehnologija i servisa na ovu oblast. Na kraju, dan je i paper is also an influence of new technology on this sector. At last, paper prikaz utjecaja pojedinih elektroničkih medija, ali i njihov udio u deals with marketing influences of electronic media and with its share raspodijeli ukupnog marketinškog kolača. in advertising cakes. 1. UVOD sa srpskom političkom retorikom. No, na takvu Rat u BiH (1992.-1995.) je za posljedicu imao logiku imuni nisu ni drugi bh. mediji, oni iz ostala totalnu podijeljenost s etničkim predznakom.
    [Show full text]
  • Sport and Nationalism: the Shifting Meanings of Soccer in Slovenia
    Sport and Nationalism: The Shifting Meanings of Soccer in Slovenia The shifting meanings of soccer in Slovenia Peter Stankovic 12 March 2003 The different meanings attributed to the game of soccer in the recent decades in Slovenia are more than a reflection of the variable fortunes of Slovenian clubs and its national team. From this point of departure the author scrutinizes the most important shifts in the meaning of soccer in the country, arguing that these have more to do with existing relations of power between Slovenia's ethnic majority and minorities, rather than with the game itself. The radical devaluation of soccer in the period between the late 1960s and late 1990s, for instance, could be interpreted as a means of saving the emerging Slovenian nationalist discourse from its threatening inconsistencies,whilst also legitimizing the existing ethnic cleavages in the Slovenian society. By now, its implications for inter-ethnic relations in Slovenia are no less important: Although the national team was to a significant extent comprised of first - or second generation immigrants, the Slovenian nationalist discourse almost completely disregarded this fact, and appropriated their success as a sign of typically "Slovenian" vitality. Sociology has undergone so many transformations in recent decades that it would be certainly quite difficult to find a common denominator of all these. And yet, it is hard not to notice that many of these transformations are in one way or another linked to sociologists’ growing interest in the part of human society, which is basically related to the sphere of private life, leisure, consumption, popular culture, in short, to everything outside of the sphere of production.
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Youth Group Danube , Vukovar
    3. Struggling for the Right to a Future: Peace Youth Group Danube , Vukovar The Post-war Landscape of Vukovar In 1991, Vukovar was under siege for full three months, completely destroyed and conquered by the Yugoslav Army and the Serbian paramilitary forces on November 18, 2001, which was accompanied by a massacre of civilian population, prisoners of war and even hospital patients. More than 22 000 non-Serb inhabitants were displaced and around 8000 ended up in prisons and concentration camps throughout Serbia. The town remained under the rule of local Serb self- proclaimed authorities until the signing of the Erdut Agreement in November 1995, followed by the establishment of UN Transitional Administration in the region of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) and the region’s full reintegration into the Republic of Croatia on January 15, 1998. During the two years of UNTAES, deemed one of the most successful UN missions ever of its kind, demilitarization, local elections (1997) and peaceful reintegration into the Republic of Croatia were achieved without major incidents, resulting in a considerably higher percentage of remaining Serbs, in comparison to other parts of Croatia that were reintegrated by means of military operations. At the same time, the processes of confidence building, resolution of property issues and investments into social and economic revitalization have been much slower than needed, considering the severity of devastation and trauma inflicted by the war. Despite the fact that the town of Vukovar represents the most prominent symbol of war suffering and destruction in Croatia the quality of life of its post-war inhabitants, a half of whom are returnees, has remained the worst in Croatia, with unemployment rate of 37%, incomplete reconstruction of infrastructure, only recently started investments into economic recovery, lack of social life and education opportunities and severe division along ethnic lines marking every sphere of political and daily life in Vukovar.
    [Show full text]
  • Thinking Europe Without Thinking
    Thinking Europe without thinking Neo-colonial discourse on and in the western Balkans Nikola Petrovič 22 September 2011 EU member states draw upon a reservoir of colonial discourse to assert superiority over the extra-European Other; western Balkan states compensate by turning the same discourse against neighbours lower down the ladder of EU accession, writes Tanja Petrovic. “The so-called unification of Europe appears to be carried out with little thought,” wrote Jelica Sumic Riha and Tomaz Mastnak in the journal Filozofski vestnik in 1993. [1] Their critical attitude was primarily determined by the bloody events in former Yugoslavia, which Europe had failed to prevent by, among other things, not supporting efforts to democratize Yugoslavia. In the years that followed, it was primarily academic circles that were critical of EU institutions and EU-related discourses created at the national and supra-national levels. By contrast, the two most “vociferous” EU-related discourses – the political and media discourses – have continued to demonstrate a serious lack of reflection. Today, “Europe” as notion or idea has been almost completely equated with the EU; membership of the EU is the main tool for shaping the new symbolic geography of the continent. Those countries already within the EU can include or exclude, while those who are “on their way to Europe”, or those who do not have the option of membership at all, are excluded. Mitja Velikonja has called this discursive practice in which the notions of Europe and European are equated with the EU “the original sin” of the new Eurocentrism: “Under the pretence of simplification, abbreviation or eloquence (euloquence?), the two terms are simply equated – the political and economic unit appropriates the geographical and historical name of the entire continent.” [2] In this process, “the very process of accession to the EU actually shows how non-European countries may be transformed into European ones”.
    [Show full text]
  • Jewish Citizens of Socialist Yugoslavia: Politics of Jewish Identity in a Socialist State, 1944-1974
    JEWISH CITIZENS OF SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA: POLITICS OF JEWISH IDENTITY IN A SOCIALIST STATE, 1944-1974 by Emil Kerenji A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2008 Doctoral Committee: Professor Todd M. Endelman, Co-Chair Professor John V. Fine, Jr., Co-Chair Professor Zvi Y. Gitelman Professor Geoffrey H. Eley Associate Professor Brian A. Porter-Szűcs © Emil Kerenji 2008 Acknowledgments I would like to thank all those who supported me in a number of different and creative ways in the long and uncertain process of researching and writing a doctoral dissertation. First of all, I would like to thank John Fine and Todd Endelman, because of whom I came to Michigan in the first place. I thank them for their guidance and friendship. Geoff Eley, Zvi Gitelman, and Brian Porter have challenged me, each in their own ways, to push my thinking in different directions. My intellectual and academic development is equally indebted to my fellow Ph.D. students and friends I made during my life in Ann Arbor. Edin Hajdarpašić, Bhavani Raman, Olivera Jokić, Chandra Bhimull, Tijana Krstić, Natalie Rothman, Lenny Ureña, Marie Cruz, Juan Hernandez, Nita Luci, Ema Grama, Lisa Nichols, Ania Cichopek, Mary O’Reilly, Yasmeen Hanoosh, Frank Cody, Ed Murphy, Anna Mirkova are among them, not in any particular order. Doing research in the Balkans is sometimes a challenge, and many people helped me navigate the process creatively. At the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade, I would like to thank Milica Mihailović, Vojislava Radovanović, and Branka Džidić.
    [Show full text]
  • Izvještaj O Izrečenim Izvršnim Mjerama Regulatorne Agencije Za Komunikacije Za 2020
    IZVJEŠTAJ O IZREČENIM IZVRŠNIM MJERAMA REGULATORNE AGENCIJE ZA KOMUNIKACIJE ZA 2020. GODINU april, 2021. godine SADRŽAJ: 1. UVOD .............................................................................................................................. 3 2. PREGLED KRŠENJA I IZREČENIH IZVRŠNIH MJERA ............................................................. 5 2.1 KRŠENJA KODEKSA O AUDIOVIZUELNIM MEDIJSKIM USLUGAMA I MEDIJSKIM USLUGAMA RADIJA ......... 5 2.2 KRŠENJA KODEKSA O KOMERCIJALNIM KOMUNIKACIJAMA .................................................................... 15 2.3 KRŠENJA PRAVILA O PRUŽANJU AUDIOVIZUELNIH MEDIJSKIH USLUGA I PRAVILA O PRUŽANJU MEDIJSKIH USLUGA RADIJA................................................................................................................................................. 19 2.4 KRŠENJA PRAVILA 79/2016 O DOZVOLAMA ZA DISTRIBUCIJU AUDIOVIZUELNIH MEDIJSKIH USLUGA I MEDIJSKIH USLUGA RADIJA ............................................................................................................................... 24 2.5 KRŠENJA ODREDBI IZBORNOG ZAKONA BiH ............................................................................................. 26 2.6 KRŠENJA PRAVILA I PROPISA U OBLASTI TEHNIČKIH PARAMETARA DOZVOLA ZA PRUŽANJE AVM USLUGA KOJI USLUGE PRUŽAJU PUTEM ZEMALJSKE RADIODIFUZIJE .............................................................................. 29 3. SAŽETAK .......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Case Study of Public Broadcasting Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina”, Media Dialogues / Medijski Dijalozi, Vol
    International Journal of Scholarly Papers for Media and Society Research Martinovic, D. (2010), „Role of Public Service Television in the Process of Globalization – Case Study of Public Broadcasting Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina”, Media dialogues / Medijski dijalozi, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 107‐114. mr DRAGO MARTINOVIĆ, savjetnik za odnose s javnošću općine Široki Brijeg, Bosna i Hercegovina ROLE OF PUBLIC SERVICE TELEVISION IN THE PROCESS OF GLOBALIZATION – CASE STUDY OF PUBLIC BROADCASTING SERVICE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Abstract : Division of Bosnian society, including public, public opinion and media market, the role of public service television in this day and age of the globalization process, also minimized. Division of the society is present and when it comes to public television viewers, and ratings of the three public television broadcaster Bosnian only 30 percent. Adoption of the Strategy of transition from analogue to digital terrestrial broadcasting, as in due course the introduction of digital television is a logical conti‐ nuation of the development of public television in Bosnia and Herzegovina. But the continuing development of Bosnian television will be no consensus of all interested parties (there are mainly thinking of representatives of the three constituent nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina), which will lead to the establishment of sustainable public broadcasting service to the satisfaction of all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Public Television Service of Bosnia and Herzegovina would just promote the diversity of language, culture and nation could have an important role in the process of globali‐ zation. Keywords: public service, Bosnia and Herzegovina, television, globalization, public. 107 ULOGA JAVNOG TELEVIZIJSKOG SERVISA U PROCESU GLOBALIZACIJE NA PRIMJERU JAVNOG RTV SERVISA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE Apstrakt : Podijeljenost bosanskohercegovačkog društva, pa tako i javnosti, javnog mnijenja i medijskog tržišta ulogu javnog televizijskog servisa, u da‐ našnjem vremenu procesa globalizacije, je minimizirao.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political in Bosnia and Herzegovina
    Hunger & Fury: The Political in Bosnia and Herzegovina Jasmin Mujanović A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Re- quirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science York University Toronto, ON May 2016 © Jasmin Mujanović, 2016 Abstract This text is an attempt to (re)approach the process of political and social transfor- mation in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) over the past century and a half through the prism of popular agency. The primary research question of this dissertation asks why given nearly uni- formly catastrophic social indicators across virtually all socio-economic categories there are so few instances of overt popular dissatisfaction (e.g. protests and/or energetic voter turnout) with the prevailing political order in BiH? In addressing this question through an analysis that straddles political theory, international relations, and political economy literatures I focus on the role played by the specific local variant(s) of the nation-state form in essentially depoliti- cizing the majority of the population in this polity. My central argument is that rather than creating the conditions for rational-legal public administration and multi-party competition, the state in BiH has historically served to deny political agency to would-be citizens. The state in BiH has actively sought to eliminate civil society, in other words, and that therefore the de- fining political and social crises in contemporary BiH must be understood in the context of nearly two centuries of this particular and peculiar state (and nation) formation process. I ar- gue that the historic evolution of the BiH polity has been characterized by a form of elastic authoritarianism; the process of seemingly persistent ideological mutation contrasted by static political and economic patterns.
    [Show full text]