Aśvaghoṣa and His Canonical Sources II Yaśas, the Kāśyapa Brothers and the Buddha’S Arrival in Rājagha (Buddhacarita 16.3–71) *
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Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II Yaśas, the Kāśyapa brothers and the Buddha’s arrival in Rājagha (Buddhacarita 16.3–71) * Vincent Eltschinger Introduction According to Paramārtha’s (499–569) Life of Vasubandhu (T. 2049), Aśva ghoṣa played a major role in the composition of the Mahā vibhāṣā, a/the literary outcome of the synod held in Kaśmīr at the invitation of the Abhidharma scholar Kātyāyanīputra.1 As this account has it, Aśvaghoṣa committed to literary Sanskrit what Kāt yā yanīputra, 500 arhats and 500 bodhisattvas dictated to him.2 * Most sincere thanks are due to Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Isabelle Ratié, Richard Salomon and Vincent Tournier for their careful reading of this paper and their many suggestions. 1 On this synod, see Frauwallner 1952: 250–256 and Willemen/Dessein/ Cox 1998: 116–121. For Paramārtha’s account, see T. 2049, 189a1–26 (Taka- kusu 1904: 276–279), and below, n. 2. 2 Takakusu 1904: 278–279: “The Bodhisattva, Ma-ming (Aśvaghoṣa), who was a native of Sha-ki-ta (Sāketa) of the country of Sha-yei (Śrāvastī), was well versed in the eight divisions of the Bi-ka-la (vyākaraṇa) treatise, in the four Vedas, and the six treatises on them (vedāṅgas), and was con- versant with the Tripiṭakas of all the eighteen (Buddhist) schools. He was the Laureate of Literature, the Treasury of Learning, the Home of every Virtue. Kātyāyanīputra sent an envoy to Śrāvastī to invite Aśvaghoṣa in or- der to embellish for him the literary compositions. When Aśvaghoṣa came to Ki-pin (Kaśmīra), Kātyāyanīputra expounded the eight books [of the Jñānaprasthāna, VE] in succession. All the arhats and the bodhisattvas then thoroughly examined them. When the meaning of the principles had been settled, Aśvaghoṣa put them one by one into literary form. At the end of twelve years the composition of the Bi-ba-sha (Vibhāṣā) was fi nished. It con- Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 35 • Number 1–2 • 2012 (2013) pp. 171–224 172 Vincent Eltschinger Paramārtha’s account of the events thus clearly links the sāketa- ka3 Aśvaghoṣa not only to the Kāśmīra Sarvāstivāda sect, but also to the Vaibhāṣika dogmatic school in statu nascendi. According to Xuanzang’s version of the story, the conveners of the Kāśmīra synod were the Kuṣāṇa king Kaniṣka (crowned in 127 CE) and his Sarvāstivādin advisor the monk Pārśva.4 No mention is made of Aśvaghoṣa in this connection – a remark that applies to gŹon nu dpal’s, Bu ston’s and Tāranātha’s accounts of the synod.5 But other sources, such as a biography of Aśvaghoṣa translated into Chinese sisted of 1,000,000 verses (ślokas).” 3 SNa, colophon (Johnston 1928: 142, l. 6): āryasuvarṇākṣīputrasya sā ke takasya bhikṣor ācāryabhadantā śvaghoṣasya mahā kaver mahāvādi- naḥ ktir iyam /. “This poem was written by the great eloquent poet, the monk and teacher, the venerable Aśvaghoṣa, the noble son of Survarṇākṣī, of Sāketa.” Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1932: 117. BC, colophon (BCTib 124b3–4): yul śā ke ta ka’i gser mig ma’i bu dge sloṅ slob dpon sñan dṅags mkhan chen po smra ba daṅ ldan pa phyogs su rnam par grags pa / btsun pa rTa dbyaṅs kyis mdzad pa’i Saṅs rgyas kyi spyod pa źes bya ba […] /. “[Such was the poem entitled] Buddhacarita, the work of the venerable (*bhadanta) Aśvaghoṣa of the country of Sāketa (*sāketaka), the son of Suvarṇākṣī, the monk (*bhikṣu), the teacher (*ācārya), the great poet (*mahākavi), the elo- quent one/debater (*vādin?) renowned (*vikhyāta?) universally (*dikṣu?).” As Bhattacharya (1976: 8) points out, sāketaka may mean either “born in Sāketa” (sākete jātaḥ) or “living in Sāketa” (sākete bhavaḥ). The Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa (MMK) also alludes to Sāketa = Ayodhyā (53.872, sāketapura°). Note that the colophon of the Śāriputraprakaraṇa (ŚP) mentions Suvarṇā kṣī but al- ludes neither to Sāketa nor to Aśvaghoṣa’s being a monk (though it desig- nates him as an ārya); ŚP, colophon (Lüders 1911b: 195, fragment C4 verso, l. 4): śāriputraprakaraṇe navamo ’ṅkaḥ 9 āryyasu varṇṇā kṣiputra syāryyā- śva gho ṣa sya ktiś śāradvatī putra prakaraṇaṃ samāptaṃ samāptāni cāṅkāni nava […] /. 4 For Xuanzang’s account, see T. 2087, 886b22–887a17 (Beal 1884: [I.]151–156 and Watters 1904–1905: [I.]270–278). Note that the Mahāvibhāṣā apparently alludes to Aśvaghoṣa (together with Nāgārjuna and Kumāralāta, Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 107) and Kaniṣka (as a “former king” in T. 1545, 593a15 and 1004a5 accord ing to Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 118– 119). This makes the Mahāvibhāṣā posterior to Aśvaghoṣa and Kaniṣka but does not exclude the latters’ contemporariness which, be it noted, was ac- cepted by Lévi (1896: 450). 5 See Roerich 1976: 25, Obermiller 1986: 96–97 and Chattopadhyaya 1980: 91–95, respectively. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 173 by Kumārajīva between 401 and 409,6 link the poet to Kaniṣka and Pārśva, the latter being responsible for the brahmin Aśvaghoṣa’s conversion to (Sarvāstivāda) Buddhism after defeating him in a de- bate.7 Whatever the historical value of these accounts, insistent and fairly old (pre-fi fth century) Indic (probably Sarvāstivādin) tradi- tions associate Aśva ghoṣa with Sarvāstivāda, a connection that the discovery of a long fragment of the poet’s Śāriputraprakaraṇa (ŚP) among many other Sarvāstivāda text materials in Turfan might be taken to corroborate.8 Except for these and other traditional narra- tives nothing is known of Aśvaghoṣa’s sectarian affi liation or ordi- nation lineage – provided he ever was a monk, a hypothesis seem- ingly corroborated by the above narratives and the colophons of the Buddhacarita (BC) and the Saundarananda (SNa).9 The same uncertainty prevails as regards Aśvaghoṣa’s doctrinal inclination,10 which some regard as Sautrāntika (La Vallée Poussin, Kanakura, 6 See T. 2046 (especially 183c17–24). On Aśvaghoṣa as part of the war indemnity paid by the king of Pāṭaliputra to Kaniṣka, see Lévi 1896: 448– 449 and 475–484 and Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 116; on Aśvaghoṣa as a Buddhist preacher and musician in Pāṭaliputra, see Lévi 1896: 475–476; on Aśvaghoṣa as a spiritual advisor of Kaniṣka (together with the minister Māṭhara and the physician Caraka [on whom see also pp. 479–480]), see Lévi 1896: 472–475. 7 See Watters 1904–1905: (I.)209, (II.)104, Johnston 1984: (II.)xxiv and Bhattacharya 1976: 10. According to the MMK (53.872), the poet (kavi) was a twice-born (dvija). 8 See Lüders 1911a: 65. Note also that T. 614 (“a compilation based main- ly on works of patriarchs of the Kashmirian school of the Sarvāstivādin,” de Jong 1978: 125), quotes 21 verses from the SNa (16.49–69). See de Jong 1978: 125 for references to studies by Paul Demiéville and Seiren Matsunami. 9 See above, n. 3. The words bhikṣu and bhadanta (and, though to a less- er extent, ācārya) point to Aśvaghoṣa’s condition as a monk. bhikṣu also appears at MMK 53.873, and pravrajita at MMK 53.872. According to Choi (2010: 36 and 37, n. 9, referring to articles written in Japanese), both Yoshifumi Honjō and Nobuyoshi Yamabe view Aśvaghoṣa’s “sectarian iden- tity” as Sarvāstivāda. At least as far as doctrinal issues are concerned, Choi (2010: 36–37) is skeptical as regards this affi liation. 10 For a useful overview (published in 1978) of the question, see de Jong 1978: 125–126. 174 Vincent Eltschinger Yamada, Honjō),11 others as proto-Yogācāra (Ya ma be),12 yet oth- ers as Mahāsāṅghika (Bhattacharya),13 Bahuśrutika/Bahu śru tīya (Johnston),14 and “Dharmaguptaka or Sarvāstivāda” (Law)15 – with- out necessarily distinguishing between sect/ordination lineage and dogmatic/doc tri nal school. Now, a Buddhist monastic’s sectarian affi liation was a matter of vinaya (“monastic discipline,” “disciplinary rule/code”), and vi- na yas generally were, along with certain sūtras,16 the Indian Bud- dhists’ most authoritative sources as regards the hagiography of the Buddha Śākyamuni, the subject matter of Aśvaghoṣa’s BC. From a Buddhist (monk) poet wishing to commit the career of the Buddha to kāvya style, one would then reasonably expect, fi rst, that he got fi rst acquainted with the pious narrative in the vinaya and/or sūtras 11 For the positions of Louis de La Vallée Poussin, Enshō Kanakura and Ryūjō Yamada, see de Jong 1978: 126. On Honjō’s position, see Yamabe 2003, especially p. 227. 12 See Yamabe 2003, especially p. 243. 13 See Bhattacharya 1976: 9 and 13. 14 See Johnston 1984: (II.)xxiv–xxxv. 15 See Law 1946: 7. 16 As is testifi ed to by the biographically oriented Mahāvadānasūtra and Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Note that together with the CPS, these two sūtras formed the second, biographical part of the Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta of the Sarvāstivāda Dīrghāgama (see Hartmann 1994), a relatively late “Brevier” (Hartmann 1994: 334) comprising as its fi rst, dogmatic part, three Abhidharma-like sūtras (the Daśottarasūtra, the Arthavistara sūtra and the Saṅgītisūtra), and which may have enjoyed independent existence in Central Asia (in and around Turfan). In the present state of my investiga- tions, I cannot rule out the possibility that Aśvaghoṣa’s narrative, indebted as it is, as least, to the CPS and the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra (or vinaya par- allels to them), was based, not on a (Mūla)sarvāstivāda vinaya, but on the Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta or a forerunner/prototype of it, i.e., on (Mūla)sarvāstivāda sūtras (extracted or not from a vinaya; see Hartmann 1994: 332–334 and below, §4). But note (1) that all of these sūtra biographical materials recur with nearly no change in what has come down to us as the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya (Pravrajyāvastu, Saṅghabhedavastu, Kṣudrakavastu); (2) that to the testimony of the Bhaiṣajyavastu of their vinaya, (those who were to become) the Mūlasarvāstivādins also had a Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta (see Hartmann 1994: 328).