The Narcocorrido and the Construction of a Transnational Identity
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The Narcocorrido and the Construction of a Transnational Identity By Ana Luisa Peña EDNA MOLINA-JACKSON, Ph.D., Faculty Advisor and Committee Chair RHONDA DUGAN, Ph.D., Committee Member LUIS VEGA, Ph.D., Committee Member A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Sociology in Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, BAKERSFIELD November 2013 &RS\ULJKW %\ $QD/XLVD3eñD The Narcocorrido and the Construction of a Transnational Identity By Ana Luisa Pefia This thesis has been accepted on behalf of the Department of Sociology by their supervisory committee: Dr. Rhonda Dugan, Associate Professor of Sociology, Committee Member Dr. Luis Vega, Professor of Psychology, Committee Member Abstract The narcocorrido or drug ballad is a subgenre of the traditional Mexican corrido. Characterized as a violent and drug themed music, the narcocorrido is often criticized for its glorification of the narcolifestyle as it often depicts stories related to the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico such as the feats of infamous drug lords, criminal organizations, drug trafficking, drug production, coercion, confrontations with the law, murder, torture, and violent territory conflict. However, this research study argues that the narcocorrido is more than a glorification of the narcolifestyle. Rather, the narcocorrido has the potential to configure a sense of transnational identity among Mexican American youth in the United States, functioning as a significant site and source for the construction and articulation of Mexican cultural identity. Through a qualitative content analysis, this research examined the lyrics of 198 narcocorridos between 1990 and 2012 which expressed the presence of a cultural model with distinctive and valued traits such as bravery, determination, loyalty, intelligence and diligence while also articulating a strong Mexican identity. This cultural persona along with the affirmations of Mexican identity carries with it the potential to inform youth of a Mexican cultural identity and provide an opportunity to construct a sense of transnationality. Additional findings of the analysis also expressed a decrease in the presence of drugs and an increase in violence overtime. Key words: narcocorrido, drugs, violence, identity, transnationality. Dedication I would like to dedicate this thesis to my one and only true guide. Psalm 32:8 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge and thank my advising committee Dr. Edna Molina-Jackson, Dr. Rhonda Dugan, and Dr. Luis Vega for their guidance and support, for always lending kind and inspiring words, and for their encouragement. In addition, I would like to express thanks to Dr. Gonzalo Santos and Dr. Alem Kebede for their kindness and support throughout my undergraduate and graduate program. Particularly, for encouraging me to continue my graduate studies. And lastly, I’d like to thank my cohort who has shared this experience with me, as wonderful and as trying as it has been—BFL2013! To those dearest in my life, I would like to express my deepest gratitude and appreciation. En primer lugar, quiero agradecer a mis padres María and Agustín, a quien aprecio muchísimo por el apoyo continuo que me han dado y a quien les debo todos mis más grandes logros. I would like to also express my sincerest gratitude to Manuel Rodríguez, who has devoted more than his patience, love and support. Lastly, to my siblings, I sincerely hope that my efforts have inspired within them, a deeper motivation to pursue their highest goals and dreams. Table of Contents List of Tables…………….……….…………………………………………………………ii List of Figures…………….……….………………………………………………………..iii Chapter One: Introduction …………………………………………………………...…...1 Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ….....………………………………………….....6 The Narcocorrido: A Continuation of a Traditional Ballad or a Deviation?….……...…6 The Presence of Drugs in the Corrido……………………………………………......….8 Assessing the Increase in Violence………………………………………………….…11 The Narcocorrido and the Forming of a Cultural Identity………………………….….14 The Cultural Persona…………….……………..…………………………….…14 The Mask………………..…………………………………….……………..….16 Expressing Identity………………………………………………………….…..17 The Portrayal of the Masculine and the Feminine……………...….…………….……18 El Gallo …………………..….…………………………………………….……18 La Dama………..….…………..………………………………………….…….20 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity………………………………..…...21 Chapter Three: Methodology……………..……………….………………………….…25 Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………...25 Music as Symbolic Communication…….………………………………………25 Social Theory of Media………………………………………………..….….…26 Borderland Theory……………………………………………………………...30 Design…………………………………………………………………………….……31 Data Collection…………………………………………………………………….......33 Data Analysis……………………………………………………………………….….36 Chapter Four: Results………………………………………………………………........41 Drugs…………….……………………………………………………………………..42 Violence………………………………………………………………………………..46 The Trafficker Persona ………………………………………………………………..50 El Gallo Valiente………………………………………………….………..…..50 La Dama Valiente………………………………………………………….…...59 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity…….……….………………….…65 Chapter Five: Discussion ………………………….....…………………………….......…68 Drugs…………………………………….………………………………………….….68 Violence……………………………………………………………………………......70 The Trafficker Persona and the Construction of a Mexican Cultural Identity…...........71 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity……………………………...…......74 Future Research…………………………………………………………………..……75 Conclusion…………..….…………………………………………………….…………….76 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………...77 Music Cited……...…………………………….……………………………………….…..78 References…………………...……………………………………………………………..80 i List of Tables Table 1: An example of codes, concepts, and categories produced during each phase of analysis…………………………………………………………………………………..….39 Table 2: The percentage of songs that mention drugs……………..…...………………..…42 Table 3: The percentage of implicit versus explicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012…………………………………………………………………………..………….….44 Table 4: The percentage of songs that mention violence………...……………………...…46 Table 5: The percentage of implicit versus explicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012…………………………………………………………………..…………………..…48 ii List of Figures Figure 1: The average count of drugs per song over time………………….………………43 Figure 2: The total count of drug per year and the percentage of implicit versus explicit drug occurrences over time………..………………………………….…………………….44 Figure 3: The average count of violence per song over time………………………………47 Figure 4: The total violent counts per year and the number of implicit and explicit occurrences of violence over time………………………….………………….……………48 Figure 5: The total count of drugs and violence over time………………...………………77 iii Chapter One: Introduction Within the last thirty years, sociologists have concentrated on the “tensions and contradictions between popular music as art and industrial product” considering popular music’s “pivotal place within the media and cultural industries” (Back, Bennett, Edles, Gibson, Inglis, Jacobs, and Woodard 2012: 151; Lewis 1982). However, a shift in focus redirected scholars towards studying music as a system of meaning (Back et al 2012: 151; Lewis 1982). Very early on, George H. Lewis (1982) addressed this point, by stating that in popular music, “there is a framework of beliefs, expressive symbols, and values in terms of which individuals define their world, express their feelings, and make their judgments” (184). He further stresses that sociologists examining the effects of music must “show how, as a world of symbols, music expresses the images, visions and sentiments of the people who find significance in it: as well as how such music reflects the values and norms of the larger social system” (Lewis 1982: 184). Thus, through early research, cultural sociologists of popular music have demonstrated the significance of popular music and how it contributes to the construction, articulation, and negotiation of place, identity and community. As such, remarkable studies on rap, hip-hop, reggae, and rock along with many other emerging forms of popular music have taken shape and greatly contributed to and advanced popular music studies. Similarly, other research and scholarship has shown how popular music is not only used for entertainment or personal enjoyment but can function as a form of protest, resistance, political and cultural expression, as well as a catalyst for social change (Hunnicut and Andrews 2009; Manriquez 2011; Martiniello and Lafleur 2008; Quin 1996; Tanner, Asbridge, and Wortely 2009). 1 In addition to having shown the significance of popular music in shaping society and everyday life, further research shows its influence and potential to “foster new, temporal expressions of identity” as globalization changes impact music’s growing ability to transcend locality (Back et al. 2012: 159). As a consequence, scholars now focus on the “function of popular music as a means through which discourses of belonging and distance can simultaneously be expressed within and across specific […] spaces […] in relation to the contemporary articulation of established regional identities” (Back et al. 2012: 159). Music’s ability to transcend locality and produce new meaning and significance across regions is true for a relatively new and developing composition of popular music in the United States, one that has not yet undergone close empirical scrutiny. This composition of music