The Narcocorrido and the Construction of a Transnational Identity

Ana Luisa Peña

EDNA MOLINA-JACKSON, Ph.D., Faculty Advisor and Committee Chair

RHONDA DUGAN, Ph.D., Committee Member

LUIS VEGA, Ph.D., Committee Member

A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Sociology in Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, BAKERSFIELD November 2013

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The Narcocorrido and the Construction of a Transnational Identity

Ana Luisa Pefia

This thesis has been accepted on behalf of the Department of Sociology by their supervisory committee:

Dr. Rhonda Dugan, Associate Professor of Sociology, Committee Member

Dr. Luis Vega, Professor of Psychology, Committee Member Abstract The narcocorrido or drug ballad is a subgenre of the traditional Mexican corrido. Characterized as a violent and drug themed music, the narcocorrido is often criticized for its glorification of the narcolifestyle as it often depicts stories related to the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico such as the feats of infamous drug lords, criminal organizations, drug trafficking, drug production, coercion, confrontations with the law, murder, torture, and violent territory conflict. However, this research study argues that the narcocorrido is more than a glorification of the narcolifestyle. Rather, the narcocorrido has the potential to configure a sense of transnational identity among Mexican American youth in the United States, functioning as a significant site and source for the construction and articulation of Mexican cultural identity. Through a qualitative content analysis, this research examined the lyrics of 198 narcocorridos between 1990 and 2012 which expressed the presence of a cultural model with distinctive and valued traits such as bravery, determination, loyalty, intelligence and diligence while also articulating a strong Mexican identity. This cultural persona along with the affirmations of Mexican identity carries with it the potential to inform youth of a Mexican cultural identity and provide an opportunity to construct a sense of transnationality. Additional findings of the analysis also expressed a decrease in the presence of drugs and an increase in violence overtime.

Key words: narcocorrido, drugs, violence, identity, transnationality.

Dedication

I would like to dedicate this thesis to my one and only true guide.

Psalm 32:8

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge and thank my advising committee Dr. Edna Molina-Jackson, Dr. Rhonda Dugan, and Dr. Luis Vega for their guidance and support, for always lending kind and inspiring words, and for their encouragement. In addition, I would like to express thanks to Dr. Gonzalo Santos and Dr. Alem Kebede for their kindness and support throughout my undergraduate and graduate program. Particularly, for encouraging me to continue my graduate studies. And lastly, I’d like to thank my cohort who has shared this experience with me, as wonderful and as trying as it has been—BFL2013!

To those dearest in my life, I would like to express my deepest gratitude and appreciation. En primer lugar, quiero agradecer a mis padres María and Agustín, a quien aprecio muchísimo por el apoyo continuo que me han dado y a quien les debo todos mis más grandes logros. I would like to also express my sincerest gratitude to Manuel Rodríguez, who has devoted more than his patience, love and support. Lastly, to my siblings, I sincerely hope that my efforts have inspired within them, a deeper motivation to pursue their highest goals and dreams.

Table of Contents List of Tables…………….……….…………………………………………………………ii List of Figures…………….……….………………………………………………………..iii Chapter One: Introduction …………………………………………………………...…...1 Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ….....………………………………………….....6 The Narcocorrido: A Continuation of a Traditional Ballad or a Deviation?….……...…6 The Presence of Drugs in the Corrido……………………………………………...... ….8 Assessing the Increase in Violence………………………………………………….…11 The Narcocorrido and the Forming of a Cultural Identity………………………….….14 The Cultural Persona…………….……………..…………………………….…14 The Mask………………..…………………………………….……………..….16 Expressing Identity………………………………………………………….…..17 The Portrayal of the Masculine and the Feminine……………...….…………….……18 El Gallo …………………..….…………………………………………….……18 La Dama………..….…………..………………………………………….…….20 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity………………………………..…...21 Chapter Three: Methodology……………..……………….………………………….…25 Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………...25 Music as Symbolic Communication…….………………………………………25 Social Theory of Media………………………………………………..….….…26 Borderland Theory……………………………………………………………...30 Design…………………………………………………………………………….……31 Data Collection……………………………………………………………………...... 33 Data Analysis……………………………………………………………………….….36 Chapter Four: Results………………………………………………………………...... 41 Drugs…………….……………………………………………………………………..42 Violence………………………………………………………………………………..46 The Trafficker Persona ………………………………………………………………..50 El Gallo Valiente………………………………………………….………..…..50 La Dama Valiente………………………………………………………….…...59 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity…….……….………………….…65 Chapter Five: Discussion ………………………….....……………………………...... …68 Drugs…………………………………….………………………………………….….68 Violence……………………………………………………………………………...... 70 The Trafficker Persona and the Construction of a Mexican Cultural Identity…...... 71 Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity……………………………...…...... 74 Future Research…………………………………………………………………..……75 Conclusion…………..….…………………………………………………….…………….76 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………...77 Music Cited……...…………………………….……………………………………….…..78 References…………………...……………………………………………………………..80

List of Tables

Table 1: An example of codes, concepts, and categories produced during each phase of analysis…………………………………………………………………………………..….39

Table 2: The percentage of songs that mention drugs……………..…...………………..…42

Table 3: The percentage of implicit versus explicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012…………………………………………………………………………..………….….44

Table 4: The percentage of songs that mention violence………...……………………...…46

Table 5: The percentage of implicit versus explicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012…………………………………………………………………..…………………..…48

List of Figures

Figure 1: The average count of drugs per song over time………………….………………43

Figure 2: The total count of drug per year and the percentage of implicit versus explicit drug occurrences over time………..………………………………….…………………….44

Figure 3: The average count of violence per song over time………………………………47

Figure 4: The total violent counts per year and the number of implicit and explicit occurrences of violence over time………………………….………………….……………48

Figure 5: The total count of drugs and violence over time………………...………………77

iii

Chapter One: Introduction

Within the last thirty years, sociologists have concentrated on the “tensions and

contradictions between popular music as art and industrial product” considering popular

music’s “pivotal place within the media and cultural industries” (Back, Bennett, Edles,

Gibson, Inglis, Jacobs, and Woodard 2012: 151; Lewis 1982). However, a shift in focus

redirected scholars towards studying music as a system of meaning (Back et al 2012: 151;

Lewis 1982). Very early on, George H. Lewis (1982) addressed this point, by stating that in popular music, “there is a framework of beliefs, expressive symbols, and values in terms of which individuals define their world, express their feelings, and make their judgments”

(184). He further stresses that sociologists examining the effects of music must “show how, as a world of symbols, music expresses the images, visions and sentiments of the people who find significance in it: as well as how such music reflects the values and norms of the larger social system” (Lewis 1982: 184).

Thus, through early research, cultural sociologists of popular music have

demonstrated the significance of popular music and how it contributes to the construction,

articulation, and negotiation of place, identity and community. As such, remarkable studies

on rap, hip-hop, reggae, and rock along with many other emerging forms of popular music

have taken shape and greatly contributed to and advanced popular music studies. Similarly, other research and scholarship has shown how popular music is not only used for entertainment or personal enjoyment but can function as a form of protest, resistance, political and cultural expression, as well as a catalyst for social change (Hunnicut and

Andrews 2009; Manriquez 2011; Martiniello and Lafleur 2008; Quin 1996; Tanner,

Asbridge, and Wortely 2009).

In addition to having shown the significance of popular music in shaping society and

everyday life, further research shows its influence and potential to “foster new, temporal

expressions of identity” as globalization changes impact music’s growing ability to transcend locality (Back et al. 2012: 159). As a consequence, scholars now focus on the “function of popular music as a means through which discourses of belonging and distance can simultaneously be expressed within and across specific […] spaces […] in relation to the contemporary articulation of established regional identities” (Back et al. 2012: 159).

Music’s ability to transcend locality and produce new meaning and significance across regions is true for a relatively new and developing composition of popular music in the United States, one that has not yet undergone close empirical scrutiny. This composition of music and the focus of this work is the narcocorrido, a subgenre of the traditional

Mexican corrido that emerged almost concomitantly with the rise of drug trafficking in the

United States-Mexico border during the 1970s and gained increasing popularity among the rural and working class Mexican community in the United States during the 1990s (Astroga

2000; Hansen 1959: 203; Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Nicolopulos 1997: 128; Simonett,

2001; Simonett 2006; Wald 2001). Although this music has emerged over forty years ago, it has received little academic attention and it is only recently in the last decade or so that scholars across disciplines have begun to closely examine this particular popular music.

While traditional corridos or ballads today, span various themes including tales of heroic figures, hardship, and tragic love stories (Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Berry 2012), the drug ballad most often depicts stories related to the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico such as the feats of both small and big-time traffickers, infamous drug lords, criminal organizations, drug trafficking, drug production, coercion, confrontations with the law, murder, torture, and violent territory conflict (Berry 2012; Edberg 2004; Guillermoprieto

2009; Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Manriquez 2011; Simonett 2001; Simonett 2006;

Villalobos and Pimienta 2004). However, the drug ballad was not always so violent. It was not until relatively recently that narcocorridos became very explicit, detailed, and violent in recounting tales about the illicit business.

Despite the very violent, evolving themes of this form of popular music, the subgenre’s seamless glorification of the narcolifestyle has made it incredibly appealing and popular, often depicting the unbelievable rags-to-riches story that capture the attention of rural and working class Mexican community in the United States (Garcia 2007: 78).

Considering the disadvantaged socio-political location of the Mexican minority population in the United States which has persisted, Mexican youth relate and establish an incredibly strong connection to these characters that have risen from poverty and portray a sense of greater agency and power (Manriquez 2011). The lyrics are “very powerful and effective at enticing” youth and thus “appeal to the emotions and psyche of the disadvantaged but ambitious individual,” drawing in youth to the glamorous lifestyle of the trafficker character and contributing to a drastic increase in popularity in the United States (Garcia 2007: 111).

Although this music has become widely popular in the United States, it has not gone without receiving attention of the critics and the public. The narcoballad, which revolves around the illicit world of drugs and drug trafficking has become controversial, receiving negative reactions on both sides of the border and raising concerns regarding the potential impact it may have on Mexican youth in the United States (Holscher and Fernandez 2001;

Manriquez 2011; Morrison 2008). Moreover, the criticism of the narcocorrido has become reminiscent of the hardcore rap/gangsta rap criticism of the 1990s, receiving similar disapproval for glorifying drugs, guns, and violence (Holscher and Fernandez 2001;

Morrison 2008; Simonett 2006). The subgenre is consequently “criticized for glorifying the

drug trade” and therefore as having a “negative influence on [youth] and a negative impact on society” (Holscher and Fernandez 2001: 170). It is this same criticism however, that has also directed scholars to expand their scope and look beyond the explicit themes to further

address important underlying social, cultural, and political issues in the music.

Prior to 2000, little research on narcocorridos existed. One of the first to address the

presence of drugs in the corrido was Maria Herrera-Sobek (1979). Although research on drug

ballads did not gain full momentum until 2000, it was this initial work which later steered

future research such as Astroga (2000) who continued on a similar path, addressing the social

presence of drugs in the corrido. Subsequent research focused on the presence of violence in

the popular music, society’s response to the violent and drug themed music, and its potential

effects on society (Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Lambert and Giménez 2004; Simonett

2001). Thus, as research on the drug ballad increased, scholars expanded their focus to

address other important issues. For instance, scholars shifted their focus away from violence

and the potential effects of the music, and more towards centering their efforts on the

narcocorrido and the formation of identity (Edberg 2004; Manriquez 2011; Montaño 2010;

Simonett 2006).

While significant contributions towards the study of the narcocorrido have allowed

an initial understanding of the subgenre, this popular music still demands academic

discussion. Like any other controversial issue that raises concerns among the general public

and among scholars, it is important to address and discuss the narcocorrido in order to

provide answers and a deeper understanding of the popular music. For this reason, this work

sets out to contribute to the working body of literature regarding the narcocorrido and its role

in the formation identity among Mexican American youth. It is important to investigate how

4 music with a violent and aggressive theme, contributes to defining and forming the transnational experiences of Mexican American youth in the United States.

The focus of this work is then to demonstrate that the narcocorrido is more than a mere glamorization of narcolifestyle. Rather, the narcocorrido has the potential to configure a sense of transnationality or a dual sense of identity where Mexican American youth identify with not only the American mainstream culture but with the larger Mexican culture as well, functioning as a significant site and source for the construction and articulation of a transnational identity. Through a qualitative content analysis, this research examines the lyrics of the narcocorrido that while birthed the United State-Mexico border and popularized in the United States, focuses on the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico which contributes to defining a sense of transnationality among Mexican American youth in the United States.

This examination is also guided by the following questions: (1) as drugs and violence are characteristic features of narcocorridos, what general trends do these features follow? (2)

What defining traits of the trafficker persona emerge in the narcocorrido? (3) How have these defining traits changed over time?

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature

Scholars in the field of popular music and more specifically those addressing the less

regarded narcocorrido, have only recently examined this subgenre. As introduced, most

contributing work and scholarship on the Mexican drug ballad in the United States did not begin until 2000, despite the increasing emergence of the theme of drug smuggling in the

corrido beginning the 1970s. Initial research highlights the controversial features of the drug

ballad such as whether the narcocorrido is a genuine continuation of the traditional Mexican ballad, the increasing presence of drugs, violence, and its explicit content, its potential

effects, as well as the public’s response to this controversial music. Subsequent work

however, is directed towards the significant role the narcoballad plays in the context of

everyday life among the Mexican community in the United States, specifically assessing how

the subgenre of music functions as a tool and site for the construction of identity. The

literature to be reviewed not only guides and shapes the principle ideas of this research but

greatly contributes to this analysis by strengthening and supporting the focus of this work—

that the narcocorrido is more than a glorification of the narcolifestyle but rather, a potential

source and site for the formation of identity. Accordingly, this literature review will assess

and examine both initial and subsequent work, focusing more closely on the latter as this work is centered on the formation of self and identity.

The Narcocorrido: A Continuation of a Traditional Ballad or a Deviation?

A controversial subject among scholars studying the traditional corrido is whether or

not the narcocorrido and its portrayal of events is a continuation of the traditional Mexican

ballad. Addressing this point allows scholars and this particular research to discern whether

or not to treat the narcocorrido as such. As often cited, the traditional Mexican ballad was

used as a form of oral tradition to pass along news of important or tragic event during the 19th

6 century (Belardo 2010; Berry 2012; Edberg 2004; Hansen 1959; Holscher and Fernandez

2001). Ballads of the time included accurate dates and locations of where events occurred, a feature that is still central to the Mexican corrido today (Nicolopulos 1997). Corridos are

“factually based” and thus recognized for their depiction of reality, often reflecting “beliefs, values, [and] attitudes” as well as the “social and political concerns” of society (Herrera-

Sobek 1979; Holscher and Fernandez 2001: 161, 163-164). The focus then is whether narcocorridos similarly act as repositories, reflecting important social, historical, and/or political events or whether values and attitudes of society resonate within the music considering their distinct connection with themes involving drug trafficking.

Scholars who maintain that the narcocorrido deviates away from the traditional corrido, such as ethnomusicologist Helena Simonett (2001b: 332), argue that the narcocorrido is “fabricated genre that benefits from a commercial mystification of the drug trafficker” and “succumbs to the hegemonic power of culture industry”. Certainly, the narcocorrido like most modern form of popular music, has not evaded commercialism but as

Berry refutes, it is “difficult to suggest that the power of the culture industry automatically negates […] the authenticity of the corridos being produced,” and similarly “any evaluation that ascribes […] narcocorridos to a mere quest for record sales also attempts to negate their political nature” (Berry 2012: 3). As such, the narcocorrido must not be disregarded for the

mere reason that it has undergone the influence of commercialization and the culture

industry, as it continues to inform messages, not only of the political nature but of messages

of social, cultural, and historical nature as well.

On another note, Villalobos and Ramirez-Pimienta (2004: 135) contend that the

narcocorrido often sing the “praises, tragedies, and bravado of drug lords, their philosophy,

[and their] lifestyle” which supersede the corrido’s valued feature of depicting or portraying

“la pura verdad,” relegating it to “second tier”. In contrast, scholars such as Berry (2012: 2)

argue that narcocorridos “represent a genuine continuation of a living ballad tradition” that

can similarly be understood as a repository which documents the stories of society’s “anti-

hero” (Herrera-Sobek 1979) much like the traditional corrido documents Mexico’s unofficial

history from below (Berry 2012; Simonett 2001). Furthermore, Herrera-Sobek (1979:60)

asserts that these particular corridos “provide the researcher with excellent material from

which he can gain insight in the character, world view, value system, and moral standards of

the people who sing them and hear them.”

While the narcocorrido is viewed by some scholars as a deviation of the traditional

corrido for relegating la pura verdad to second tier, this research will examine the

narcocorrido in its own right. The narcocorrido may not always accentuate truth but it

continues to depict the stories, values, and the moral standards of the “anti-hero” as Herrera-

Sobek (1979) describes. Thus, despite the argument that the narcocorrido may not hold true to the traditional Mexican ballad, this research recognizes the narcocorrido for its potential to hold valuable information. It is for this reason that this particular research relies on an analysis of the narcocorrido, to demonstrate it reflects deeper issues and that it is more than a

glorification of the narcolifestyle.

The Presence of Drugs in the Corrido

A defining characteristic of the traditional Mexican corrido is its capacity to span

various themes and subject matters (Berry 2012; Hansen 1959; Herrera-Sobek 1979;

Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Mendoza 1939; Villalobos and Ramirez-Pimienta 2004). This feature has accordingly permitted scholars to address a multitude of themes which reflect innumerable aspects of the Mexican community in both Mexico and the United States such as its values, customs, ideals as well as important social and political dynamics, issues and

8 conflicts. The corrido’s origins which date back to the mid-19th century details a significant

period of time, which additionally demonstrates the wide possibilities of topics to be

addressed (Berry 2012; Holscher and Fernandez 2001; Simmons 1963).

One resonating theme which has characterized this music and has become of great

interest since its emergence is the theme of drug smuggling in the corrido. This topic was

first addressed by Américo Paredes (1976) and Maria Herrera-Sobek (1979), who reflect on

the portrayal of the drug trafficker and the attitudes expressed in the music towards drug

smuggling. For instance, both Paredes (1976) and Herrera-Sobek (1979) find that while

corridos depict a drug smuggler character, he is often portrayed as the antihero who enters

the “lucrative enterprise” to “relieve extreme poverty,” thus expressing positive attitudes

towards the smuggler (Herrera-Sobek 1979: 53, 55; Paredes 1976). However, Herrera-Sobek

(1979) asserts that the corridista, who functions as a moral reflection of the larger Mexican

community, does not go without expressing his “strong moral stance […] against smuggling”

in the corrido (Herrera-Sobek 1979: 53; Paredes 1976). Illustrated in nearly all drug

smuggling songs of the time, the trafficker’s life always ended in either death or prison,

clearly capturing the corridista and the community’s resonating position towards drug

smuggling. Herrera-Sobek concludes that while there is a “moral expressed” in every

corrido, “there is also great compassion expressed towards the smugger” (1979: 55). As the

trafficker character continues to be present in more recent narcocorridos, similar positive

attitudes are expressed in the portrayal of the trafficker as the antihero while continuing to

make a strong moral point against drug trafficking through the eventual death and

imprisonment of the trafficker character.

The next piece of seminal work by sociologist Luis Astroga (2000) similarly

discusses the appearance of drugs in the corrido, particularly paying attention to the presence

9 of cocaine. However, he also examines the changes that occur in the way composers capture the social presence of drugs as well as the perception of drug dealers, as influenced by development of drug trafficking. This particular work provides an illustrative trajectory which follows how drugs are being presented in the corrido as it is concomitantly influenced by the increased drug trafficking occurring between Mexico and the United States between

1960 and the late 1990s.

In his examination of corridos, he presents an analysis of various themes that are often referenced including the increasing and direct presence of drugs, the positive view and expectancy expressed towards the use of weapons, advancing methods of drug transportation, the social mobility of drug dealers, indulgence, and monetary gain which accompany the success in the illicit drug trafficking business, the use of codes and false identities, and the increasing consumption of drugs. As presented in his work, the drastic increase and influence of drug trafficking and drug consumption in both the United States and Mexico between

1960 and the late 1990s is mirrored in the form in which composers capture the open and accepting social presence of drugs and drug consumption in the corrido.

Similar findings are thus expected in the analysis of the narcocorrido proposed in this research. As drug trafficking in the United States-Mexico border and drug consumption in both countries has not ceased throughout the 1990s and 2000s, the examination of drug related themes of the narcocorrido expects to find similar themes regarding the presence of drugs, the positive views of the use of weapons, advancing methods of drug transportation, the social mobility of drug dealers, monetary gain, the use of codes and false identities, and the increased consumption of drugs. These seminal works are accordingly instrumental in the larger study of narcoballads as they are few of this kind that addresses the theme of drug smuggling. Also, as there are no additional studies that attempt to track the presence of drugs

10 or its development aside from the initial scholarly work of Paredes (1976), Herrera-Sobek

(1979) and Astroga (2000), this research proposes to contribute the literature by providing an analysis of drugs as it has continued to develop between 1990 and 2012.

Assessing the Increase in Violence

Another controversial component of the narcocorrido that has been of particular focus and interest in the last decade is the increasing presence of violence. The explicit and detailed references to violent scenarios such as murder and torture in congruence with positive views towards the use of weapons and violent means to achieve an end have drastically increased from the once implicit and vague lyrics of the corrido. This escalation of violence however, has not gone without notice or without extensive criticism from the public, media and academic scholars.

Ethnomusicologist Helena Simonett (2001b), addresses this controversial point, illustrating that narcocorridos often praise and glorify the life of drug traffickers, drug trafficking and violence, which further “create a new culture of masculinity and violence” with its forceful images (Simonett 2001: 332). While music and media have the potential to influence behavior to some capacity, there is disagreement over the extent to which music and media affect the behavior of younger audiences to the point of creating a culture of violence (Hunnicut and Andrews 2009: 613; Tanner, Asbridge, and Wortely 2009).

It is vital to discuss such disconcerting issues. However, as Hunnicut and Andrews

(2009: 612) stress, it is necessary to address the extent to which such violent music reflects true and “real-life conditions” while also discussing the potential influence the music might really have on listeners. While approaching concerning features such as violence in popular music, there occurs the “risk of further stigmatizing” music artists and participants as

“dangerous others” as well as “reinforcing the denigration of [the] culture” (Hunnicut and

Andrews 2009: 612). Thus, it is important to treat such music as a vehicle and tool for addressing underlying themes that are reflective of social issues rather than treating it as a contributor of youth violence. This particular research does just this. In the proposed analysis of the narcocorrido, the ballad is regarded as a tool that reflects larger social issues that inform a deeper understanding concerning the increase in violence in Mexico.

In contrast, the research of Lambert and Giménez (2004) is a particular example of scholarship which also addresses the social representation of violence in the narcocorrido.

However, they conclude that the social representation of violence in both corrido and narcocorrido is a reflection of the larger society not merely a contributor of violence. They find that narcocorridos express “materialistic and hedonistic ideals” where the attainment of wealth through violent means becomes a norm (Lambert and Giménez 2004: 656-657).

Lambert and Giménez assert that these ethics are a reflection of society and the narcocorrido thus affirms that these ideals are the ones which truly guide society at large (2004: 656-657).

While the rhetoric of the narcocorrido supports “violence as a means of rapid enrichments through the drug trade, [it] does not mean that the public will accept or take the same direction” (Lambert and Giménez 2004: 657). As such, this examination of violence, as

Lambert and Giménez provide and as this particular research also expects to find and support, reveals larger social issues, concluding that the increase of violence is a reflection of the larger society and its acceptance of violence as valid means through which individuals achieve material wealth and social mobility. An analysis of the values and attitudes expressed by the trafficker character towards the use of violent means will reveal these larger social issues and whether violence has become acceptable means of achieving the valued goals of society.

In one of her later works, Helena Simonett (2006) changes her stance regarding violence. She examines the function of narcomusic among the Mexican community in the

United States and concludes that the narcocorrido is more than a “reflection of the violent conditions in which it exists” and rather than “celebrating, and thus perpetuating, violent behavior,” it contains a “regulatory and healing function,” which “may generate a collective catharsis” (McDowell 2000 and Astroga 1995 cited in Simonett, 2006: 3). Thus, she explains, narcocorridos “can be considered a morally justified response to social forms of violence” (Simonett 2006: 16). Though this research does not dispute but rather agrees with

Simonett’s (2006) argument that the narcocorrido serves as a healing function and a justified response to the social forms of violence, the perspective and understanding of violence that is taken in this research falls in line more so with Lambert and Giménez (2004) who understand violence to be a reflection of larger social issues.

While music that contains explicit content such as drugs and violence are readily criticized by both the public and scholars regarding the concerns and potential effects the music may have on youth listeners, initial scholarly work, which correspondingly responds with criticism, becomes important. These initial opinions and scholarship that harshly criticize new styles of music characterized by violence, drugs, or sexual content such as rap or narcocorridos, lead to more comprehensive research and scholarship that recognize external social, political, and economic factors. For instance, scholars studying popular music such as hip-hop, rap, gangsta raps, as well as narcocorridos argue that these forms of popular music emerge in response to the disadvantaged economic and social conditions in which minority groups sustain. Accordingly, this research seeks to address some of these larger social issues that contribute to the presence of drugs and violence in the narcocorrido.

The Narcocorrido and the Forming of a Cultural Identity

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associated with money which expresses “social roles of wealth and power” (Edberg 2004:

265). Edberg concludes that for the subaltern strata of Mexico and other Hispanic/Latino

migrants, the cultural persona of the drug trafficker may signify:

(1) reversal of the common circumstance—the representation of an individual who has gained power and status without being of elite or dominant background, and who provides for “his people” (the social bandit); (2) foregrounding of the common circumstance—fame given to a traditional, rural “big man” or caudillo; (3) foregrounding of the common circumstance—a reflection of the real world of drug trafficking and violence that exists “on the streets”; and (4) self-assertion—of a clever and tough northern Mexican ideal type (269).

For elite/middle class strata, the cultural persona of the drug trafficker represents “a form of rebellion and [abandonment of] traditional values” where power and status is achieved through illegitimate means (270). Lastly, across all strata the narcotrafficker persona may represent:

(1) U.S.-Mexico conflict and standing in opposition to U.S. power, being able to "defeat" U.S. power, and bringing to light contradictions in U.S. policy; (2) representations of masculinity and (male-gendered) power widely disseminated in Mexican culture (since the persona is typically, though not exclusively, male gendered); (3) widely shared cultural understandings about boundaries between life and death, and the presence of life after death; and (4) for a small but growing subset of narcocorridos in which the narcotrafficker is female: power and status achieved "outside the rules"; therefore, once again, a form of rebellion and abandon vis-a-vis "traditional values" (270).

Thus as Edberg (2004) exemplifies, the cultural persona of the drug trafficker

presented in narcocorrido functions far beyond a potential role model for individuals to

idolize, but rather, functions as source which individuals reference, draw from, and act out in

their own symbolic representation of self. Similar to the trafficker persona which serves as a model for how to be a person of status, this research proposes that the trafficker persona also

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Expressing Identity

As previously introduced and reviewed in regards to the presentation of violence,

Simonett (2006) also examines the role of narcocorrido in the construction of identity among immigrant and Latino communities in the United States. In contrast to the scholarship of

Edberg and Montaño, Simonett does not present the narcocorrido as making available a

persona or mask for individuals to utilize in their presentation of self but rather poses how the

narcocorrido is an active and legitimate expression of identity and a means for which

“listeners and practitioners invent, construct, and assert their identities” (2006: 5). She further asserts that the narcocorrido represents a “syncretic fusion of traditional elements,” inclusive

of “sounds, images, values, and language” from the rural and pre-modern Mexican culture

fused with the “contemporary features” of “technology and aesthetics of an urban,

postmodern culture” which function as an expression of Mexican youth’s own sense of

cultural identity (Simonett 2006: 9). Simonett’s particular argument that the narcomusic is a

legitimate form of expression is evident in the music, particularly as the music is examined

overtime. For instance, as the narcocorrido progresses and develops overtime, the style of the

music changes and develops as well, reflecting the changing expressions of identity. This is

evident when comparing the older generations of narcocorridos artists and their music such

as Los Tigres Del Norte to the newer generations such as Gerardo Ortiz and Larry

Hernandez. Both generations of music express their own versions of identity whether it is a

strong Mexican identity through the use of traditional elements of Regional Mexican music,

or a mixed cultural identity by expressing the use of contemporary features. Rather than a

mask or cultural persona to draw from, Simonett reasons that the narcocorrido is a tool which

functions as a means for expressing and articulating identity. While this research

acknowledges that the narcocorrido may be a legitimate form of expressing identity, it does

make this argument here. Rather, this research focuses on the narcocorrido and how it

functions as a potential site and source in the construction of identity.

The Portrayal of the Masculine and the Feminine

A significant contributor to the expression and makeup of identity in narcocorridos is the expression of masculinity and femininity. As literature on narcocorridos claim,

narcocorrido lyrics express and sustain Mexico’s larger traditional views of masculinity and the dissemination of masculine power (Edberg 2004; Herrera-Simonett 1979; Manriquez

2011; Simonett 2001; Villalobos and Ramirez-Pimienta 2004). Therefore this section will

review what is discussed across several narcocorrido studies as findings regarding the

articulation of masculinity are similar. However, what is most often overlooked in addressing

the Mexican male character is the representation of the Mexican female character in the

narcocorrido. A critical contributor to the discourse of women in the corrido and the first to address this matter is Maria Herrera-Sobek (1990). Although this analysis is applied to the traditional corrido, it has become essential in guiding other scholarship on the matter including Gabriela Nava (2003) and Magdalena Altamirano (2010). These critical works

have addressed the portrayal of women in the corrido, analysis that have proved essential in this review.

El Gallo

An often and overlapping finding in narcocorrido literature is the representation of the masculine character. This overarching theme is representative of Mexico’s traditional views of masculinity. The trafficker is often portrayed as el gallo valiente, a brave man unafraid of anything (Edberg 2004; Morrison 2008; Nicolopulos 1997; Simonett 2001; Villalobos and

Ramirez-Pimienta 2004). However, this image of the drug trafficker and its representation of

Mexican masculinity in the narcocorrido has changed over time as the subgenre has evolved

into a more violent and explicit form of music, as well as expressing a more aggressive and

violent quality associated with the masculine character (Lambert and Giménez 2004;

Morrison 2008; Simonett 2006).

As such, Simonett asserts that the character in the narcocorrido is “no longer the

brave man of Mexico’s revolutionary era,” rather has “denigrated into the pistol-toting gallo

valiente who commits crimes with impunity because he has power, money, and political influence” (2006: 15). Simonett further argues that this “narrative-based genre of the narcocorrido conveys forceful images that help to create a new culture of masculinity and violence” (2001b: 332). Similarly, Morrison also mentions the male character first as “un valiente, a brave man, […] struggling against all odds” (2008:390). She further asserts that the “sense of manliness typical of the Revolution is converted into exaggerated machismo” that “after the revolution, the brave man denigrated into the macho, whose courage is concentrated in his testicles, and into [a] pistol-toting bully” (Morrison 2008: 390 quoting

Simonett 2001a: 224). Morrison concludes that current narcocorridos “do suggest an abandonment of old-fashioned codes of chivalry in favor of a more chauvinistic, boasting mentality” (2008: 390-391).

In addition to Simonett (2001b; 2006) and Morrison (2008), Lambert and Giménez

(2004) also recognize the male character’s development over time. They point out that traditional corridos portray “el valiente tradicional” who is motivated towards social justice and defending the rights of the pueblos while protagonists in narcocorridos are focused solely on self-enrichment and whose violent acts are deliberately aggressive (Lambert and Giménez

2004: 651-652). As illustrated, the male character is often represented or portrayed as possessing the typical masculine qualities. However, as previous research demonstrates, this male character changes over time, developing into a more violent and aggressive character.

As the research I propose similarly focuses on identity by examining the portrayal of the trafficker character, the scholarly work of Simonett (2006), Morrison (2008), and Lambert and Giménez (2004) proves vital here as it serves as a guide in my analysis of the narcocorrido. Thus, similar findings are expected in this examination of the narcoballad. This research anticipates the portrayal of a trafficker character that expresses the typical masculine qualities of Mexico.

La Dama

While all scholarship on narcocorridos has reflected on the masculine drug trafficker to some extent, there is a lack of attention given to the portrayal of women in the narcocorrido. However, the works of Herrera-Sobek (1990), Nava (2003), and Altamirano

(2010) prove crucial to this subject as they provide a comprehensive analysis of the depiction of women in the traditional Mexican ballad. These seminal works contribute to an important discussion which regards the patriarchal ideology and the masculine-oriented themes as crucial and influential in the representation of women in the male-dominated genre and consequently, its subgenre (Herrera-Sobek 1990: xviii). Furthermore, this discussion helps to understand the socially expected role of women in the Mexican culture and how it contributes to the construction and articulation of their identity in this particular work.

To begin, Maria Herrera-Sobek delineates the four most frequently arising archetypal images derived from her analysis of the Mexican Corrido. They include: the Good and

Terrible Mother, the Mother Goddess, the Lover, and the Soldier which provide a new perspective on the role of Mexican women in Mexican society (Herrera-Sobek 1990). Other archetypes which she also found but did not include in her discussion include the Immigrant, the Outlaw, the Virgin Sweetheart, the Daughter, the Sister, the Wife, the Mother-In-Law, the Independent Woman, and the Acculturated Woman (Herrera-Sobek 1990: xix).

In her work, Gabriela Nava (2003) utilizes Herrera-Sobek’s archetypal images of women in her own analysis examining femicide in the corrido. For instance, Nava uses the

Lover or Eve archetype in her discussion and explanation of violence. She poses that the rebellious woman or Eve, as Herrera-Sobek posits, disrupts the patriarchal equilibrium and order with her beauty and as such brings death, tragedy, and violence to the world and thus, unto herself (Nava 2003: 131; Herrera-Sobek 1990: 63-4). In her work, Nava concludes that the deaths of women in Mexican society are a “direct consequence of [its] patriarchal and moralist ideology” of the late 1800s-1900s (2003: 140).

Similar to Herrera-Sobek, Altamirano (2010) analyzes both the positive and negative representation of women in the traditional Mexican corrido. There are three archetypes represented in the traditional corrido which Altamirano discusses: the woman as the assistant, the woman as the antagonist, and the woman who takes up arms. Although her archetypes differ from that of Herrera-Sobek’s, both respectively defined archetypes contribute to an overall feminist discussion that is long overdue concerning the depiction of women in corridos. This discussion correspondingly contributes to how the corrido and conversely, how the narcocorrido play a critical role in the construction and articulation of a female identity. As the feminist approach has been applied to the traditional corrido, a great contribution to future research would be to provide a feminist analysis of the narcocorrido.

Although this research does not apply a feminist analysis, it still hopes to contribute to the discussion regarding the representation of women in the narco subgenre.

Affirmations of a Transnational Identity

An additional contributor to the makeup and expression of identity in the narcocorrido is the articulation of a transnational identity; a discussion lacking in the literature. An interesting and significant factor to consider of this music is its borderland

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of music such as a feminist analysis or an overall examination of how women are portrayed in the music in comparison to men. Accordingly, it is important that interest and scholarship

continue and expand the understanding of this form of popular music.

Chapter Three: Methodology

Theoretical Framework

While research regarding popular music has focused primarily on the music and culture industry, commercialization, and the production of music as a commodity for mass consumption, this work directs its attention towards research focused on the function and meaning of music. Thus, as this research project entails the examination of music and its relationship to the construction of identity, it presents a theoretical framework that helps to understand and guide this proposed work as such. The concepts of sociologist George H.

Lewis and his interpretation of popular music, the theoretical work of sociologist John B.

Thompson on media, and feminist and Chicana scholar Gloria Anzaluda’s borderland theory will be used as a framework understand popular music and its role in the formation of a transnational identity.

Music as Symbolic Communication

To comprehend the relationship between music and the formation of self and identity, this research first requires music to be understood in a particular light, therefore using a perspective as proposed by George H. Lewis in his work, Popular Music: Symbolic

Resources and Transformer of Meaning in Society (1982) and in The Meanings in the Music and the Music’s in Me: Popular Music as Symbolic Communication (1983). Lewis (1982) introduces music as a form of symbolic communication and an ordered system of meaning

(184). He further asserts that as a symbolic form of communication, within popular music there is “a framework of beliefs, expressive symbols, and values in terms of which individuals define their world, express their feelings, and make their judgments” (Lewis

1982: 184). For Lewis, it is vital for a sociologist to illustrate how music expresses the

“images, visions, and sentiments of the people who find significance in it” and how music

“reflects the values and norms of the larger social system or the ideology of a social class”

(1982: 184). This form of communication thus functions as a symbolic resource for listeners and has the potential to “define and reaffirm the views of their social worlds” (Lewis 1983:

133).

In this case, the popular music of narcocorridos must also be seen in such light. In

Lewis’ view, we must understand narcocorrido as a form of symbolic communication which reflect a larger social framework of Mexican beliefs, symbols, values, and norms (1982;

1983). These beliefs thus define the world and express the feelings, visions, sentiments, and judgments of Mexican youth who find significance in this music (Lewis 1982; 1983).

Viewing the narcocorrido in this particular frame of reference allows us to see how the music functions as a resource for youth and how it holds the potential to define and reaffirm the views of their social world (Lewis 1982; 1983). In understanding music in this manner, themes reflective of the larger Mexican society (that of both Mexico and the United States) including the beliefs, values, norms, feelings, visions, sentiments and likewise the expressions of identity, will emerge from the music in the proposed content analysis.

Social Theory of Media

In understanding music as a symbolic form of communication and a system of meaning, we must now make sense of how this particular music originating from the U.S-

Mexico border, has been adopted by rural and working class Mexican youth in the United

States, and how it functions for them as a source in the process of self-formation and the construction of a transnational identity. To make sense of this complex setting, I use the theoretical work of sociologist John B. Thompson. In his work, The Media and Modernity:

Social Theory of the Media, Thompson (1995) addresses numerous issues concerning media;

however, this research only focuses on his perspectives regarding media globalization and his

discussion of the self as a symbolic project.

Global Diffusion and Localized Appropriation

The understand how Mexican youth in the United States have popularized a music

birthed in the borderland, Thompson’s theory regarding global diffusion and localized appropriation will be used. Thompson (1995) asserts that while there is an increase in

communication and information advancing on a global scale, this diffusion of information is

received and appropriated by individuals situated in specific “spatial-temporal locales” (174).

Individuals use the resources made available to them in order to make sense of media messages and information to effectively incorporate them into their daily lives (Thompson

1995: 174). In other words, what Thompson is trying to emphasize here is that the globalization of information and communication does not reduce the localized character of appropriation but rather, as he proposes, creates an axis of globalized diffusion and localized appropriation (1995: 174). In his examination of the global and local, Thompson highlights three significant, interrelated themes that further develop his discussion on the localized process of appropriation. Through the localized process of appropriation: (1) media products and messages are incorporated in the contexts of everyday life which shape and alter their significance; (2) individuals are able to conceptualize and map out regions that are far removed from their own locales; (3) tension and conflict can result as media products have the potential to convey images and messages that contradict with individuals traditional values (1995: 174-177).

In context to this research, we can conclude a similar localized process of appropriation among Mexican American youth: (1) media products like narcocorridos are incorporated in the context of everyday life which shape and alter their significance among

Mexican American youth in the United States; (2) youth are able to conceptualize the narco-

subcultural activities that take place in Mexico which are far removed from their own locales;

(3) thus, conflict can also result as the narcocorrido conveys different values and attitudes

reflective of both the narcoculture and the Mexican culture which contradict with the

traditional values of the American mainstream culture that Mexican American youth also

identity with.

We can further assess the popularization and adoption of the narcocorrido in the

United States by Mexican youth using Thompson’s concepts of globalized diffusion and

localized appropriation. As we understand how globalization has allowed the advancement of

information and communication, we can similarly understand how media products such as

music have become available across regions to individuals in specific spatial-temporal locales, due to the technological advancements of globalization. Thus, as information advances on a global scale, individuals such as Mexican youth in the United States receive

and appropriate information and messages presented to them through media products like

narcomusic from distanced regions like Mexico, far removed from their own specific locales.

Mexican youth then draw from resources made available to them in order to make sense of these media messages and accordingly incorporate them into the contexts of everyday life.

This globalized diffusion has made media products such as narcomusic widely available for

Mexican youth to draw from allowing them the opportunity to adopt, popularize, and practice such music. For instance, following the increased popularization of the narcocorrido music of the U.S-Mexican border which was largely lead by Mexican artists of the region, Mexican

American artists in the United States also began to record their own renditions and stories regarding the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico. By understanding Thompson’s concepts of globalized diffusion of information, we can assess how media products like narcomusic

are made widely available to Mexican youth in the United States and through the process of

localized appropriation, have allowed them to draw from and incorporate the music into

contexts of their daily lives.

Self as a Symbolic Project

Now that it is understood how media products like narcomusic are made quite

accessible to Mexican youth through the advancements of communication and information

on a global scale, we must now take it a step further and ascertain not just how these forms of

information and media are adapted and incorporated into the context of everyday life but

specifically how mediated forms of information such as narcomusic cultivate the process of

identity and self-formation. As Thompson (1995) views, the expansion of communication

and information networks has made accessible a wide range of what he calls non-local

knowledge (207). It is through vast sources of information ranging from distant places or

‘non-local knowledge’ that individuals increasingly use and rely on in the process of shaping

identity (Thompson 1995). In this discussion, Thompson affirms that his account of the self

is different from earlier approaches. Rather than understanding the self as a product of

external forces or a fixed entity, Thompson views the self as a “symbolic project that the

individual actively constructs” (1995: 210). Thus, the self becomes a project that individuals

are constantly creating and forming out of symbolic material that he or she “weaves into a

coherent account of who he or she is, a narrative of self-identity,” a self or narrative that the individual will redefine over time as they negotiate new information and new experiences

(Thompson 1995: 210). Accordingly, as Mexican youth come across symbolic material made available to them, such as narcocorridos, they begin to actively construct, form, or adjust their identity and self. This, of course, can change as the narco music changes or as Mexican youth begin to draw from other sources of symbolic material other than narcomusic.

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in the process of shaping identity. By means of the theoretical work of George H. Lewis

(1982; 1983) and James B. Thompson (1995), this work proposes to understand narco music

as a form of symbolic communication which through the advances of globalization has made

it widely accessible to individuals such as Mexican youth who draw on this vast collection of

information which range from distant sources such as Mexico and thus are able to actively

construct their self and identity by drawing on such symbolic material.

Design

The purpose of this research is to examine the development of drugs and violence

overtime as well as demonstrate how the narcocorrido both contributes to and defines a transnational identity. In order to capture resonating themes concerning drugs, violence, and identity, this research relies on a qualitative content analysis which is a method of “analyzing

written, verbal or visual communication messages” (Elo and Kingas 2007; 107). Previous

research on narcocorridos focusing on related themes of drugs, violence, and identity have

also relied on such methods of analysis (see Astroga 2000; Holscher and Fernandez 2001;

Lambert and Giménez 2004; Manriquez 2011). Additional scholarship on the narcocorrido which spans across a variety of disciplines including sociology, ethnomusicology, Latin

American studies, Chicano/a studies, and history have similarly relied on content analysis considering it serves as a valuable tool when assessing topics concerning the narcoculture as

it is a dangerous and otherwise difficult population to study (See Aguilera 2011; Astroga

2000; Garcia 2007).

As such, this research provides an in-depth analysis of the music through an examination of narcocorrido lyrics. Accordingly, relevant themes found in previous research guide the content analysis of the lyrics here. First, themes of drugs, the positive views of the use of weapons, advancing methods of drug transportation, the social mobility of drug

31 dealers, monetary gain, the use of codes and false identities, and the increased consumption of drugs as found by Astroga (2000) guide and inform the analysis of drug related themes and categories in this research. In regards to violence, the work of Lambert and Giménez

(2004), also guide the analysis of this research, focusing on specific violent instances that reflect the values of the larger society and its acceptance of violence as valid means through which individuals achieve power, material wealth, and social mobility. Lastly, Edberg’s

(2004) concept of the cultural persona, the work of Simonett (2001b; 2006), Morrison

(2008), and Lambert and Giménez (2004) and their concept of the gallo valiente, the work of

Herrera-Sobek (1990), Nava (2003), and Altamirano (2010) and their analysis of the representation of women, and the work of Manriquez (2011) regarding transnationality, all guide this research in the analysis of themes related to identity.

In addition, this analysis spans from 1990 to 2012, a twenty-three year period to examine the development of drugs, violence and identity. An examination of this length has not been conducted in previous research and thus further contributes to the overall understanding and development of themes present in the narcocorrido.

Moreover, there are two approaches that can be used in a content analysis depending on the extent of previous research. There is the directed or deductive approach and conventional or inductive approach. Both can be used in this work as existing scholarship on the narcocorrido is relatively new, but at the same time also sufficient enough to build upon a foundation. Research which uses the directed or deductive approach to content analysis conducts research with the intention of expanding or testing an existing theory based on previous work; while a conventional or inductive approach to content analysis is used when existing literature or theory is limited (Hsiu-Fang Hsieh and Shannon 2005). Considering that this work proposes that the narcocorrido functions as a site and source which makes available

32 a set of traits for youth draw from in the construction of a transnational identity, similar to

Edberg’s (2004) model, then this work would be guided or directed by previous concepts, indicating a directed or deductive approach.

Data Collection

The specific body of material examined in this research was the narcocorrido or drug ballad. As there are various types of corridos which mention drugs and drug consumption, this work only examined specific narcotics corridos: those which deal with illegal drug activities such as drug trafficking, drug production, territory conflict, murder, torture, coercion, corruption, money laundering, and racketeering. Since there was no data base, log, or pre-existing list of narcocorridos to draw a sample from, data collection strategies for this work first set out to manually compile a list of as many narcocorridos as possible meeting this criteria between the years of 1990 to 2012. Considering that this work seeks to examine a particular type of music, purposive sampling methods are used to compile the list of narcocorridos.

To begin such a feat, a list of regional Mexican artists (known both in the United

States and Mexico) recognized or known for composing narcocorridos was first compiled.

Considering that no one artist is known for composing only narcocorridos, a search through their discography would be necessary in order to pinpoint these specific songs. A disadvantage in this method is that this list is limited to my knowledge of regional Mexican artists. Thus, I did not have a complete list, or a truly representative sample of narcocorridos, making it a limitation in this research. Considering, however, that there were no pre-existing lists of narcocorridos of any kind, this was the most complete and representative list available

(or as complete as my knowledge and technology would allow). In order to offset this limitation, extensive Google searches for narcocorrido artists, composers, songs, etc. were

33 carried out in order to expand my knowledge of narcocorrido artists. In addition, further searches through previous scholarship were also completed. Similarly, when searching for known narcocorridos artists, albums, or songs, links which offered similar artists or songs were further explored in order to extend the list. A total of ninety-two artists were compiled.

After all methods were exhausted, to build the list of 92 regional Mexican artists, an online search through each of their respective discographies was made in order to pinpoint narcocorridos between the years 1990 and 2012. Websites that were used to locate discographies included the artists’ or bands’ website as well as music websites such as

Batanga.com, Taringa.net, and Buenamusica.com. Songs were identified either through title if apparent enough which was true in many cases or by reading through the lyrics when the song titles were ambiguous. When lyrics were not available to confirm whether or not the song was narcocorrido, the song track was searched and listened to. The Internet however, became a limitation in this phase of data collection when neither lyrics nor song tracks were available to confirm whether or not the song met the criteria. This occurred more often with older songs. In such cases when songs had ambiguous titles and could not be confirmed through lyrics nor songs tracks, they were unfortunately disregarded.

Once the ninety-two regional Mexican artists’ discographies were reviewed one by one, narcocorridos that met the criteria were added to a list and organized under their respective artist and distinguished by album. A total of 2,775 songs were compiled. This list was then reorganized by year first rather than by artist in order to pull a sample that would allow the examination of the narcocorrido as it developed over time. Since it was beyond my capabilities to analyze 2,775 songs within such a small period of time, a more manageable sample size was drawn. Thus, ten songs were randomly selected for each year from 1990 to

2012, narrowing my sample to 230. An additional limitation however, restricted this sample

34 size from 230 to 202 as it was difficult to find narcocorridos between 1991 and 1994. Only eight songs were found for 1991, one song for 1992, no songs for 1993, and three songs for

1994, eliminating twenty-eight songs and limiting these specific years. Thus, the final sample size was 202 songs.

Although the sampling procedures to obtain and compile the initial list of narcocorridos were purposive, measures were taken in order to ensure a random and representative sample of the initial list. To pull a representative sample size, each year was randomized first to ensure variability of the list and thus the sample selection considering that each year was organized by artist. To do so, song lists for each year were entered into list randomizer using a random number service website (Random.org). The list randomizer provided both a randomized and numbered list. Using a random number generator featured on the same website (Random.org), ten numbers based on the size of each list were drawn for every year. For instance if 2012 held 435 songs, the number generator was set to select ten numbers ranging from 1 to 435 or if it the year held 295 songs, the number generator was set to select ten numbers ranging from 1 to 295. These ten random numbers drawn for every list represented the ten randomly selected songs for each respective year.

After acquiring the final list, an internet search was completed in order to retrieve lyrics for all 202 songs. Lyrics most often came from fan-based websites such as

(Musica.com, Musicafusion.com, Bailepopular.com, Quedeletras.com, Gmusica.com etc.) which meant the possibility of mistakes. In order to prevent inaccuracy, songs were cross referenced with the song track in order to validate the lyrics. In the cases were song tracks were not available to verify lyrics, a separate song from its designated year was randomly reselected to replace it. Other instances in which lyrics were not available but the song tracks were, songs were transcribed by ear if possible. When a song track was too difficult to

35 transcribe by ear or when neither lyric nor song track was available which was the case for some of the older songs, a separate song from its designated year was randomly reselected to replace it. When all lyrics for all 202 songs were obtained, data analysis began.

Data Analysis

As the first stage of analysis included becoming familiar with the data, all 202 song lyrics were read through thoroughly in chronological order once and then a second time to become immersed in the work and gain a sense of the whole. During this initial phase of analysis, in becoming familiar with the data, first impressions and initial or important thoughts regarding the data were noted or memoed. These first impressions and thoughts served a critical role, as they recorded and kept track of initial ideas that were expanded on later; ideas that were otherwise easily forgotten when not noted.

After reading through the work and becoming familiar with it, the first round of open coding was initiated. In this phase of analysis, an almost anything-goes-attitude was taken where anything and everything was reflected on and noted; anything that seemed to reflect significant ideas. During open coding, no wrong or right answers existed as the idea of this phase was to allow creative ideas to flow. For instance, when lyrics described violent scenes, the simple note or code “violence” was used. Similarly, when drugs were referenced, a simple note or code “drugs” was used. Furthermore, when handling the data, one year (i.e. ten songs) was focused on at one time in order to not become overwhelmed. This also allowed me to reflect on how each set of ten songs was characteristic of that year, taking note of the social presence of drugs and violence.

Following the open coding was the selective coding phase. This stage involved reading lyrics line by line, considering the notes taken during open coding, and highlighting or marking any resonating words or phrases that seemed to capture “key thoughts or

36 concepts” (Hsieh and Shannon 2005). When significant thoughts or concepts were recurrent, labels that were descriptive or reflective of these important or significant concepts were assigned. For instance, a very common reference that emerged throughout the lyrics was the mention of a specific home state like Michoacán, Sinaloa, Durango or hometown or cities like Culiacan or Tijuana. Since numerous places were named, the simple, descriptive and inclusive code of “hometown/home state” was noted during open coding. These codes were reflective of concepts such as “community,” and/or “state/nationhood” depending on context in which they were used. Concepts were then labeled as such. Other common references that appeared frequently in the lyrics included mentions of traits characteristic of the drug trafficker such as “brave,” “determined,” “generous” as well as “bad tempered” or

“troublesome” which were noted and assigned the descriptive code of “traits” during open coding. These traits reflected the ideal and characteristic traits valued and expected of the narco trafficker. Thus, this concept of the “ideal trafficker” was labeled as such. Labels reflective of key concepts such as these slowly emerged as more and more time was spent reading the data. These labels also defined the initial coding scheme. During the selective coding phase, data was examined once thoroughly and then briefly a second time in order to revisit and refine any loose codes or concepts.

Before continuing with the analysis and organizing concepts into larger categories and themes, an important step was first deciding how to handle the data in a manner that would later illustrate the development of the narcocorrido and its themes more easily. By this, I mean analyzing the data in segments in order track the development of themes over time. I should note that I was delayed in making this decision as I struggled to decide exactly how I would organize the data. Ideally, this decision should have been made prior to beginning analysis but as mentioned, I had some difficulty. What made it challenging was the

37 little number of songs that I had available for the years between 1992 and 1994. In other words, these years would not be represented accurately based on the little songs I had obtained. Similarly, the uneven number of songs representative of these years prevented me from finding a simple way of dividing my data into equal segments.

After deliberating for some time, I decided to omit the years between 1992 and 1994 as there lacked a sufficient number of songs to represent these years. This reduced my total sample size from 202 to 198. Although the data still spanned a twenty-three year period, by removing those songs from 1992 to 1994, only a total of twenty years was examined. Doing so allowed for an easier handle of the data as the distribution of songs per segment was more equal. As the data was more manageable, I divided the twenty years into ten segments, every segment comprising of two years, from (1990-1991), (1995-1996), (1997-1998), (1999-2000) and so forth. This allowed me to assess the data more easily, provide a way to examine of the music overtime, and illustrate the development of themes. Thus, categorizing concepts into themes would be done for each of the ten separate segments as mentioned above.

Once the decision was made to handle the data in ten parts, each segment was examined separately. I should address that at this stage in my analysis, circumstances which redirected the focus of my work heavily constrained the time I had available to organize all concepts into larger categories. Thus, during this stage, I focused solely on organizing and

categorizing concepts related to the focus of this study. In other words, I focused only on drugs, violence, and identity. As I intend to further this research, my analysis will continue in the future for the purposes of deriving all themes and examining their development over

time.

In the stage of the analysis, similar concepts were organized into more encompassing

categories or themes for each respective time block. For instance, in this process concepts of

“community,” “nationhood”, and concepts related to the “ideal trafficker” were all expressive

of identity to some extent. Thus, these relating concepts were categorized under identity. The

same process of organization was done under each segment, focusing on concepts of drugs,

violence, and identity.

Table 1 below provides a sample illustration of the coding and categorizing process

and an example of codes, concepts, and categories produced at each stage of analysis. For

instance, codes derived during first phase of open coding included “traits,” “values,” and

“home state.” During phase two of selective coding, these codes were organized and labeled

based on the key concepts they reflected such as “ideal trafficker persona,” “affirmation of

Mexican state/nationhood,” and “community.” During phase three of categorizing, key

concepts were organized into more encompassing categories such as identity.

Phase/Stage

4. Categorizing Category: Identity Selective Affirmation of 3. Concepts: ‘Ideal’ Trafficker Persona Community Coding Mexican Identity Open 2. Code: Traits Values Homestate Coding Michoacan Brave “yo soy puro Michoacano” Respect Determined Sinaloa Actual Loyalty Generous “soy de Sinaloa, al cien con la 1. Reading Word/Phrase Family/Group Violent plebada” (translated) Protect/Defend Tempered Durango

Tough “yo digo viva Durango, porque Chacala es mi tierra”

Table 1: Example of codes, concepts, and categories produced during each phase of analysis. The last

stage of data analysis involved reflecting on the categories, examining the relationship between them, comparing and contrasting, as well as examining the development of themes over time. For instance, I examined the theme of identity and how it was potentially related to

39 the other significant themes such as drugs and violence and how the relationship between these themes progressed or developed over the twenty-three years.

Chapter Four: Results

The focus of this work is to demonstrate that the narcocorrido is more than a mere glamorization of the violent narcolifestyle and that it functions as a significant site and source for the construction and articulation of identity. Through a qualitative content analysis, this research examined the lyrics of the narcocorrido that to demonstrate how it defines and contributes to the formation of a transnational identity.

As the analysis of lyrics provided a great amount of information and both time and space were limited here, this research project only presents a small portion of what was found during the analysis. This work first presents the results regarding themes of drugs and violence as these are characteristic of the narcocorrido and should be discussed. However, for the purposes of addressing the issue at hand, these results are very general as this research focused more closely on the narcocorrido and its role in the formation of self and identity.

Furthermore, to present the general finding of drugs and violence, considering that time limitations did not allow a more thorough and qualitative examination and discussion of these themes, a very general quantitative analysis was used in order to provide a visual presentation of their development. In terms of presenting the themes most relevant to this work, this section also presents findings on the portrayal of masculine and feminine characters and the affirmation of a transnational identity by providing examples pulled from the data.

This section also presents these themes as they developed or changed over the twenty-three year period. However, findings regarding the affirmation of a Mexican identity are presented generally as it remained constant overtime. The following sections as outlined present the significant findings on drugs, violence, the male and female trafficker character,

as well as the affirmation of a Mexican identity while addressing the following questions: (1) as drugs and violence are characteristic features of narcocorridos, what general trends do these features follow? (2) What defining traits of the trafficker persona emerge in the narcocorrido? (3) How have these defining traits changed over time?

Drugs

As one of the defining themes of this subgenre, it was essential and necessary to address the presence of drugs in the narcocorrido. However, I only provide very brief and general results of drugs and their development overtime, considering time constraints which did not allow a more thorough and qualitative examination of the social presence of drugs and the attitudes expressed towards drug consumption and drug trafficking. Accordingly, as the analysis of drugs was guided by Astroga (2000), results found the presence of similar themes including the advancing methods of drug transportation and the consumption of drugs. Unfortunately, time constraints did not allow an examination of these themes as they developed over time. Furthermore, this section continues by addressing the first guiding question: as drugs are a characteristic feature of the narcocorrido, what general trend does this feature follow? Table 2 below illustrates the percentage of songs that mention drugs.

Percentage of Songs that Total Number of Year Mention Drugs Songs 1990-1991 67% 18 1995-1996 95% 20 1997-1998 70% 20 1999-2000 75% 20 2001-2002 60% 20 2003-2004 45% 20 2005-2006 35% 20 2007-2008 35% 20 2009-2010 25% 20 2011-2012 15% 20 1990-2012 52% 198 Table 2: The percentage of songs that mention drugs.

According to Table 2, the overall percentage of songs that mentioned drugs decreased

over time. For instance, between 1995 and 1996, 95% of songs mentioned drugs while

between 2011 and 2012, only 15% percent of songs mentioned drugs. Overall, 52% of all

songs between 1990 and 2012 mentioned drugs. Figure 1 below expresses the average count

of drug occurrences per song which follows the same decreasing trend illustrated in Table1.

Average Count of Drugs Per Song 2.5 2.30 2.20

1.90 2.0 Average 1.40 1.5 Drug 1.17 1.20 Counts 1.00 0.90 Per Song 1.0 0.80 Expon. (Average

Average Count of Drugs of Drugs Count Average 0.5 0.20 Drug Counts 0.0 Per Song)

Year Figure 1: The average count of drugs per song over time.

According to Figure 1, the highest counts of drugs per song occurred between the years 1995 and 2000, with the highest average of 2.3 counts between 1995 and 1996 followed by a significant drop between 2003 and 2004 with an average of .80 counts of drugs. There occurs an increase again that peaks at an average of 1.4 counts per song between the 2009 and 2010 before dropping at its lowest between the years 2011 and 2012 at an average of .20 counts per song. Considering that the occurrence of drugs decreases, the figure below illustrates how drugs are particularly expressed in the music, whether they are portrayed more or less implicitly or explicitly over time. Figure 2 below expresses the total count of drugs per year and the percentage of implicit and explicit occurrences of drugs.

Total Count of Drugs and Percentage of Implicit and Explicit Occurrences 50

35% 40 20% 8% 30 92% 80%

65% 71% 20 10% 17% 5% 11% 90% 83% 19% 95% Explicit % 10 89% Total Count of Drugs Drugs of Count Total 81% Implicit % 50% 29% 0 50%

Year

Figure 2: The total count of drugs per year and the percentage of implicit versus explicit drug occurrences over time.

According to Figure 2, drug occurrences were more often implicit than explicit. For instance, between 1990 and 1991, there were a total of roughly 20 counts of drugs, 90% of which were implicit and 11% of which were explicit. However, there is no significant pattern that expresses whether occurrences of drugs were becoming more or less explicit over time.

The only conclusion that can be derived from the figure above is that occurrences of drugs are more often expressed implicitly rather than explicitly. This conclusion is similarly expressed by Table 3 below which illustrates both the total count and the percentage of implicit versus explicit drugs occurrences where 76% of all drug occurrences between 1990 and 2012 were implicit while 24% were explicit.

Total Number of Implicit Total Number of Explicit Years % % Total Count Drug Occurrences Drug Occurrences

1990-2012 197 76% 62 24% 259 Table 3: The percentage of implicit versus explicit drug occurrences between 1990 and 2012.

The following verses illustrate examples of implicit and explicit occurrences of drugs.

The first two examples mentions cocaine and marijuana and heroin implicitly; the third and fourth example mentions cocaine and marijuana explicitly.

Estado de Sinaloa State of Sinaloa Como has agarrado fama How you have obtained fame Pa’ todos los hombres de valor For all of the brave men Que trabajan en la mafia That work in the mafia Trafican polvo maldito They traffic damn powder Y también la hierba mala And also bad weed -El Gavilancillo “Los Sinaloense,” 20 Mujeres (1990)

Vivo de tres animales, I live off of three animals Que quiero como a mi vida That I love as I do my own life Con ellos gano dinero With them I make money Y ni les compro comida And I don’t even buy them food Son animales muy finos They are very fine animals Mi perico, mi gallo y mi chiva My parrot, my rooster, and my goat

-Los Tucanes De Tijuana “Mis Tres Animales,” 14 Tucanazos Bien Pesados (1995)

Dicen que decomisaron They say they seized Un gran número de carros A large number of cars En kilos de cocaína y In Kilos of cocaine and Mil que avían entregado A thousand that were delivered En feria 5 millones de In change, 5 million in Dinero Americano. American money -El RM “Cartel De Durango,” Herido de Amores (1995)

Y llegaron a Tijuana They arrived in Tijuana Todo estaba preparado Everything was prepared 100 kilos de marihuana 100 kilos of marijuana Pasarían al otro lado They would cross to the other side -Chalino Sánchez “Contrabando En La Frontera,” Que Me Entierren Cantando (1995)

Violence

Another defining and characteristic feature in the analysis of the narcocorrido is the

theme of violence. As this research is guided by a set of questions, this section presents the

results of drugs as it has developed overtime in order to address the first guiding question: as violence is characteristic feature of the narcocorrido, what general trend does this feature follow? As results of the analysis indicated, there occurred an overall increase in the presence of violence.Table 4 below expresses the percentage of songs that mention violence.

Percentage of Songs that Total Number of Year Mention Violence Songs 1990-1991 50% 18 1995-1996 50% 20 1997-1998 50% 20 1999-2000 25% 20 2001-2002 50% 20 2003-2004 45% 20 2005-2006 45% 20 2007-2008 55% 20 2009-2010 70% 20 2011-2012 60% 20 1990-2012 50% 198 Table 4: The percentage of songs that mention violence.

According to Table 4 the percentage of songs which mentioned violence followed a

general increase over time. Between 1990 and 1991, 50% of songs mentioned violence,

decreasing between 1999 and 2000 and then increasing between 2009 and 2010. Overall,

between 1990 and 2012, 92% of all songs mentioned violence. Following the same trend,

Figure 3 below expresses the average count of violence per song.

Average Count of Violence Per Song

3.90 4.00 Average Violent 3.00 2.50 Counts 2.35 Per Song 2.00 1.80 2.00 1.56 Expon. 1.05 (Average 0.85 1.15 Violent 1.00 0.70

Total Count of Violence Violence of Count Total Counts Per Song) 0.00

Year Figure 3: Illustrates the average count of violence per song over time.

Figure 3 above illustrates an overall increasing pattern over time. The first peak in violence occurred between 1995 and 1996 with an average of 2 counts of violence per song followed by a decrease which hit its lowest average count between 2003 and 2004 at an average of .7 counts of violence per song. The average count of violence reached its highest between 2009 and 2010 with an average of 3.9 counts of violence per song. Considering that violence expressed an overall increasing pattern, the following figure illustrates exactly how violence was portrayed in the music, whether implicitly or explicitly. Figure 4 below demonstrates the total count of violence per year and the percentage of which were implicit and explicit.

Total Violent Counts Per Year And

80 Percentage of Implicit and Explicit Occurrences 60% 70 60 50 40 58% 60% 47% 30 36% Explicit % 40% 20 79% 76% 43% 64% 53% Implicit % Total Counts of Violence Violence of Counts Total 35% 10 40% 42% 57% 71% 24% 65% 0 21% 29%

Years

Figure 4: Illustrates the total violent counts per year and number of implicit and explicit occurrences of violence over time.

The presence of violence as illustrated in Figure 4 is more difficult to determine.

However, occurrences of violence seemed to be more explicit than implicit. For instance, between 1990 and 1991, there occurred 28 counts of violence, 79% of which were explicit and 21% of which were implicit. The occurrences of violence were more explicit between

1990 and 1998, becoming more implicit between 1999 and 2002, and becoming explicit again between 2009 and 2012. According to Table 5 below, the presence of violence was slightly more explicit as depicted by the percentage of explicit versus implicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012.

Total Number of Implicit Total Number of Explicit Years % % Total Count Violent Occurrences Violent Occurrences 1990-2012 155 0.44 199 0.57 354 Table 5: Presents the percentage of implicit versus explicit counts of violence between 1990 and 2012.

According to Table 5, 57% of all violent occurrences between 1990 and 2012 were explicit, while 44% of these occurrences were implicit. Although the occurrences of violence

followed a generally increasing pattern over time as illustrated by Figures 3 and Figure 4

above, occurrences of violence did not become overwhelmingly explicit as perhaps assumed.

The verses below illustrate examples of implicit and explicit occurrences of violence.

The first example references killing implicitly when it is describes the characters unleashing hell with their goat horns; the second example mentions killing implicitly when referencing

“to clean”; and the third example illustrates various explicit references to the use of weapons, methods of torture, and the character’s instructions to kill.

A mí me das efectivo You will give me cash O ahora mismo los detengo Or I will detain you right now A ellos no les gustó nada They didn’t like it at all Que se pusiera tan necio That he was being irrational Y con sus cuernos de chivo And with their goat horns (ak-47) Desataron un infierno They unleashed hell -Los Huracanes Del Norte “La Suburban Dorada,” Corridos Pesados (1996)

Desde chiquillo cargaba yo parque I’ve been packing heat since I was a boy Luego confiaron un cuerno en mi mano Then a horn was entrusted in my hand Ya con el tiempo he aprendido a limpiarlos With time I learned to clean Me hice una bala para detonarlos I became a bullet to detonate -Gerardo Ortiz “Ni Hoy, Ni Mañana,” Ni Hoy, Ni Mañana (2010)

Una lista me entregan a diario A list is given to me daily De todos aquellos los que se han pasado Of all those who have gone overboard Ya sea porque no quieren pagar, Either because they won’t pay, Nos quieren brincar, o nos han traicionado They want to jump us, or have betrayed us Un comando de diablo me cargo, I carry the devil’s command Mi armamento es un poco extraño My weapons are a bit strange Y mis métodos de torturar And my methods of torture Es algo que no puedo explicar Is something I can’t explain

Ya que estoy explicando mi jale Since I’m explaining my job Voy a revelarles algunos detalles I will reveal some details Soy nacido allá por Culiacán I was born in Culiacan Mi consigna es matar My instructions are to kill Y acabar con los males And to end the evils -El Compa Chuy “El Comando Del Diablo,” Con Estilo (2010)

The Trafficker Persona

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a violent, dangerous, and armed character in order to succeed, unafraid to take risks in order to gain power and respect in the drug business.

El Gallo Valiente

The following two examples below are distinctive of el gallo valiente, brave and

determined men that are not afraid of anything. The first example describes a male character

that does not boast or presume to be more than he is. He acknowledges that he has taken a

path outside the law but has done so in order to relieve his economic situation. It is through

his determination that he has succeeded in the business.

De lo que soy en mi tierra For what I am in my land No le vengo a presumir I don’t come to boast … … Yo no nací millonario I wasn’t born a millionaire Ni les presumo de fiera Nor do I presume to be fierce … … Necesitaba salir I needed to get out De mis deudas y comer Of my debt and eat Y por la derecha vi I saw to the right No más que no iba poder But I just couldn’t do it Por eso es que decidí That’s why I decided Andar fuera de la ley To work outside the law

La rectitud no se come You cannot eat righteousness Y los errores se pagan And you pay for your errors Pero cuando se dispone But when you dedicate yourself De lo prohíbo algo cambia To the illicit, something changes Ya que en muchas ocasiones Since on many occasions Se paga sin deber nada One pays without owing anything … … No me he sabido rajar I’ve never known how to give up Se lo digo de a deberás I say the truth Por eso llegué a triunfar That is how I came to succeed Y hoy soy el As De La Sierra And now I’m the Ace of the Sierra

-El As De La Sierra “El Rey De La Sierra,” El Heredero Del Cartel (1990)

The following example, characteristic of the gallo valiente, describes Santos, a friend of the heart, determined and willing to die fighting if necessary, despite any danger, risking his life and suffering to become the great man that he is.

Deberas que’s buen amigo He’s truly a good friend Amigo de corazón A friend of the heart Por eso en este corrido So in this ballad Con gusto le canto yo I gladly sing Que Santos lleva por nombre That Santos is his name Un hombre que es bien chingón A badass man

Él es nacido en Antúnez He was born in Antúnez Donde sus raíces tiene Where his roots remain Sufrió mucho desde niño He suffered much since childhood Para lograr lo que ahora tiene To achieve what he now has Dinero pa’ los negocios Money for business Y para lindas mujeres And for pretty women

Sufrió, se la rifo He suffered, risked his life Para hacer un gran señor To be become a great man De Tejas hasta Morelia From Texas to Morelia Saben que el bien chingón They know he is badass Como todo un Michoacano Like a true Michoacano Que ha salido muy cabrón Who has been a real bastard

Nunca le piques la cresta Never prod the crest A un gallo cuando es muy fino Of a fine rooster Porque se muere peleando Because he will die fighting Sin importarle el peligro Regardless of the danger Tenía que ser michoacano He had to be a Michoacano Para salir tan decidido To turn out very determined … …

-Los Inquietos del Norte “Corrido de Santos,” De Un modo y De Otro (1995)

El Gallo Violento

This example below illustrates an angered and fierce character; one that has climbed the ranks and gained a position with power. He clears the path of traitors and scourges, guided by a black list to settle debts, always ready and at the service of his infamous drug boss.

Ya regreso el empresario The businessman has returned Y trae bastante coraje And is very angered Dice que va a demostrarles He says he will demonstrate Lo que aprendió de karate The karate he learned Porque la ley de la empresa Because the law of the trade Es al traidor darle mate Is to kill the traitor

Voy a limpiar el camino I’m going to clear the path Hay lacras en todas partes There are scourges in all places Quisiera dejarlos vivos I would like to let you live Hijos de su pinacate Sons of beetles Pero no puedo no puedo But I can’t, I can’t … … Porque ya estoy de regreso Because I’m back Y traigo una lista negra And I’ve brought a black list Dónde figuran aquellos Which has those Que se pasaron deberás That really gone overboard … … Hoy le ajustaremos cuentas Today we will settle debts A más de 32 gentes Of more than 32 people … … Cuando el poder te acompaña When you have power La gente se dice amiga People call you friend Hoy esa gente la traigo Today I have those people Pero la traigo en la mira But I have them in sight … … Compadre Chapo a la orden At order, Chapo, friend Ya estoy aquí Compa Güero I’m here Güero, friend Lo que se ofrezca ya sabe Whatever you’d like, you already know Será un placer atenderlo It would be a pleaser to assist you La gente está más que puesta Our men are more than ready Para jalarle a los cuernos To pull on the horns (ak-47)

-Los Tucanes De Tijuana “El Impresario,” Los Poderosos (2002)

El Gallo Sincero

Despite his violent character, the male trafficker is just as capable of being a good person as seen in this following example. In this case, the character Aurelio Sanchez

Quintero is described as a sincere friend that has helped many people; determined and a man of his word.

Le compuse un corrido I composed a ballad A un amigo muy sincero For a sincere friend Respetado y conocido Respected and known En México y extranjero In Mexican and abroad Fue un hombre muy decidido He was a very determined man Aurelio Sánchez Quintero Aurelio Sánchez Quintero

Gente que lo conoció Those who knew him Saben que no son mentiras Know it isn’t a lie A mucha gente ayudo He helped a lot of people Cuando un favor le pedían When they asked favors of him … … Todo mundo lo apreciaba Everyone like him Porque no sabía rajarse Because he didn’t know how to give up Si alguien lo necesitaba If someone needed him Él lo sacaba adelante He pushed them forward Era un hombre de palabra He was a man of his word De esos que muy poco nacen Those type who are born rarely … …

-El Original De La Sierra “Aurelio Sánchez Quintero,” Regresa Con 100% Norteño (2005)

El Gallo Agradecido

Similarly, the following example describes El Cholo, a very loyal, hardworking, and determined man; appreciative of the help that others have given him in the business.

… … Mi herramienta un cuerno de chivo Goat horns (ak-47) are my tools Si el patrón me hace una seña If the boss gives me a sign Esta súper entendido It is super understood

El camino desde abajo He made his way from the bottom Al cholo le ha resultado It has gone well for him Su lealtad lo denomina His loyalty distinguishes him Entre los gallos jugados Between skilled roosters … … Es de mucho agradecerse Many thanks to Los que me echaron la mano Those who given me a hand Le agradezco mucho al "M" I really appreciated the “M” También a mi compa Mario Also my friend Mario … … El Cholo triunfa el negocio El Cholo triumphs in business Como le cambio la vida How his life has changed El hombre le ha echado ganas The man has tried very hard Eso ya lo merecía That, he already deserved

-Grupo Cartel de Sinaloa “El Cholo,” Escolta Personal (2005)

El Gallo Admirable

The following example below perfectly portrays a balance between the two character extremes. Here the character of Javier Alonzo is described as a great friend, of humble beginnings, fair, brave, and hard working. He quickly earned the respect of his bosses, employed as a skilled gunman in the mafia, eager and at the forefront of any task.

Nació en el rancho El Chapote He was born on the ranch El Chapote Sinaloense por fortuna Sinaloense, by fortune Javier Alonzo su nombre Javier Alonzo his name Y le apodaban El Puma Nicknamed El Puma Buen amigo era el hombre The man was a good friend Muy humilde fue su cuna From a very humble birthplace … … El respeto de los jefes The boss’s respect Se ganó recién llegado He earned quickly Pistolero Sinaloense Sinaloense Gunman En la mafia es codiciado Coveted in the mafia Muy derecho y muy valiente Very fair and very brave Al oficio acostumbrado Accustomed to the trade Para todo siempre al frente Always at the forefront in anything Como puma desbocado Like a wild puma Él decía que trabajaba He said he has worked Más que un macho y rentado Harder than a rented mule

El compa Puma era gente El Puma was a person Que al instante reaccionaba That reacted instantly Cualquier misión en caliente Readily in any mission Echando bala llegaba He would arrive shooting Le salía lo Sinaloense The Sinaloense in him would surface Sus colegas lo admiraban His colleagues admired him … …

-Los Tucanes De Tijuana “El Puma,” El Árbol (2010)

El Gallo Aguerrido

As I introduced, findings indicated how the male character had become more violent and dangerous overtime as he attained more power and respect in in the business. Despite his

violence and danger, the male trafficker character still possessed positive qualities. The

following two examples of 2012 represent the two sides of this same coin. The first example

describes the male character as a paid assassin, a dangerous murderer that has fought for a

quarter century at the services of an infamous drug lord, however appreciative of the

protection that the cartel has provided him.

Con porte de cazador With the demeanor of a hunter Y charola de asesino And the badge of a murderer Sicario de profesión Hired assassin as his profession Un maestro en el peligro A professor of danger Con el estilo y buen pulso With style and good pulse El viejón Salió aguerrido The man was battle-hardened

Brazo fuerte ejecutor Strong armed executioner De las fuerzas especiales From the special forces … … Cuarto de siglo peleando Quarter century fighting Para el servicio del chapo At the services of El Chapo El cartel de Sinaloa The Sinaloa Cartel Es el que lo ha cobijado Has sheltered him Agradece la confianza He appreciates the confidence A su primo el licenciado From his cousin the former soldier … …

-Grupo Sexto Sentido “Charola de Asesino.” En La Batalla (2012)

El Gallo Fiel

In the second example, the character exemplifies the positive qualities that the male character is capable of possessing. The character nicknamed El Cheyo expresses deep loyalty to his boss and the organization, willing to jump and respond at their orders, and never backing down. He emphasizes unity, blood bond, and the protection of the empire.

Saben que me altero They know I get upset Si insultan al Gordo If Gordo is insulted También por el 4 Also for El 4 Yo brinco y respondo I jump and respond Seré chaparrito I may be short Más no subestimen But don’t underestimate me Que les puede ir mal. Things may go badly for you

Me apodan El Cheyo I’m nicknamed El Cheyo Nos marcan al radio They contact us by radio Es para avisar cuando To warn us when Entran contarios Enemies enter No pierdan su tiempo Don’t waste your time La plaza es de alguien The plaza is taken Y así seguirá. And it will continue that way … … Soy acelerado I’m accelerated Y a veces calmado And sometimes calm Cuando se ha ofrecido When offered Nunca me he rajado I never back down Protejo el imperio I protect the empire Con plomo y veneno With led and poison Soldado imperial. Imperial Soldier … … Crecimos, vivimos, We grew, we lived, Juntos, unidos Together, united Mayito el apoyo Supported by Mayito Y Cheyo protección And protected by Cheyo Unidos por sangre, United by blood, Culiacán, trabajo, Culiacán, work, Y la corporación And the corporation -Los Chairez “Soldado Imperial,” Soldado Imperial (2012)

Key findings in the analysis depicted an ideal trafficker persona with qualities

characteristic of idealized masculine identity. In other terms, the ideal trafficker was often

characterized as the gallo valiente, possessing qualities of bravery, fearlessness,

determination, humility, and sincerity. Earlier songs were representative of this traditional

gallo valiente, a brave and determined character, never afraid of anyone or anything, turning

to the illicit business to escape poverty. Overtime, however, el gallo valiente began to change. He was first appreciative of the opportunities afforded to him but as he climbed the ranks, he accumulated power and respect, becoming more violent and dangerous. Despite his

violent character, he also expressed the valued qualities of intelligence, diligence and loyalty,

showing signs of a great business leader.

La Dama Valiente

Significant findings that emerged during the analysis did not illustrate a female

character possessing the qualities of an idealized Mexican feminine identity. Rather, findings

indicate the female trafficker took on the same qualities expressed by the ideal trafficker

persona. In other words, findings depicted a beautiful, valiant and determined woman, just as

capable of entering the illicit business as her male counterpart; a woman fearing nothing and

no one, unafraid of handling a weapon when needed.

The five examples provided below represent the only 5 songs in the sample of 198

that portrayed a female character. Although there are a particularly small number of

examples to follow, her development is evident nonetheless. As her male counterpart, the

female trafficker similarly develops overtime as well. The female character was first

introduced as a drug trafficker, bold and daring, taking any means necessary in order to be

successful. As the time progressed, the female character also climbed the ranks, obtaining

high positions of power as boss and expanding her business into a cartel of entirely women.

The following examples demonstrate this development.

La Traficante de Drogas

The first example below describes two big-time traffickers; women from the Mexican state of Durango that have used inventive methods of trafficking drugs. Bold and daring, these two women take any means necessary in order to succeed, even if it means taking up arms and killing officials.

Una troca salió de Durango A truck departed Durango A las dos o tres de la mañana At two or three in the morning Dos muchachas muy chulas llevaban Two cute girls were carrying Coca pura y también marihuana Pure coke and marijuana Pero se disfrazaron de monjas But they were dressed as nuns Pa’ poderlas llevar a Tijuana In order to take them to Tijuana … … En la gente que estaba de turno The people who were on duty En aquella inspección de Nogales, In that inspection in Nogales, Por lo visto no eran muy creyentes Were apparently not believers ... … Pero nunca se lo imaginaban But they never imagined Que eran dos grandes contrabandistas That they were two grand smugglers Que en sus barbas la droga pasaban That passed drugs right in front of them … … Dijo el jefe de los federales The federal chief said Voy a hacer el chequeo de rutina, I’ll make a routine check Yo les pido disculpe hermanitas I apologize sisters Pero quiero a sacarme la espina But I need to ease my doubts Yo presiento que la leche en polvo I sense that the powdered milk Ya se les convirtió en cocaína Has just turned into cocaine … … Y se alzaron el hábito a un tiempo And at once, they removed their habits Y sacaron unas metralletas And pulled out machine guns Y mataron a los federales And killed the federals Y se fueron en su camioneta And left in their truck

En Durango se buscan dos monjas They look for two nuns in Durango Que ya no han regresado al convento Who didn’t return to the convent Una cosa si les aseguro I assure you one thing Que llegaron con el cargamento That they arrived with the cargo … …

-Grupo Exterminador “Las Dos Monjas,” Corridos Perrones (1996)

Las Fieras

The following example describes three women, fierce and dangerous beasts who take up arms and kill anyone. They are queens of the drug trade that continue to traffic as long as there continues to be buyers.

Porque se visten de negro Because they dress in black Les apodan las panteras They are nicknamed the panthers Y les queda el nombrecito And the name suits them En verdad son unas fieras Truly, they are beasts No le temen al gobierno They don’t fear the government Y se matan con cualquiera And they kill anyone

Las panteras tienen garras The panthers have claws Y muy filosos colmillos And very sharp fangs Y como estas son humanas And since they are human Traen puro cuerno de chivo They have only goat horns (ak-47) Los que las han enfrentado Those who have faced them Ninguno ha quedado vivo Not one has lived … … Con pistola en la cintura With a pistol at their waist Pues se ven rete matonas Well they look deadly … … Cuando les ponen retenes When they place roadblocks Por todas las carreteras All over the roads Porque son muy peligrosas Because they’re dangerous Por eso la ley copera That is why the law cooperates … … Son las reinas de la droga They are the queens of the drug Yerba goma y heroína Weed, gum, and heroin Tienen muy buenos contactos They have goods contacts Con la mafia de la China With the Chinese mafia Mientras haiga compradores While there are buyers El trafique no termina Trafficking does not end

-Grupo Exterminador “Las Panteras,” Corridos Perrones (1996)

La Jefa Poderosa

The next example illustrates a female character that has become the boss of an illicit drug business, gaining countless contacts across Mexico and the United States, and obtaining complete power and control over the drug market. She is valiant, fierce and dangerous, known to have killed many.

Siguen buscando a la jefa They continue to search for the boss Que mueve todo el negocio That moves the whole business El gobierno Mexicano The Mexican government Tiene fama de muy bravo Is known for being fierce Pero a la jefa del contrabando But for the boss Le hacen los puros mandados They run only her errands

Su madre es Mexicana Her mother is Mexican De ahí saco lo valiente That’s how she got her bravery Es una hembra muy brava She’s a very fierce female Que ha matado a mucha gente That has killed many people Tres policías, seis soldados Three police, six soldiers Y de pilón un teniente And a lieutenant as bonus … … A la ciudad de Chicago The city of Chicago La jefa ya ha controlado Is controlled by the boss En California es socia In California she is partners De esas dos de Durango With those two from Durango Y en la ciudad de Tijuana And in the city of Tijuana Su contacto es Michoacano Her contact is Michoacano

Ese estado de Texas The state of Texas Los Mexicanos controlaron Is controlled by the Mexicans De Chihuahua y Tamaulipas From Chihuahua and Tamaulipas Son los vatos más pesados There reside the kingpins Pero dicen que es la jefa But they say the boss La que les surte el mercado Is their supplier … …

-Grupo Exterminador “La Jefa,” Narcocorridos Vol. 2 (1997)

La Dama Valiente Just as the male character was first introduced as a brave and fearless man looking to escape poverty by working outside of the law, so too has his female counterpart. As a mother, the female character portrayed in this example takes any means necessary in order to feed her starving children. Thus, she enters the illicit drug business. She is courageous, intelligent, and never admits defeat, qualities that she has received from her mother and father.

Ya descubrieron que soy They discovered that I’m Una dama traficante A lady trafficker Que entro al negocio prohibido That entered the illicit business Para salir adelante To get ahead Y todo porque sus hijos And all because her children Se estaban muriendo de hambre. Were dying of hunger

Saben que soy chacalosa They know I’m audacious Pa’ que se meten conmigo Why do they mess with me Me hablo de tu con el diablo I speak with the devil Tampoco puede conmigo He can’t handle me either Mejor no le anden buscando Don’t go looking for trouble Mi poder es conocido My power is known … … No rajármele a cualquiera Never admitting defeat to anyone Es herencia de mi padre Was my father’s legacy Mi valor e inteligencia My courage and intelligence Eso me heredo mi madre I inherited from my mother Por eso me han puesto cuatros For that reason, they’ve placed traps Y no han podido atraparme. And haven’t been able to capture me

Cuando andas en malos pasos When walk down the wrong path La sociedad te desprecia Society despises you Si te estas muriendo de hambre If you’re dying of hunger Nadie mira tú pobreza No one acknowledges your poverty Mientras yo gane dinero While I make money Digan todo lo que quieran Say what you want

Yo sé que me andan buscando I know they’re looking for me La DEA y la chota en mi tierra In my home place the DEA and the cops Ya saben que las mujeres They know that women La mueven Por donde quiera Are moving it everywhere … …

-Jenni Rivera “La Maestra Del Contrabando,” Reina de Reinas (1999)

El Cartel De Femeninas The final example, illustrates the lengths to which the female trafficker has progressed, amassing wealth and power equal to that of her male counterpart. In this case,

women have succeeded in assembling their own cartel, el cartel de femeninas. As the song

describes, women have demonstrated that they are more than capable of making it in the

business, associating with Colombia, controlling various regions, and never failing; just as

the male trafficker, they know very well how to use their weapons.

De que las pueden las pueden That they can, they can Y no ay quien se les resista And there is no one that can resist them Las hembras en Culiacán The females in Culiacán Salieron muy decididas Came out very determined Saben que lo pueden todo They know they can handle anything Para triunfar en la vida To succeed in life … … Pura dama de primera All first-class ladies Andan haciendo negocio They’re making business Ni se preocupan si quiera They don’t worry at all Con esas caras bonitas With those pretty face Quien sospecha de una fiera Who would suspect a beast

Ya empiezan a manejar They’ve begun to manage La ruta tan conocida The well-known route Y hasta Colombia se van And even to Colombia they go Otras la sierra dominan Others control the mountains Salieron de armas tomar They take up arms El cartel de femeninas The feminine cartel … … Nunca les truena el negocio They’re business never fails Porque de nadie se dejan Because they never let themselves Cuando se las miran duras When it gets tough Se hacen boquitas traviesas They become naughty mouths

Armadas hasta los dientes Armed to the teeth Saben jalarle al gatillo They know how to use the trigger Hacen bailar al cartel They make the cartel dance Con esos cuernos de chivo With those goat horns (ak-47) Ondeadas toman Buchanan’s Stoned, drinking Buchanan’s … …

-Grupo Cartel de Sinaloa “Cartel de Femeninas,” Escolta Personal (2005)

Although there resulted very little instances in which women were portrayed in the music, findings indicated, not an idealized Mexican feminine identity but instead a feminine character that conveyed the ideal qualities of the trafficker person, those synonymous with

the gallo valiente. In other terms, female characters retained their femininity however, were

also portrayed as brave, determined, fearless, and daring. The development of the female

trafficker followed the same path as the male trafficker, becoming violent, dangerous, and aggressive as she amassed more power overtime.

Affirmations of a Mexican Identity

Additional findings regarding identity indicated the presence of themes supportive of

a strong Mexican identity; themes with the potential of serving as a source in the construction

and articulation of a transnational identity among Mexican American youth in the United

States. These finding were strongly supported by Manriquez (2011). Themes included

identifying self or others based on statehood which persisted throughout the twenty three year period and remained unchanging overtime.

Identifying Self

Findings indicative of a strong Mexican identity included characters affirming and identifying self by statehood. This served not only the purpose of communicating their

Mexican state of origin but a form in which they expressed their identity, belonging, sense of

character, and personality. For instance, characters very often indicated the specific Mexican

states they were from such as Sinaloa, Michoacán, or Durango. Identifying by region also

indicated a particular sense of character. For instance, individuals from Sinaloa are often

characterized as tough or tempered, those from Michoacán may be referred to as determined,

or identifying individuals from Durango as brave. The following examples illustrate such

instances in which the character identified or affirmed their state of origin. 65

Saben que soy Sinaloense They know I’m Sinaloense Pa' que se meten conmigo Why do they mess with me -Los Tucanes De Tijuana “Clave Nueva,” Clave Nueva (1995)

Y digo viva Durango And I say long live Durango Porque Chacala es mi tierra Because Chacala is my home Me crie entre puros valientes I grew up among brave men No me espanta ni una fiera No beast scares me - Los Incomparables De Tijuana “Entre Polvo y Metralletas,” Entre Polvo y Metralletas (2001)

Yo soy de Sonora I’m from Sonora Pura sangre Yaqui Pure Yaqui blood

-Enigma Norteña “El Compa Tony,” Y Si Supieras (2011)

Soy de Sinaloa I’m from Sinaloa Al cien con la plebada, One-hundred with the guys Yo soy Salazar I’m Salazar -Jesús Ojeda Y Sus Parientes “Estilo Italiano,” Estilo Italiano (2012)

Distinguishing the Other

Findings also included identifying others based on their state of origin. Again, statehood became a defining characteristic of a person which said a lot about their character.

For instance, characters were often identified as el Sinaloense or el Michoacáno. The following examples demonstrate a few of the many instances in which characters were identified by their statehood.

Como todo un Michoacano Like a true Michoacano Que ha salido muy cabrón Who has been a real bastard … … Tenía que ser Michoacano He had to be a Michoacano Para salir tan decidido To turn out very determined -Los Inquietos Del Norte “Corrido de Santos,” De Un Modo y De Otro (1995)

Dicen que una es Sinaloense They say one is Sinaloense De Durango y Michoacán From Durango and Michoacán Tierra de contrabandistas Land of smugglers Ya se lo imaginaran You can imagine – Grupo Exterminador “Las Panteras,” Corridos Perrones (1996)

Pues hay muchos traficantes Well there are many traffickers Que ya fueron detenidos Who were arrested Entre ellos tres sinaloenses Including three Sinaloenses Que si eran mui decididos Who were very determined - Los Huracanes Del Norte “Los Tres Sinaloenses,” 30 norteñas perronas (1997)

Antes que se despidieran Before they bid farewell El Michoacano le dijo The Michoacano said La fiesta se ha celebrado The party was held Como lo había prometido As promised Sabe que soy de palabra You know I’m a man of my word En el avión van sus kilos On the plane are your kilos – Los Inquietos Del Norte “El Michoacano y El Jalisciense,” Me Cayo el F.B.I (1999)

El respeto de los jefes The boss’s respect Se ganó recién llegado He earned quickly Pistolero Sinaloense Sinaloense Gunman En la mafia es codiciado Coveted in the mafia Muy derecho y muy valiente Very fair and very brave – Los Tucanes De Tijuana “El Puma,” El Árbol (2010)

Results indicated strong affirmations of a Mexican identity which persisted throughout the twenty-three year period. Characters often identified themselves and others based on statehood, functioning as more than a form of declaring their origins, but confirming their identity, establishing a sense of belonging, a sense of character, and expressing a sense of personality.

Chapter Five: Discussion

The purpose of this research was to examine the lyrics of the narcocorrido that, while birthed in the United States-Mexico border and popularized in the United States, focus on the narco-subcultural activities of Mexico and contribute to the construction of a transnational identity among Mexican youth in the United States. To provide a general understanding of

the development of drugs and violence overtime as they are characteristic features of the

narcocorrido, the analysis included first an examination of drugs and violence. The analysis

also includes an examination of themes related to identity in order to demonstrate how

themes contribute to the construction of a transnational identity.

Drugs

To begin, the overall decreasing pattern and the largely implicit nature of the

occurrences of drugs in the music, as resulted, was unexpected. A general argument and

assumption made by critics and the public against the drug ballad is the presence of drugs

and similarly, its explicit nature and marked increase. However, results demonstrate

otherwise. Previous research often acknowledges the presence of drugs in the narcocorrido;

however research has not yet examined the development of drugs in the narcocorrido. This

particular study accordingly contributes to an existing gap in the literature by examining the

existing drug trends in the music.

As there is no previous research available in the literature that discusses the overall

drug trends in the music, it is difficult to provide an explanation and discussion of these

unpredicted findings. One attempt to explain the decreasing presence of drugs in the

narcocorrido would be to examine any reports related to the rate of drug trafficking or drug

consumption in Mexico. Reports such as the 2013 National Drug Threat Assessment

Summary have affirmed a decline in the production of cocaine in Columbia which

significantly impacts the flow of cocaine through Mexico (U.S. Department of Justice, Drug

Enforcement Administration). However, the National Drug Threat Assessment Summary has

also affirmed the increase in the production of heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana in

Mexico (U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration). According to the

report, the trafficking of marijuana has occurred at consistent high levels over the last decade

and is expected to continue to increase in the next decade as well (U.S. Department of

Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration). Although the decrease in the flow and traffic of

cocaine through Mexico might provide an inclination as to why there is a decrease in the

presence of drugs in the music, the high levels of heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana

production in Mexico does not support or explain this decrease. As the increasing rates of

drug production and drug trafficking does not prove to be an influencing factor in the

decreasing presence of drugs in the music, other possible explanations need to be pursued.

An explanation that might indicate the decrease in the presence of drugs is the narcocorrido’s shift towards more violent themes overtime. Thus, stories of drug related themes such as drug production, drug trafficking, or drug consumption have given way to tales of violent territory conflict, competition, confrontations with the law, revenge, among other gruesome acts of violence. Key findings of this research support this explanation, when comparing the results of the presence of drugs and violence, paying particular attention to the year (2003-2004) which clearly marks the shift in focus (see Figure 5 in Appendix).

Furthermore, the focus of previous narcocorrido scholarship that discusses the issue of drugs has dealt specifically with the social presence of drugs in the music as examined by sociologist Luis Astroga (2000). He discusses the common themes which emerge in the

69 music such as the presence of cocaine, the advanced methods of transporting drugs, the use of weapons, the social mobility of drug dealers, and monetary gain which accompany the success in the illicit drug trafficking business, codes, false identities as well as the consumption of drugs; themes that were similarly present in this analysis but unfortunately were not further examined due to time constraints (Astroga 2000). As previous literature does not examine the developing presence of drugs as in this study, this research thus hopes to contribute to a discussion regarding the patterns of drugs present in the music.

Violence

As results indicated, patterns of violence increased overtime and remained generally, explicit in nature; a trend that was expected. An explanation that suggests why the music has become more violent overtime is reflected in the real-life conditions of Mexico and the increase in violent narco-subcultural activities.

This idea of music reflecting instances of reality is supported by George H. Lewis’ notion of music as a reflection of the “values and norms of the larger social system” (1982:

184). As violence becomes an appropriate method or means of resolving conflict in the narcoculture, or in another sense as violence becomes normalized in the drug world, we understand how such issues become reflected in the music; especially in a music dedicated solely to recounting the illicit narco-subcultural activities of Mexico.

This thought is additionally supported by Berry (2012: 11) who states that “as violence escalates in reality, it [is] reflected in corridos.” Berry’s statement reminds us of a significant point to consider—that this portrayal of real or factual events, or what Villalobos calls la pura verdad, is characteristic of the traditional Mexican ballad and by extension, a

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The Trafficker Persona and the Construction of a Mexican Cultural Identity

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conclude that, the trafficker/cultural persona provides an ideal example that continuously informs Mexican American youth of a Mexican cultural and transnational identity by reinforcing the archetype of the valiant woman and man.

As we move forward, the understanding of how the narcocorrido functions as an ideal source or tool for individuals to draw from in their construction of identity is supported by the theoretical work of sociologist John B. Thompson. Through his concept of the self as a symbolic project, we can attempt to understand how Mexican youth in the United States continuously use and rely on symbolic material and mediated forms of communication such as the narcocorrido in the process of shaping an identity (Thompson 1995). The individual will constantly adjust and construct their identity, redefining it overtime as they negotiate new information and new experiences. This of course can change as the narco music changes or as Mexican youth begin to draw from other sources of symbolic material other than narcomusic.

The construction and formation of a Mexican cultural or transnational identity is similarly shaped. Thompson’s theory of globalized diffusion and localized appropriation asserts that non-local knowledge is made widely accessible through the global expansion and diffusion of information (1995: 207). Through this form, Mexican youth in the United States are able to draw from vast information that range from distant places from their specific locales. In other terms, music like narcocorridos which inform youth of a cultural persona

(non-local knowledge), are made widely available through the global expansion of information. Through Thompson’s theory, we understand how the development of a Mexican transnational identity begins to shape.

Affirmations of a Transnational Mexican Identity

Results of the analysis indicated the affirmation of a Mexican identity through the articulation of statehood, an occurrence that strongly contributes to the configuration of a

Mexican cultural and transnational identity. The sense that characters commonly identified by their state of origin in order to express their strong sense of identity, belonging or camaraderie, their sense of character, and personality, promotes “messages of a strong and proud affirmations of belonging to regions of Mexico” (Manriquez 2011: 145). With these messages, Mexican youth in the United State begin to establish a connection with their family’s country of origin, contributing to the construction of a Mexican cultural and transnational identity.

As previous research does not focus heavily on the construction of a transnational identity, it is difficult to provide support. However, using Benedict Anderson’s (2006) concept of imagined communities we can understand how individuals like Mexican youth in the United States build a stronger sense of Mexican identity and belonging. Anderson asserts that individuals socially construct the idea of community and group. Thus, despite geographical region or location one might inhabit, individuals can still identify as belonging to a specific group or nationality. This imagined sense of community is what contributes to an established sense of transnationality among Mexican youth in the United States. This specific population continuously handles and negotiates this dual sense of identity as members of two cultures. However, as they identify and establish a strong sense of community with both, whether physically or imagined it creates a sense of identity that permeates borders i.e. transnationality.

Findings in this research demonstrate the presence of a cultural model or persona as well as the articulation of a strong Mexican identity which promote and reinforce a Mexican cultural identity. The exposure to cultural models such as the one made present in the narcocorrido provides an opportunity for Mexican youth in the United States to build and configure a sense of transnationality. In other words, through mediated instances of culture,

Mexican youth in the United States are afforded a space to build stronger connections,

establish a sense of belonging, a sense of identity, and unity among the larger Mexican

community.

Future Research

Current research has provided a solid foundation to further understand various

aspects of the narcocorrido. However, there is still much that has yet to be examined in

narcomusic. For instance, as there is no existing research in the literature that examines the

trends of drug and violence as they have developed, an opportunity presents itself for future

research to address such matters. Furthermore, there also exists a gap in the literature and a

lack of attention given to the portrayal of women in the narcocorrido. Future research needs

to address and provide a deeper examination of the representation of women in this subgenre

of music as done in Herrera-Sobek’s (1990) feminist analysis of the traditional Mexican

corrido.

For this particular research, I would like to further this investigation by providing in-

depth interviews to support the finding of my content analysis and demonstrate that Mexican

American youth are developing a transnational identity through the music. In addition, I

would like to continue my examination of themes and their development overtime, as I was

only able to focus on drugs, violence, and identity.

Conclusion

More than a mere glorification of the narcolifestyle, the examination of narcocorridos expressed the presence of a model or cultural persona that carries with it, the potential to inform youth of a Mexican cultural identity. In addition, the music also articulated strong affirmations of a Mexican identity. As youth become exposed to such models or instances

that support and reinforce a stronger cultural identity, opportunities to build and configure a

transnational identity immensely grow. This music becomes a perfect example of how we

have come to live in a world of permeable borders, where individuals develop multi-national

and multi-cultural identities through the expansion of information. We are constantly presented to a vast world of non-local knowledge that we utilize in everyday life in the construction of self and identity. As Thompson (1995) theorizes, we become a symbolic project that we continuously shape and form. This music, characterized by drugs and violence, becomes so much more than the mere glamorization of the narcoworld, it is a potential source to draw from and utilize. Like all forms of information, it holds an opportunity to learn and grow. Thus, it is critical that we do not dismiss music such as this one so quickly or denigrate it for its content as it holds so much more. Rather, it is important to continue research in the area of narcocorridos. Through deeper examinations of the music, we not only find a world of information but we become more open and understanding of it.

Appendix

Total Count of Drugs and Violence

80 70

60 Total Count of 50 Drugs 40 Total 30 Count of Violence Total Occurrences Total 20 10 0

Year

Figure 5: Total counts of drugs and violence overtime.

Figure 5 illustrates the total count drugs and violence for every year between 1990 and 2012. In other words, the figure above depicts the general trending patterns regarding the presence of drugs and violence in the narcocorrido. As the figure expresses, the occurrences of drugs and violence follow a similar increasing trajectory from 1990 through 1996. There follows an overall decrease where both the occurrence of drugs and violence drop and hit their lowest point between 2003 and 2004. Following (2003-2004), there occurs a drastic increase in the presence of violence and a drastic decrease in the presence of drugs.

Music Cited

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18. Grupo Exterminador. (1997). La Jefa on Narcocorridos Vol. 2 [CD]. Fonovisa.

19. Jenni Rivera. (1999). La Maestra Del Contrabando on Reina de Reinas [CD]. Sony Discos.

20. Grupo Cartel De Sinaloa. (2005). Cartel de Femeninas on Escolta Personal [CD].

21. Los Tucanes De Tijuana. (1995). Clave Nueva on Clave Nueva [CD]. Fonovisa.

22. Los Incomparables De Tijuana. (2001). Entre Polvo y Metralletas on Entre Polvo y

Metralletas [CD]. Sony Discos.

23. Enigma Norteña. (2011). El Compa Tony on Y Si Supieras [CD]. Sol Musical.

24. Jesús Ojeda Y Sus Parientes. (2012). Estilo Italiano on Estilo Italiano [CD]. Fonovisa.

25. Los Inquietos Del Norte. (1995). Corrido de Santos on De Un Modo y De Otro [CD].

Fonovisa.

26. Grupo exterminador. (1996). Las Panteras on Corridos Perrones [CD]. Fonovisa Los

Huracanes Del Norte. (1997). Los Tres Sinaloenses on 30 norteñas perronas [CD].

Fonovisa.

27. Los Inquietos Del Norte. (1999). El Michoacano y El Jalisciense. Me Cayo el F.B.I [CD].

Disa.

28. Los Tucanes De Tijuana. (2010). El Puma on El Árbol [CD]. Fonovisa Inc.

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