Recent Experience with Intermediate Scrutiny Under the North Carolina Constitution: Blankenship V
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Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2017 Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B. Nachbar Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Nachbar, Thomas B., "Rational Basis "Plus"" (2017). Constitutional Commentary. 1094. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/1094 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NACHBAR_DRAFT 4.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 7/13/17 12:45 PM RATIONAL BASIS “PLUS” Thomas B. Nachbar* INTRODUCTION The Supreme Court has asserted the power to review the substance of state and federal law for its reasonableness for almost 200 years.1 Since the mid-1960s, that review has taken the form of the “familiar ‘rational basis’ test,”2 under which the Court will strike a statute if it is not rationally related to a legitimate governmental interest.3 The test is hardly perfect. It lacks, for one thing any textual basis in the Constitution.4 It has been criticized from both ends, as alternatively a judicial usurpation of legislative power5 or “tantamount to no review at all.”6 But the Court has applied it for decades,7 and while the test is not universally loved, neither is it particularly controversial, at least as rules of constitutional law go. If rational basis scrutiny itself is largely uncontroversial, the same cannot be said for so-called “rational basis with bite,” “rational basis with teeth,” or—as I shall call it—“rational basis plus” review.8 Rational basis plus is, as Justice O’Connor * Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law. -
Nondelegation and the Unitary Executive
NONDELEGATION AND THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE Douglas H. Ginsburg∗ Steven Menashi∗∗ Americans have always mistrusted executive power, but only re- cently has “the unitary executive” emerged as the bogeyman of Amer- ican politics. According to popular accounts, the idea of the unitary executive is one of “presidential dictatorship”1 that promises not only “a dramatic expansion of the chief executive’s powers”2 but also “a minimum of legislative or judicial oversight”3 for an American Presi- dent to exercise “essentially limitless power”4 and thereby to “destroy the balance of power shared by our three co-equal branches of gov- ernment.”5 Readers of the daily press are led to conclude the very notion of a unitary executive is a demonic modern invention of po- litical conservatives,6 “a marginal constitutional theory” invented by Professor John Yoo at UC Berkeley,7 or a bald-faced power grab con- jured up by the administration of George W. Bush,8 including, most ∗ Circuit Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. ∗∗ Olin/Searle Fellow, Georgetown University Law Center. The authors thank Richard Ep- stein and Jeremy Rabkin for helpful comments on an earlier draft. 1 John E. Finn, Opinion, Enumerating Absolute Power? Who Needs the Rest of the Constitution?, HARTFORD COURANT, Apr. 6, 2008, at C1. 2 Tim Rutten, Book Review, Lincoln, As Defined by War, L.A. TIMES, Oct. 29, 2008, at E1. 3 Editorial, Executive Excess, GLOBE & MAIL (Toronto), Nov. 12, 2008, at A22. 4 Robyn Blumner, Once Again We’ll Be a Nation of Laws, ST. -
I. Constitutional Structure
I. CONSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE - Article III does not give the federal courts the right to judicial review A. Judicial Review Marbury v. Madison (1803) - pg. 2 - Est. judicial review - fed executive subject to judicial orders, fed judic can strike down laws of congress B. Congressional Power 1. Introduction - Necessary and Proper Clause - Article I § 8 [18] - congress has all powers necessary and proper to carry into execution the powers const granted McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) - pg. 101 - Federal law is enumerated - 10th Amend does not say just “express”, subject to interpret - Article I § 8 - when enumerated power exercised, federal will always trump state law 2. The Commerce Power Commerce Clause - Article I § 8 [3] “Congress shall have the power to regulate commerce w/foreign nations, and among the several states, and among the Indian tribes” Three main questions in commerce cases: 1. What is commerce? 2. What is “among” the several states? 3. Is there a 10th amendment zone of authority? The Four Eras of Commerce Clause Jurisprudence: 1. Early American History - 1890’s = broadly defined but minimally used 2. 1890’s - 1937 = narrowly defined and used 10th amendment as a limit 3. 1937 - 1990’s = expansive scope and refusal to use 10th amendment to limit 4. 1990’s - current = narrowed scope and 10th amendment as an independent, judicially enforceable limit a. Early American History - 1890’s: Define the Commerce Power Gibbons v. Ogden (1824) - pg. 113 - YES, can use FCP - For commerce to be “among the several states” use “intermingled” approach - concerns more than 1 state - Enumerated presupposes something non-enumerated - completely internal commerce of a state b. -
The Equal Rights Amendment Revisited
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 94 | Issue 2 Article 10 1-2019 The qualE Rights Amendment Revisited Bridget L. Murphy Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 937 (2019). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-2\NDL210.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-DEC-18 7:48 THE EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT REVISITED Bridget L. Murphy* [I]t’s humiliating. A new amendment we vote on declaring that I am equal under the law to a man. I am mortified to discover there’s reason to believe I wasn’t before. I am a citizen of this country. I am not a special subset in need of your protection. I do not have to have my rights handed down to me by a bunch of old, white men. The same [Amendment] Fourteen that protects you, protects me. And I went to law school just to make sure. —Ainsley Hayes, 20011 If I could choose an amendment to add to this constitution, it would be the Equal Rights Amendment . It means that women are people equal in stature before the law. And that’s a fundamental constitutional principle. I think we have achieved that through legislation. -
Territorial Discrimination, Equal Protection, and Self-Determination
TERRITORIAL DISCRIMINATION, EQUAL PROTECTION, AND SELF-DETERMINATION GERALD L. NEUMANt TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................... 262 I. A FRAMEWORK FOR EVALUATING GEOGRAPHICAL DISCRIMINATIONS .................................. 267 A. A Page of History .......................... 267 B. A Volume of Logic ......................... 276 1. Fundamental Rights and Equal Protection .. 276 2. The Need for Scrutiny of Geographical Dis- crimination: With Apologies for Some Jargon 287 3. General Position-Random Intrastate Varia- tions ................................. 294 4. First Special Position-Independent Action of Political Subdivisions .................... 295 a. The Single Decisionmaker Fallacy ..... 296 b. The Special Status of Political Subdivi- sions ............................. 301 c. Accommodating Self-Determination and Equal Protection ................... 309 5. Second Special Position-Interstate Variations 313 a. The Choice of Law Problem .......... 314 b. The Privileges and Immunities Perspec- tive .............................. 319 c. Fundamental Rights Equal Protection and Choice of Law ................. 328 t Assistant Professor of Law, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This article is dedicated to Archibald Cox, who taught me to prefer reason to logic. Earlier versions of this article were presented to faculty groups at Harvard Law School, The University of Chicago Law School, and the University of Pennsylvania Law School in February and October of 1983. I thank all those present for their inci- sive comments. I am especially grateful for comments and advice from my colleagues Regina Austin, Stephen Burbank, Michael Fitts, Seth Kreimer, Harold Maier, Curtis Reitz, Clyde Summers, Akhil Amar, Harold Koh, and Ed Baker, whose patience was inexhaustible. I also thank Mrs. Margaret Ulrich for her extraordinary skill and dedi- cation, which made control of this unwieldy text possible. (261) 262 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. -
The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2016 The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays Lynn E. Blais Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Blais, Lynn E., "The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays" (2016). Connecticut Law Review. 336. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/336 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 48 JULY 2016 NUMBER 5 Essay The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review LYNN E. BLAIS In their lead essay for this volume, Wesley Horton and Levesque persuasively demonstrate that the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Kelo v. City of New London was neither novel nor wrong. They then suggest that Kelo’s detractors drop their continued crusade to overturn that decision and shift their focus from challenging the use of eminent domain for private economic development plans to challenging eminent domain abuse in general. To that end, Horton and Leveque offer the provocative proposal that the Court adopt a ten-factor heightened rational basis test to apply to all condemnations. Using this test, they argue, courts can invalidate ill-advised exercises of eminent domain while upholding condemnations that truly serve a public purpose. I agree with Horton and Levesque’s defense of Kelo. That decision clearly follows from the Court’s prior precedent and correctly implements the Public Use Clause. In this Essay, however, I challenge the wisdom of Horton and Levesque’s proposal to subject all condemnations to heightened rational basis review under their ten-factor test. -
The Free Exercise of Religion After the Fall: the Case for Intermediate Scrutiny
William & Mary Law Review Volume 39 (1997-1998) Issue 3 Article 15 March 1998 The Free Exercise of Religion After the Fall: The Case for Intermediate Scrutiny Rodney A. Smolla Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation Rodney A. Smolla, The Free Exercise of Religion After the Fall: The Case for Intermediate Scrutiny, 39 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 925 (1998), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol39/iss3/ 15 Copyright c 1998 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr THE FREE EXERCISE OF RELIGION AFTER THE FALL: THE CASE FOR INTERMEDIATE SCRUTINY RODNEY A. SMOLLA* I. INTRODUCTION In City of Boerne v. Flores' the Supreme Court struck down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 19932 (RFRA or the "Act"), at least insofar as the Act is applied against state and local governments.' For the moment, at least, free exercise cases again are governed largely by the regime of Employment Divi- sion v. Smith,4 under which the Free Exercise Clause is not deemed violated by laws of general applicability that happen to place substantial burdens on religion. Several Justices in Flores, however, again called for the Court to reconsider the principles of Smith.5 Should the Court or Congress take up this challenge? Consid- er three options: (1) After Flores, matters should be left to rest. The law (at least with regard to state and local governments) has now reverted to the rule of Smith. -
The Nondelegation Doctrine: Alive and Well
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\93-2\NDL204.txt unknown Seq: 1 28-DEC-17 10:20 THE NONDELEGATION DOCTRINE: ALIVE AND WELL Jason Iuliano* & Keith E. Whittington** The nondelegation doctrine is dead. It is difficult to think of a more frequently repeated or widely accepted legal conclusion. For generations, scholars have maintained that the doctrine was cast aside by the New Deal Court and is now nothing more than a historical curiosity. In this Article, we argue that the conventional wisdom is mistaken in an important respect. Drawing on an original dataset of more than one thousand nondelegation challenges, we find that, although the doctrine has disappeared at the federal level, it has thrived at the state level. In fact, in the decades since the New Deal, state courts have grown more willing to invoke the nondelegation doctrine. Despite the countless declarations of its demise, the nondelegation doctrine is, in a meaningful sense, alive and well. INTRODUCTION .................................................. 619 R I. THE LIFE AND DEATH OF THE NONDELEGATION DOCTRINE . 621 R A. The Doctrine’s Life ..................................... 621 R B. The Doctrine’s Death ................................... 623 R II. THE STRUCTURE OF A CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION ....... 626 R III. THE PERSISTENCE OF THE NONDELEGATION DOCTRINE ...... 634 R A. Success Rate .......................................... 635 R B. Pre– and Post–New Deal Comparison .................... 639 R C. Representative Cases.................................... 643 R CONCLUSION .................................................... 645 R INTRODUCTION The story of the nondelegation doctrine’s demise is a familiar one. Eighty years ago, the New Deal Court discarded this principle, and since then, this once-powerful check on administrative expansion has had no place in our constitutional canon. -
The Poor As a Suspect Class Under the Equal Protection Clause: an Open Constitutional Question
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law LAW eCommons Faculty Publications & Other Works 2010 The oP or as a Suspect Class under the Equal Protection Clause: An Open Constitutional Question Henry Rose Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/facpubs Part of the Civil Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Rose, Henry, The oorP as a Suspect Class under the Equal Protection Clause: An Open Constitutional Question, 34 Nova Law Review 407 (2010) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POOR AS A SUSPECT CLASS UNDER THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE: AN OPEN CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION HENRY ROSE* (ABSTRACT) Both judges and legal scholars assert that the United States Supreme Court has held that the poor are neither a quasi-suspect nor a suspect class under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Unit- ed States Constitution. They further assert that this issue was decided by the Supreme Court in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973). It is the thesis of this article that the Supreme Court has not yet decided whether the poor are a quasi-suspect or a suspect class under Equal Protec- tion. In fact, the majority in San Antonio Independent School District v. Ro- driquez found that the case involved no discrete discrimination against the poor. Whether the poor should constitute a quasi-suspect or suspect class under Equal Protection remains an open constitutional question. -
Same-Sex Marriage: a Legal Background After United States V
Same-Sex Marriage: A Legal Background After United States v. Windsor Alison M. Smith Legislative Attorney September 11, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43481 Same-Sex Marriage: A Legal Background After United States v. Windsor Summary The issue of same-sex marriage generates debate on both the federal and state levels. Either legislatively or judicially, same-sex marriage is legal in more than a dozen states. Conversely, many states have statutes and/or constitutional amendments limiting marriage to the union of one man and one woman. These state-level variations raise questions about the validity of such unions outside the contracted jurisdiction and have bearing on the distribution of state and/or federal benefits. As federal agencies grappled with the interplay of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and the distribution of federal marriage-based benefits, questions arose regarding DOMA’s constitutionality and the appropriate standard (strict, intermediate, or rational basis) of review to apply to the statute. In United States v. Windsor, a closely divided U.S. Supreme Court held that Section 3 of DOMA, which prohibited federal recognition of same-sex marriage, violated due process and equal protection principles. As such, federal statutes that refer to a marriage and/or spouse for federal purposes should be interpreted as applying equally to legally married same-sex couples recognized by the state. However, the Court left unanswered questions such as (1) whether same- sex couples have a fundamental right to marry and (2) whether state bans on same-sex marriage are constitutionally permissible. In the aftermath of the Windsor decision, lower federal courts have begun to address the constitutionality of state statutory and constitutional bans on same-sex marriage. -
No Such Thing: Litigating Under the Rational Basis Test
NO SUCH THING: LITIGATING UNDER THE RATIONAL BASIS TEST Clark Neily* Introduction The original legal definition of insanity is the inability to tell right from wrong.1 So it is the first irony of the “rational” basis test that it is, according to that definition, insane. The word “basis” is likewise a misnomer, since the rational basis test is concerned not with the actual basis for challenged legislation, but with specu- lative and hypothetical purposes instead. Finally, the word “test” is inappropriate, at least insofar as it suggests some meaningful analytical framework to guide judi- cial decision-making, because the rational basis test is nothing more than a Magic Eight Ball that randomly generates different answers to key constitutional ques- tions depending on who happens to be shaking it and with what level of vigor.2 Mendacious as the rational basis test is in name, however, that is nothing compared to the intellectual dishonesty it engenders in actual litigation, where it produces a variety of bizarre phenomena that would never be tolerated in any other setting. These include the spectacle of judges simultaneously recognizing and refusing to protect fundamental constitutional rights; permitting government law- yers and witnesses to misrepresent—or at least disregard—material facts; prefer- ring conjecture over evidence; saddling plaintiffs with a burden of proof that is technically impossible to discharge; abandoning judicial neutrality; and blatant— but unacknowledged—misapplication of the test in select cases to achieve preferred outcomes. * Senior Attorney, Institute for Justice. http://www.ij.org. 1 M'Naghten's Case, 8 Eng. Rep. 718, 722 (1843). -
Free Exercise (Dis)Honesty
FREE EXERCISE (DIS)HONESTY JAMES M. OLESKE, JR.* For over half a century, the Supreme Court’s free exercise jurispru- dence has been characterized by a less-than-forthright treatment of prece- dent. The pattern began in the 1960s, when Justice Brennan led the Court to recognize a right to religious exemptions while ignoring language from past cases that had rejected such a right. The trend continued in the 1990s, when Justice Scalia led the Court to disavow the pro-exemption view while ignor- ing language in cases that had embraced it. Today, the Court appears poised to shift its position on religious exemptions yet again, and leading scholars are suggesting it do so by creatively rewriting precedent. This Article urges the Justices to decline that invitation and make clear they are no longer willing to read free exercise precedents saying “up” to mean “mostly down.” Part I tells the full story of foundational pre- varications and subsidiary inconsistencies that have accompanied the Court’s past shifts on exemption rights. Part II details the greatest danger of dishonesty going forward—a danger that was lurking in Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission. Part III calls on the Court to develop an honest free exercise jurisprudence and offers suggestions for what that jurisprudence might look like. Specifically, because the Court has at times incorrectly assumed that recognizing exemption rights will either risk anarchy or require treacherous balancing of religious interests against state interests, this Article offers a concrete proposal for vindicating a lim- ited right to religious exemptions without engaging in case-by-case balanc- ing of such interests.