Aśvaghoṣa and His Canonical Sources II Yaśas, the Kāśyapa Brothers and the Buddha’S Arrival in Rājagha (Buddhacarita 16.3–71) *

Home , Edward Byles Cowell, Jan Willem de Jong

Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II Yaśas, the Kāśyapa brothers and the Buddha’s arrival in Rājagha (Buddhacarita 16.3–71) *

Vincent Eltschinger

Introduction

According to Paramārtha’s (499–569) Life of Vasubandhu (T. 2049), Aśva ghoṣa played a major role in the composition of the Mahā vibhāṣā, a/the literary outcome of the synod held in Kaśmīr at the invitation of the Abhidharma scholar Kātyāyanīputra.1 As this account has it, Aśvaghoṣa committed to literary Sanskrit what Kāt yā yanīputra, 500 arhats and 500 bodhisattvas dictated to him.2

* Most sincere thanks are due to Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Isabelle Ratié, Richard Salomon and Vincent Tournier for their careful reading of this paper and their many suggestions. 1 On this synod, see Frauwallner 1952: 250–256 and Willemen/Dessein/ Cox 1998: 116–121. For Paramārtha’s account, see T. 2049, 189a1–26 (Taka- kusu 1904: 276–279), and below, n. 2. 2 Takakusu 1904: 278–279: “The Bodhisattva, Ma-ming (Aśvaghoṣa), who was a native of Sha-ki-ta (Sāketa) of the country of Sha-yei (Śrāvastī), was well versed in the eight divisions of the Bi-ka-la (vyākaraṇa) treatise, in the four Vedas, and the six treatises on them (vedāṅgas), and was con- versant with the Tripiṭakas of all the eighteen (Buddhist) schools. He was the Laureate of Literature, the Treasury of Learning, the Home of every Virtue. Kātyāyanīputra sent an envoy to Śrāvastī to invite Aśvaghoṣa in order to embellish for him the literary compositions. When Aśvaghoṣa came to Ki-pin (Kaśmīra), Kātyāyanīputra expounded the eight books [of the Jñānaprasthāna, VE] in succession. All the arhats and the bodhisattvas then thoroughly examined them. When the meaning of the principles had been settled, Aśvaghoṣa put them one by one into literary form. At the end of twelve years the composition of the Bi-ba-sha (Vibhāṣā) was ﬁ nished. It con-

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 35 • Number 1–2 • 2012 (2013) pp. 171–224 172 Vincent Eltschinger

Paramārtha’s account of the events thus clearly links the sāketa- ka3 Aśvaghoṣa not only to the Kāśmīra Sarvāstivāda sect, but also to the Vaibhāṣika dogmatic school in statu nascendi. According to Xuanzang’s version of the story, the conveners of the Kāśmīra synod were the Kuṣāṇa king Kaniṣka (crowned in 127 CE) and his Sarvāstivādin advisor the monk Pārśva.4 No mention is made of Aśvaghoṣa in this connection – a remark that applies to gŹon nu dpal’s, Bu ston’s and Tāranātha’s accounts of the synod.5 But other sources, such as a biography of Aśvaghoṣa translated into Chinese

sisted of 1,000,000 verses (ślokas).” 3 SNa, colophon (Johnston 1928: 142, l. 6): āryasuvarṇākṣīputrasya sā ke takasya bhikṣor ācāryabhadantā śvaghoṣasya mahā kaver mahāvādi- naḥ ktir iyam /. “This poem was written by the great eloquent poet, the monk and teacher, the venerable Aśvaghoṣa, the noble son of Survarṇākṣī, of Sāketa.” Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1932: 117. BC, colophon (BCTib 124b3–4): yul śā ke ta ka’i gser mig ma’i bu dge sloṅ slob dpon sñan dṅags mkhan chen po smra ba daṅ ldan pa phyogs su rnam par grags pa / btsun pa rTa dbyaṅs kyis mdzad pa’i Saṅs rgyas kyi spyod pa źes bya ba […] /. “[Such was the poem entitled] Buddhacarita, the work of the venerable (*bhadanta) Aśvaghoṣa of the country of Sāketa (*sāketaka), the son of Suvarṇākṣī, the monk (*bhikṣu), the teacher (*ācārya), the great poet (*mahākavi), the eloquent one/debater (*vādin?) renowned (*vikhyāta?) universally (*dikṣu?).” As Bhattacharya (1976: 8) points out, sāketaka may mean either “born in Sāketa” (sākete jātaḥ) or “living in Sāketa” (sākete bhavaḥ). The Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa (MMK) also alludes to Sāketa = Ayodhyā (53.872, sāketapura°). Note that the colophon of the Śāriputraprakaraṇa (ŚP) mentions Suvarṇā kṣī but alludes neither to Sāketa nor to Aśvaghoṣa’s being a monk (though it desig- nates him as an ārya); ŚP, colophon (Lüders 1911b: 195, fragment C4 verso, l. 4): śāriputraprakaraṇe navamo ’ṅkaḥ 9 āryyasu varṇṇā kṣiputrasy āryyā- śvagho ṣ asya ktiś śāradvatī putra prakaraṇaṃ samāptaṃ samāptāni cāṅkāni nava […] /. 4 For Xuanzang’s account, see T. 2087, 886b22–887a17 (Beal 1884: [I.]151–156 and Watters 1904–1905: [I.]270–278). Note that the Mahāvibhāṣā apparently alludes to Aśvaghoṣa (together with Nāgārjuna and Kumāralāta, Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 107) and Kaniṣka (as a “former king” in T. 1545, 593a15 and 1004a5 accord ing to Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 118– 119). This makes the Mahāvibhāṣā posterior to Aśvaghoṣa and Kaniṣka but does not exclude the latters’ contemporariness which, be it noted, was accepted by Lévi (1896: 450). 5 See Roerich 1976: 25, Obermiller 1986: 96–97 and Chattopadhyaya 1980: 91–95, respectively. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 173 by Kumārajīva between 401 and 409,6 link the poet to Kaniṣka and Pārśva, the latter being responsible for the brahmin Aśvaghoṣa’s conversion to (Sarvāstivāda) Buddhism after defeating him in a de- bate.7 Whatever the historical value of these accounts, insistent and fairly old (pre-fi fth century) Indic (probably Sarvāstivādin) traditions associate Aśva ghoṣa with Sarvāstivāda, a connection that the discovery of a long fragment of the poet’s Śāriputraprakaraṇa (ŚP) among many other Sarvāstivāda text materials in Turfan might be taken to corroborate.8 Except for these and other traditional narratives nothing is known of Aśvaghoṣa’s sectarian affi liation or ordination lineage – provided he ever was a monk, a hypothesis seem- ingly corroborated by the above narratives and the colophons of the Buddhacarita (BC) and the Saundarananda (SNa).9 The same uncertainty prevails as regards Aśvaghoṣa’s doctrinal inclination,10 which some regard as Sautrāntika (La Vallée Poussin, Kanakura,

6 See T. 2046 (especially 183c17–24). On Aśvaghoṣa as part of the war indemnity paid by the king of Pāṭaliputra to Kaniṣka, see Lévi 1896: 448– 449 and 475–484 and Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 116; on Aśvaghoṣa as a Buddhist preacher and musician in Pāṭaliputra, see Lévi 1896: 475–476; on Aśvaghoṣa as a spiritual advisor of Kaniṣka (together with the minister Māṭhara and the physician Caraka [on whom see also pp. 479–480]), see Lévi 1896: 472–475. 7 See Watters 1904–1905: (I.)209, (II.)104, Johnston 1984: (II.)xxiv and Bhattacharya 1976: 10. According to the MMK (53.872), the poet (kavi) was a twice-born (dvija). 8 See Lüders 1911a: 65. Note also that T. 614 (“a compilation based main- ly on works of patriarchs of the Kashmirian school of the Sarvāstivādin,” de Jong 1978: 125), quotes 21 verses from the SNa (16.49–69). See de Jong 1978: 125 for references to studies by Paul Demiéville and Seiren Matsunami. 9 See above, n. 3. The words bhikṣu and bhadanta (and, though to a less- er extent, ācārya) point to Aśvaghoṣa’s condition as a monk. bhikṣu also appears at MMK 53.873, and pravrajita at MMK 53.872. According to Choi (2010: 36 and 37, n. 9, referring to articles written in Japanese), both Yoshifumi Honjō and Nobuyoshi Yamabe view Aśvaghoṣa’s “sectarian iden- tity” as Sarvāstivāda. At least as far as doctrinal issues are concerned, Choi (2010: 36–37) is skeptical as regards this aﬃ liation. 10 For a useful overview (published in 1978) of the question, see de Jong 1978: 125–126. 174 Vincent Eltschinger

Yamada, Honjō),11 others as proto-Yogācāra (Yama be), 12 yet others as Mahāsāṅghika (Bhattacharya),13 Bahuśrutika/Bahuś rut īya (Johnston),14 and “Dharmaguptaka or Sarvāstivāda” (Law)15 – without necessarily distinguishing between sect/ordination lineage and dogmatic/doctri nal school. Now, a Buddhist monastic’s sectarian affi liation was a matter of vinaya (“monastic discipline,” “disciplinary rule/code”), and vinaya s generally were, along with certain sūtras,16 the Indian Bud- dhists’ most authoritative sources as regards the hagiography of the Buddha Śākyamuni, the subject matter of Aśvaghoṣa’s BC. From a Buddhist (monk) poet wishing to commit the career of the Buddha to kāvya style, one would then reasonably expect, fi rst, that he got fi rst acquainted with the pious narrative in the vinaya and/or sūtras

11 For the positions of Louis de La Vallée Poussin, Enshō Kanakura and Ryūjō Yamada, see de Jong 1978: 126. On Honjō’s position, see Yamabe 2003, especially p. 227. 12 See Yamabe 2003, especially p. 243. 13 See Bhattacharya 1976: 9 and 13. 14 See Johnston 1984: (II.)xxiv–xxxv. 15 See Law 1946: 7. 16 As is testifi ed to by the biographically oriented Mahāvadānasūtra and Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Note that together with the CPS, these two sūtras formed the second, biographical part of the Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta of the Sarvāstivāda Dīrghāgama (see Hartmann 1994), a relatively late “Brevier” (Hartmann 1994: 334) comprising as its fi rst, dogmatic part, three Abhidharma-like sūtras (the Daśottarasūtra, the Arthavistaras ūtra and the Saṅgītisūtra), and which may have enjoyed independent existence in Central Asia (in and around Turfan). In the present state of my investiga- tions, I cannot rule out the possibility that Aśvaghoṣa’s narrative, indebted as it is, as least, to the CPS and the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra (or vinaya parallels to them), was based, not on a (Mūla)sarvāstivāda vinaya, but on the Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta or a forerunner/prototype of it, i.e., on (Mūla)sarvāstivāda sūtras (extracted or not from a vinaya; see Hartmann 1994: 332–334 and below, §4). But note (1) that all of these sūtra biographical materials recur with nearly no change in what has come down to us as the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya (Pravrajyāvastu, Saṅghabhedavastu, Kṣudrakavastu); (2) that to the testimony of the Bhaiṣajyavastu of their vinaya, (those who were to become) the Mūlasarvāstivādins also had a Ṣaṭsūtrakanipāta (see Hartmann 1994: 328). Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 175 of his own sect, and second, that for doctrinal and/or institutional reasons, he was willing to strictly conform to his authoritative canonical source(s) at least as far as the nature and the sequence of the events were concerned. After all, Aśvaghoṣa himself concluded his BC with the following words: [I have composed this poem] to [display] neither the qualities of [my] learning (*pāṇḍityaguṇa?) nor skill in poetry (*kāvyaśakti?)[; rather, I have] composed (*ā√rabh?) it out of reverence (*ādara, *gaura- va?) for the best (*parama[puru ṣa]?) of sages (*muni) in accordance (*anu√s) with the sage’s scriptures (*āgama). May it be for the profi t (*hita?) and happiness (*sukha) of [all] people (*prajā?).17 As a consequence, discerning vinaya (and/or sūtra) materials behind Aśvaghoṣa’s BC could provide interesting clues to the poet’s sectarian affi liation. This of course does not exclude Aśvaghoṣa’s likely familiarity with other – oral or written – versions of the story. Nor does this make the poet a slave to his canonical models and/or sources, for there can be no doubt that Aśvaghoṣa dealt very freely with them in order to fi t his literary agenda and the needs of his audience (e.g., by cutting off lengthy descriptions, narratives and enumerations, adding pathos and psychological consistence, expanding on presumably well-known maxims, developing ad hoc arguments, updating the fi gure, the target and the audience of the Buddha, etc.). In a recent paper, I have attempted to show that Aśvaghoṣa’s relation of the Buddha’s (second) encounter with King Śraiṇya Bimbasāra in Rājagha, the capital city of Magadha, was strongly indebted to either a Mahāsāṅghika(/Lokottaravāda)18 or a (Mūla)

17 BCTib 124b1–2: / de ltar thub pa’i skyes mchog de yi gus pa yis // mkhas ñid yon tan las min sñan dṅags nus pas min // thub pa’i luṅ gi rjes su ’braṅs nas ’di brtsams te // skye dgu rnams kyi phan daṅ bde ba’i phyir gyur cig /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)124 (brackets are mine). 18 For concision’s sake, I consider here the Mahāvastu (MV) as a vinaya work. Note MV I.3,12 in Tournier’s edition (2012a: 385, ll. 1–2): ārya- mahā sāṃghikānāṃ lokottaravādināṃ madhyuddeśikānāṃ pāṭhena vinaya- piṭakasya mahāvastuye ādi /. “Début du Mahāvastu[, appartenant au] Vina- yapi ṭaka, selon la recension des nobles partisans de la grande assemblée [au moment du premier schisme], qui professent [le caractère] supramondain 176 Vincent Eltschinger sarvāsti vāda vinaya and/or sūtra account – with a slight preference for the second hypothesis.19 It could also be ipso facto demon- strated that Aśvaghoṣa’s narrative was entirely independent from the Theravāda (VinTh), Mahī śāsaka (VinMah) and Dharmaguptaka

(VinDh) vinayas whose versions of the event have been analysed in great detail by Bareau (1963). But is the BC narrative indebted to Mahāsāṅ ghika(/Lokottarav āda) or to (Mūla)sarvā sti vāda sources? In my opinion, the immediately preceding episodes of the pious legend (BC 16.3–71), viz. the conversion of Yaśas in Vārāṇasī (BC 16.3–21), the defeat and subsequent conversion of the three Kāśyapa brothers in Uruvilvā/Gayā (BC 16.22–48), and the Buddha’s arrival in Rājagha (BC 16.49–71), provide a very clear answer to this question.

1. Yaśas

1.1. Shortly after his awakening, the omniscient one (*sarvajña, Tib. thams cad mkhyen pa) establishes his fi rst fi ve *bhikṣus (Tib. dge sloṅ) – *Aśvajit, etc. (Tib. rTa thul la sogs) – in the salvational law (*mokṣadharma, Tib. thar pa’i chos). Then comes the story of Yaśas (BC 16.3–21), which Aśvaghoṣa does not locate anywhere but which all vinaya sources set in Vārāṇasī. Here is the story’s argument: Now at that time a noble’s son (*mahataḥ putraḥ?) named Yaśas saw (*dṣṭvā) certain women carelessly (*viśvasta, cf. BC 6.2) asleep and thereby became (*upagata?) perturbed in mind (*saṃvega?). Uttering the words, “How wretched all this is,” he went just as he was, retain- ing all the glory (*śrī?) of his magnifi cent ornaments (*alaṅkāra, *[vi] bhūṣaṇa?), to where the Buddha was.20

[des buddha] et qui exposent [les Écritures] dans [une langue] intermédiaire [entre Prākrit et Sanskrit, VE].” Translation Tournier 2012a: 5 and 35. On the MV as a vinaya work, see also Tournier 2012b. 19 See Eltschinger 2013. The episode covers BC 16.72–95. 20 BCWeller 16.3–4: / de nas de tshe kha cig ni // mo rnams blo phab ñal mthoṅ nas // grags pa źes bya chen po’i bu // yaṅ dag skyo bar ñe bar soṅ // ’di kun ñe bar ’tshe1 ba ste // źes ni tshig daṅ brjod bźin du // dpal ldan mchog gi rgyan ldan pa // saṅs rgyas ga la ba der soṅ /. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 177

BC 16.3–4 is nothing but a severely shortened version of the argument as it appears in all vinayas without any signiﬁ cant change except for the wording of Yaśas’ lament.21 Here is the SBhV account of the same: In this very time Yaśas, the son of a very prominent family, was living in Vārāṇasī. Day after day,22 having amused, delighted [and] en- tertained himself with the music played by women, he went early to sleep with tired body, with exhausted body, with bent body [and] the women too went early to sleep with tired body, with exhausted body, with bent body. [But one day] Yaśas woke up from [his] sleep while it was still night [and] saw all these women drooling, quite naked, with dishevelled hair,23 their arms splayed out [and] talking confus- edly. And having seen [them], the idea of his own gynaeceum [being nothing but] a charnel ground occurred to him. Then Yaśas got up

1 tshe em. (see below, §1.2 and n. 35): brtse Weller. Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)15 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 159. 21 See VinTh I.15–16 (Bareau 1963: 199–200), VinMah T. 1421, 105a25–b13 (Bareau 1963: 200–201), VinDh T. 1428, 789b5–c8 (Bareau 1963: 201–202) and MV III.401,19–408,10 and especially 407,14–408,10 (Jones 1956: III.401–409 and 408–409). The MV account is preceded by a lengthy introduction (MV III.401,19–407,17 [Jones 1956: III.401–408]) that lacks any parallel in the other vinayas. According to the MV, the Yaśoda (sic) who, thanks to Śakra’s stratagem, was to be born to the wealthy but sonless (apu- tra) śreṣṭhin Oka and his wife, was in reality a divinity (devaputra) of the Trayastriṃśa heaven in its penultimate existence (see MV III.401,1–3 [Jones 1956: III.403–404]). A kinsman (kulika) urged the bright and gifted young man to meet the Buddha. At that moment, “[t]here arose in him a desire to see the Blessed One. There arose in him, too, a feeling of disgust with his sensual pleasures. He gave his mind entirely to the thought of leaving home. To this did his heart turn, and there it stood and settled.” (MV III.407,15–17: tasya dāni bhagavato darśanakāmatā udapāsi kāmeṣu cāsya jugupsanā utpa nn ā yoniśo manasikāro niṣkramye caivaṃ cittaṃ prasyandati saṃtiṣṭhati prasī- dati /. Translation [slightly modifi ed] Jones 1956: III.408.) According to the MV, then, Yaśoda is eager to see the Buddha and to strive for salvation already before the episode actually starts. 22 Note SBhVTib ñi ma re re. 23 I would interpret vilālikā (unattested, probably from lālā, “saliva, spit- tle” MW 898a; Tib. rdol ba, “to fl ow or run off ,” Jäschke 288b), vinagnikā and vikeśikā as construed with the prefi x vi- used in an intensive meaning and the suffi x -(i)ka with a pejorative connotation. 178 Vincent Eltschinger

from his lofty bed, put on a pair of bejewelled shoes worth a hundred thousand24 [and] went to the door of [his] gynaeceum. Having arrived, he lamented (apasvaram akārṣīt),25 “I am affl icted, friends, I am plagued, friends!” [Beings that were] not humans opened the door to him and muffl ed the sound [of his voice]. Then Yaśas went to the door of the house. Having arrived, he lamented, “I am affl icted, friends, I am plagued, friends!” [Beings that were] not humans opened the door to him and muffl ed the sound [of his voice]. Then Yaśas went to the door of the town. Having arrived, he lamented, “I am affl icted, friends, I am plagued, friends!” [Beings that were] not humans opened the door to him and muffl ed the sound [of his voice]. Then Yaśas went to the Vārakā river. At that time the Blessed One was walking outside on a promenade in the outdoors of [his] dwelling place, on the bank of the Vārakā river, simply waiting for Yaśas. From a distance Yaśas saw the Blessed One walking on a promenade on the bank of the Vārakā river, and having seen [him], he lamented, “I am affl icted, O ascetic, I am plagued, O ascetic!”26

24 According to Waldschmidt’s translation (CPS II.175b) the Chinese version of the SBhV reads: “deren Wert hunderttausend Unzen in Gold war.” 25 Literally “he made an unmusical sound;” Skt. apasvara is rendered by Tib. skad ṅan, “bad/ugly voice” in SBhVTib. 26 SBhV I.139,18–140,16 (CPS II.172–176 [16.1–8]) (leaving untranslated the agrakulikaputra following each occurrence of “Yaśas”): tena khalu samayena vārāṇasyāṃ yaśā agraku li ka putraḥ prativasati / divādivase strīma- yena tūryeṇa krīḍitvā ramitvā paricārya śrāntakāyaḥ klāntakāyaḥ prāgbhā- rakāyaḥ pratiktyai va1 middham avakrāntaḥ / tā api striyaḥ śrāntakāyāḥ klā ntakāyāḥ prāg bhārakāyāḥ pratiktyaiva1 middham avakrāntāḥ / adrākṣīd yaśā agrakulikaputraḥ sarātram eva suptapratibuddha ḥ sarvās tā striyo vi lālikā vinagnikā vikeśikā vikṣiptabhuj āḥ kāny api kāny api vipralapant- yaḥ / dṣṭvā punar asya sve ’ntaḥpure śmaśānasañjñā vakrāntā / atha yaśā agrakulikaputro mahāśayanād avatīrya śatasāhasraṃ2 maṇipāduk āyugaṃ prāvtya yenāntaḥpuradvāraṃ tenopasaṅkrāntaḥ / upasaṅ kramyāpasvaram akārṣīt – upadruto ’smi mārṣā upasṣṭo ’smi mārṣā iti / tasyāmanuṣyā dvāraṃ vivṇvanti śabdaṃ cāntardhāpayanti / atha yaśā agrakulikaputro yena nive- śa nadvāraṃ tenopasaṅkrāntaḥ / upasaṅkramyāpasvaram akārṣīt – upadru- to ’smi mārṣā upasṣṭo ’smi mārṣā iti / tasyāmanuṣyā dvāraṃ vivṇvanti śabda ṃ cāntardhāpayanti / atha yaśā agrakulikaputro yena nagaradvāraṃ te nopasaṅkrāntaḥ / upa saṅkramyāpasvaram akārṣīt – upadruto ’smi mārṣā upasṣṭo ’smi mārṣā iti / tasyāmanuṣyā dvāraṃ vivṇvanti śabdaṃ cāntard- hāpayanti / atha yaśā agrakulikaputro yena nadī vārakā tenopasaṅkrāntaḥ / tena khalu samayena bhagavān nadyā vārakāyās tīre bahir vihārasyā bhy- Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 179

The concision of the BC account as well as the homogeneity of the extant vinaya versions make it impossible to decide which narrative Aśvaghoṣa was (most) indebted to. Note, however, that the wording of Yaśas’ lament, viz. upadruto ’smi […] upasṣṭo ’smi 27 […], excludes dependence of any sort on VinMah and VinDh, for as Weller already conjectured, Aśvaghoṣa’s version most certainly bore a noun derived from upa√dru,28 like the SBhV(/CPS), the MV 29 and VinTh.

1.2. In Johnston’s translation, the story goes on as follows: “The Tathāgata, who knew (*√jñā?) [men’s] minds (*manas, *citta?) and defi lements (*kleśa), on seeing (*dṣṭvā) him said, ‘There is no fi xed time for nirvāṇa, come hither and obtain the state of bless- edness.’”30 The Buddha’s welcoming words to Yaśas (mya ṅan ’d as la ñer tshe med // tshur śog) have puzzled modern interpreters. Concerning ñer tshe, Weller confesses: “Ich verstehe hier den tibetischen Text nicht, da ich nicht erkenne, welchem Ausdruck ñer avakāśe caṅkrame caṅkramyate yadbhūyasā yaśasam evāgrakulikaputram āgamayam ānaḥ / adrākṣīd yaśā agrakulikaputro bhagavantaṃ nadyā vā ra- kā yās tīre caṅkrame caṅkramyamānaṃ dūrata eva / dṣṭvā ca punar apasvaram akārṣīt – upadruto ’smi śramaṇa upasṣṭo ’smi śramaṇa iti /. 1 b ratiktyaiva em. (SBhVTib myur du ≈ pratiktya BHSD 361 “in advance” ≈ Pali paṭigacc’eva; cf. CPS II.172, n. 8): pratiyaty eva SBhV. 2 śatasāhasraṃ em.: śatasahasraṃ SBhV. 27 VinMah T. 1421, 105a25–b13: “A présent, il n’est pas de refuge (śaraṇa) vers lequel me diriger et où je sois à l’abri de l’obstacle du chagrin (śoka).” Translation Bareau 1963: 200. VinDh T. 1428, 789b5–c8: “Ceci est douleur, hélas! Comment peut-on le désirer?” Translation Bareau 1963: 201. 28 See Weller 1928: 159, n. 6. 29 MV III.408,10: upadruto ’smi śramaṇa upadruto ’smi māriṣa. VinTh I.16: upaddutaṃ vata bho, upa ssaṭṭhaṃ vata bho ’ti. 30 1 BCWeller 16.5: / sems daṅ ñon moṅs mkhyen pas de // gzigs nas de bźin gśegs pas gsuṅs // mya ṅan ’das la ñer tshe med // tshur śog dge ba thob par gyis /. 1 de em.: des Weller. Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)15 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 160. I have not the faintest idea of what Tib. dge ba may be translating here (*śubha, *svasti?). Weller (ibid.) translates: “das Heil.” 180 Vincent Eltschinger

entpricht. Die Übersetzung ist möglicherweise nicht richtig.”31 As for Johnston, he wonders: “Read ñid for ñer?”32 Both translate: “Es ist keine (bestimmte) Zeit für das Nirvāṇa, komm hierher […].”33

Now consider the relevant vinayas’ (SBhV[/CPS], MV, VinTh) versions of the event: “Then the Blessed One spoke as follows to Yaśas […]: ‘Come hither, young man, this abode is without affl iction for you, it is without plague.’”34 To Yaśas who complains that he is upadruta, “affl icted,” the Buddha presents an abode – nirvāṇa – that is anupadruta, “unaffl icted,” “without affl iction.” And this is exactly what Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddha says once the BC’s Tibetan text is emended from tshe to ’tshe:35 “There is no affl iction (*nopadra- vo ’sti?) in nirvāṇa, come hither (*ehi)!” Here again, the SBhV(/

CPS), the MV and VinTh signiﬁ cantly improve our understanding

of Aśvaghoṣa’s BC, whereas VinMah and VinDh reﬂ ect a divergent

31 Weller 1928: 160, n. 2 (“Here I do not understand the Tibetan text, for I do not know which [Sanskrit, VE] expression ñer tshe corresponds to. The translation is possibly incorrect.”). 32 Johnston 1984: (III.)15, n. 3. 33 Weller 1928: 160. 34 SBhV I.140,16–17 (CPS II.176 [16.9]): atha bhagavān yaśasam […] idam avocat – ehi kumāra / idaṃ te sthānam1 anupadrutam idam anupasṣṭam iti2 /. 1 SBhV sthānam (SBhVTib gnas): CPS om. sthānam. 2 SBhV iti: CPS om. iti. MV III.408,11–12: bhagavān āha – ehi kumāra mā bhāyāhi idantam anupadrutam imasmiṃ dharme svākhyāte vītarāgo bhaviṣyasi /. “The Blessed One said, ‘Come, young man, be not afraid of this affl iction. When you have heard this dharma of mine well preached you will get rid of passion.’” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.409. VinTh I.15: atha kho bhagavā yasaṃ kulaputtaṃ etad avoca – idaṃ kho yasa anupaddutaṃ idaṃ anupassaṭṭhaṃ. ehi yasa nisīda. dhammaṃ te desessāmīti. “Then the Lord spoke thus to Yasa, the young man of family: ‘This, Yasa, is not distress, this, Yasa, is not affl iction. Come, sit down, Yasa, I will teach you dhamma.’” Translation Horner 1971: 23. 35 Tib. ñe( ba)r ’tshe (ba) is well attested as a translation of Skt. upadrava/ upadruta. See Lokesh Chandra 1993: III.709a (ñe bar ’tshe ba) and 714a (ñer ’tshe). To Lokesh Chandra’s references, add PVSVTib P480b6, where Tib. ñe bar ’tshe ba med pa translates Skt. nirupadrava (PVSV 111,4; ’tshe ba med translates the same in PVSVTib P480b4). Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 181 text tradition and are of no avail.

1.3. Aśvaghoṣa then skips several episodes of the canonical story. In the extant vinayas, Yaśas crosses the river, pays homage to the Buddha who delivers a pious sermon (dharmyā kathā) that results in Yaśas’ becoming a lay adherent (upāsaka), i.e., taking refuge (śaraṇa) in the Buddha, the dharma and the saṅgha. While search- ing for his son (whom he suspects to have been abducted), Yaśas’ father meets with the Buddha on the bank of the Vārakā/Vāraṇā river. The latter magically occults Yaśas and preaches a sermon to the father. Upon hearing it, Yaśas’ father becomes a lay adherent while Yaśas obtains arhatship and reappears to the sight of his father. Aśvaghoṣa takes up the story at this point: Hearing (*śrutvā) the words of him, whose fame (*yaśas?) was wide- spread (*vistīrṇa?), [Yaśas] came (*upagata?), like one entering a river when aﬄ icted (*ārta) with heat (*uṣṇa, *ātapa?), to extreme con- tentment (*tpti, *santoṣa?). In dependence (*āśritya?) on the force of a previous cause (*pūrvahetubala?), but with his body as it was (i.e., in the householder’s garb), he then realised (*upa√labh-?) arhatship (*arhattva) with body and mind.36

VinTh, VinMah and VinDh do not allude to Yaśas’ past deeds while relating how he became an arhat. That the young man, a layman, could achieve sanctity so easily, however, was a matter of some concern or interest in Mahāsāṅghika and (Mūla)sarvāsti vāda cir- cles, for both the SBhV(/CPS) and the MV insert an explanation and a short jātaka (“rebirth story”) of Yaśas at this point of the narrative.37

36 BCWeller 16.6–7: / de ltar rnam rgyas grags pa’i gsuṅ // ’di ni thos nas tsha ba yis // ñam thag chu la ’dzul nas ltar // mchog tu tshim pa ñe bar soṅ // sṅon gyi rgyu yi stobs brten nas // de nas lus de ñid bzuṅ ste // lus kyis daṅ ni sems kyis ni // dgra bcom ñid ni ñe bar thob /. Translation (slightly modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)15 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 160. 37 See SBhV I.145,20–146,14 (CPS III.400–402 [I.1–7] = “Einschub nach Vorgang 18.10”): bhikṣavaḥ saṃśaya jātāḥ sarvasaṃśayacchettāraṃ bu- ddhaṃ bhagavanta ṃ pcchanti – kim āyuṣmatā yaśasā karma ktaṃ yasya karmaṇo vipākenāntaḥpura madhyagatasya svasminn antaḥpure śmaśānasa- ñjñotpannā sarvālaṅ kāra vibhūṣitena1 ca bhagavato ’ntike ’rhattvaṃ ca sā- kṣātktam / yaśasaiva2 bhikṣavaḥ karmāṇi ktāny upacitāni labdhasam- 182 Vincent Eltschinger

bhārāṇi pariṇatapratyayāny oghavat pratyupasthitāny avaśyambh āvīni / yaś as ā karmāṇy upacitāni ko ’nyaḥ pratyanubhaviṣyati / na bhikṣavaḥ karm āṇi ktāny upacitāni bāhye pthivīdhātau vipacyante nābdhātau na tejodhātau na vāyudhātāv api tūpātteṣv eva skandhadhātvā yataneṣu kar- māṇi ktāni vipacyante śubhāny aśubhāni ca / na praṇaśyanti karmāṇy api kalpaśatair api3 / sāmagrīṃ prāpya kālaṃ ca phalanti khalu dehinām // bhūtapūrvaṃ bhikṣavo vārāṇasyāṃ nagaryāṃ nātidūra ṣiḥ prativasati sma maitryā4tmakaḥ kāruṇikaḥ sarvasattvahitavatsalaḥ / tena piṇḍapātaṃ praviśatā mtakuṇapaṃ dṣṭam / tatpratibad dhenaiva cittena5 piṇḍapātaṃ praviṣṭaḥ / piṇḍapātaṃ caritvābhyāgataḥ / yāvat paśyati taṃ mtakuṇapaṃ vinīlībhūtaṃ6 vyādhmātmakaṃ ca / tasyaivāgrataḥ sphuṭitam / tena tatraiva vairāgyam utpāditam / tata ihāntaḥpure pratyayo dattaḥ / kiṃ manyadhve bhikṣavaḥ / yo ’sāv ṣir eṣa evāsau yaśā kumāras tena kālena tena samayena / yad anena tatra vairāgyam utpāditaṃ tenaitarhy antaḥpuramadhyagatasya pratyayo dattaḥ / iti hi bhikṣava ekāntak ṣṇānāṃ karmaṇām ekāntakṣṇo vipākaḥ / ekāntaśuklānām ekāntaśuklo vyatimiśrāṇāṃ vyatimiśraḥ / tasmāt tarhi bhikṣava ekāntakṣṇāni karmāṇy apāsya vyatimiśrāṇi caikāntaśukleṣv eva karmasv ābhogaḥ karaṇīyaḥ / ity evaṃ vo bhikṣavaḥ śikṣitavyam /. 1 SBhV °vibhūṣitena: °vibhūṣite CPS. 2 yaśasaiva CPS, SBhVTib (grags pa ’di ñid kyis): yaśasaivaṃ SBhV. 3 kalpaśatair api SBhV, SBhVTib (bskal pa brgyar yaṅ): kalpakoṭiśatair api CPS (hypermetrical!). 4 maitryā° SBhV: maitrā° CPS. 5 tatpratibaddhenaiva cittena em. (SBhVTib de la źen pa’i sems kyis): asat- pratibaddhenaiva cittena SBhV, CPS. 6 vinīlībhūtaṃ em.: vilīnībhūtaṃ SBhV, CPS (see BHSD 498b s.v. vilīnaka). “Beset by doubt, the monks [then] asked the Blessed Buddha who removes all doubts: ‘Which action did the venerable Yaśas perform the maturation of which caused the idea that his own gynaeceum was a charnel ground to occur to [him] right in the middle of [his] gynaeceum, and [which] caused [him who was still] dressed up with all the ornaments [of a wealthy householder] to realise arhatship in the presence of the Blessed One?’ – It is due to Yaśas himself, O monks, that the actions [have been] done [and] accumulated, that they have gained their [necessary] requisites (?labdha sambhāra), that, like a fl ood of water, they are waiting upon(/imminent) (?pratyupasthita) [and] necessarily to occur. The actions [that have been done and] accumulated by Yaśas, who else [than Yaśas] will [ever] experience [them]? [For] it is not the case, O monks, that the actions [that have been] done and accumulated ripen in an earth element, a water element, a fi re element [or] a wind element [that would be] external; rather, it is in the [fi ve] constituents, the [eighteen] elements and the [twelve sensory] bases [which are] clung to that Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 183

[all] the actions [that have been] done, good and evil, ripen. Even hundreds of eons are not enough to cause the actions to be destroyed. And once the [proper causal] complex and time are instantiated, they indeed bear fruit for the embodied [beings concerned]. Once upon a time, O monks, a [certain] ṣi was living not very far from the town of Vārāṇasī, who was benevolent, compassionate [and] devoted to the welfare of all living beings. While un- dertaking [his] begging-round, he saw a dead body. He performed [his] begging-round with the mind [entirely] fi xed on this, and having performed [his] begging-round, he came back. This dead body [which had] turned blue-black and [was] swollen [by putrefaction, the ṣi] saw it to such an extent [that it became] vivid [as if he were again] before it, [and that] he developed [pro- found] aversion for it; this is the reason why the notion [of a charnel ground] regarding [his] gynaeceum was given [to him]. [Now] what do you think, O monks? At that time, on that occasion, this very ṣi was no other than the young man Yaśas. By the simple fact that he developed [such] an aversion for this [dead body], the notion [of a charnel ground] was given to [him] in the middle of [his] gynaeceum. So it is, O monks, that the maturation of [those] actions [that are] exclusively black is exclusively black; that the maturation of [those actions that are] exclusively white, is exclusively white; [and] that the maturation of [those actions that are] mixed, is mixed. Therefore, O monks, one should reject [those] actions [that are] exclusively black as well as [those that are] mixed, and develop inclination towards [those] actions alone [that are] exclusively white.” For the MV parallel, see MV III.413,17–415,5 (Jones 1956: III.414–416). MV III.413,17–19: bhikṣū bhagavantam āhansuḥ – kasya bhagavan karmasya vipākena yaśodo śreṣṭhi putro āḍhyo mahādhano mahābhogo śreṣṭhikule upapanno kṣi prā dhigamo ca ghasthabhūtenaiva balavaśī bhāvaṃ prāptam /. “The monks said to the Blessed One, ‘Lord, as the maturing of what karma did Yaśoda, the guild-president’s son, who was rich, wealthy, opulent and born in a guild-president’s family, become quick of attainment even as a layman and achieve mastery of the powers?’” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.414. Here is the beginning of the Buddha’s answer (MV III.413,19): bhagavān āha – etasyaiva bhikṣavo yaśodasya śreṣṭhi putrasya pūrvapraṇ i dhānam /. “The Blessed One replied, ‘Monks, Yaśoda, the guild-president’s son, made a vow to that eff ect in a former life.’” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.414. In a very distant past indeed, Yaśoda was born to a decayed family (kṣīṇakula). One day, he was fortunate enough to meet with the pratyekabuddha Bhadrika (who was on his begging-round), a great fi eld of merit (puṇyakṣetra), whom he invited to his place and provided with food. He then made the vow to be reborn in wealthy families only. But Bhadrika knew about Yaśoda’s mean vow and fl ed through the air. Seeing this, Yaśoda made the vow to acquire the same supernatural faculties as the pratyekabuddha Bhadrika. That he attained arhatship so easily was due to the ripening (vipāka) of that karman. 184 Vincent Eltschinger

1.4. Before attaining arhatship, as we have seen (§1.3), Yaśas had become an upāsaka on hearing the Buddha’s pious sermon on giv- ing (dāna), morality (śīla), heaven (svarga), and then on the four nobles’ truths. Now four among the extant vinayas (as well as the CPS) insert here the standard formula describing a candidate’s proper understanding of the truths before becoming an upāsaka: As a clean garment whose black spots have been removed and which is prepared for(/destined to) being dyed perfectly absorbs the dye once it is thrown into the dye[ing liquid], similarly Yaśas, the son of a very prominent family, understood the four nobles’ truths while sitting on this seat – suff ering, origin [of suff ering], cessation [of suff ering and] path [leading to the cessation of suff ering].38 This is obviously the source of Aśvaghoṣa’s next stanza: As the dye (*raṅga) is absorbed by a cloth (*vastra?) which has been bleached with salted water, so he, whose mind (*mati, *buddhi?) was white (*śukla, *avadāta?), fully understood (*prati√i, *pra√budh?) the good Law (*saddharma) as soon as he heard (*śrutvā) of it.39

See also MV III.407,15 (Jones 1956: III.407–408; see above, n. 21). 38 SBhV I.141,3–7 (CPS II.180 [16.14]): tadyathā śuddhaṃ vastram apagatak āla kaṃ1 rañjanopagaṃ raṅge prakṣiptaṃ samyag eva raṅgaṃ pra ti- ghṇāti / evam eva yaśā agra2kulikaputras tasminn evāsane niṣaṇṇaś ca- tvāry āryasatyāny abhisameti3 tadyathā duḥkhaṃ samudayaṃ nirodhaṃ mā rgam /. 1 SBhV °kālakaṃ: CPS °kāḍakaṃ. 2 SBhV yaśā agra°: CPS yaśo ’gra°. 3 SBhV abhisameti: CPS abhisamayati. See also SBhV I.142,30–143,3 (Yaśas’ father) and SBhV I.144,22–25 (CPS II.198 [18.7]) (Yaśas’ mother and [ex-]wife). The cliché also occurs at Divya 617,6–12 (with raṅgodake for raṅge). 39 BCWeller 16.8: / ston ka’i chu yis bkrus pa yi // gos la tshon ni bkod pa bźin // dkar po’i blo yis dam pa’i chos // thos nas rab tu rtogs pa ñid /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)15 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 160. Johnston 1984: (III.)15, n. 5: “T[ibetan] has ston-ka, ‘au- tumn,’ but the context requires kṣāra or the like; perhaps śo-ra (v. Jäschke [= ‘Saltpetre, nitre’ VE]) or lan-tshwa (= ‘salt’ VE).” Note Weller 1928: 160, n. 6: “Wörtlich: Wasser des Herbstes. Ich verstehe die Stelle nicht.” Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 185

40 The cliché can be found at this very point of the story in VinTh and the SBhV(/CPS), but not in VinMah, VinDh and the MV.

1.5. To this new arhat who is still wearing the luxurious clothes of a wealthy householder, the Buddha now speaks as follows: The best of speakers (*vakt?), he who had fulfi lled his task (*ktā- rtha?) and knew the ultimate truth (*paramārthajña?), saw him standing there ashamed (*hrīṇa, *lagna?) of his clothes and said – “The [mendicant’s] badges (*liṅga) are not the cause of the law (*dharmahe- tu?); he who looks with equal (*sama?) mind on [all] beings (*bhūta), he who is undisturbed (*śānta), tamed (*dānta), and has restrained his senses (*indriya), though he wears ornaments (*alaṅkta), yet walks (*√car) in the law (*dharma). He who leaves his home with his body, but not with his mind, and who is still subject to attachment (*sneha- vat?), is to be known as a householder (ghastha), though he live in the forest (*vānaprastha?). He who goes forth with his mind, but not with his body, and who is selfl ess, is to be known as the [true] forest-dwell- er, though he abide in his home. He is said (*abhi√lap, *abhi vad?) to be emancipated (*mukta?), who has reached this attainment, whether he abide in his home or whether he has become a homeless mendicant (*pravrajita?). Just as one who desires to conquer (*vijigīṣu?) puts on his armour (*kañcuka?) to overcome a hostile army (*ripuvarga?), a man wears the badges (*liṅga) to overcome the enemy (*śatru?) of the defi lements (*kle śa).” Then the Tathāgata said to him, “Come hither, mendicant” (*ehi bhikṣu); [Yaśas] took the monk’s badges (*bhikṣuli- ṅga?), and at this very moment (*kṣaṇa) he was released.41

40 VinTh I.16: seyyathāpi nāma suddhaṃ vatthaṃ apagatakāḷakaṃ sam- mad eva rajanaṃ paṭigaṇheyya […]. “Just as a clean cloth without black specks will take a dye easily […].” Translation Horner 1971: 23; see also Bareau 1963: 200. See VinTh I.17 and 18 (Yaśas’ father and Yaśas’ mother and [ex-]wife; Bareau 1963: 208 and 219). 41 BCWeller 16.9–15: / cha lugs de yi ṅo tsha bźin // gnas pa de ni gzigs gyur na // don mdzad dam pa’i don mkhyen // smra ba rnams kyi mchog gis smras // rtags ni chos kyi rgyu min źiṅ // ’byuṅ po rnams la sñoms pa ste // źi źiṅ dul la dbaṅ po dul // brgyan pa yin yaṅ chos la spyod // gaṅ źig lus ni ’thon pa ste // sems kyis ’thon pa ma yin pa // nags na gnas kyaṅ chags pa can // khyim na gnas śes de śes bya // gaṅ źig sems ni ’thon pa ste // lus kyis ’thon pa ma yin pa // khyim na gnas kyaṅ ṅa med pa // nags na gnas śes de śes bya // khyim na gnas par gyur pa’i ’am // rab tu byuṅ bar gyur pa’i yaṅ // 186 Vincent Eltschinger

VinTh, VinMah and VinDh know of no sermon at that point of the story and seem not to be concerned at all with Yaśas’ paradoxical situation as an arhat dressed as an opulent layman. On the contrary, both the SBhV(/CPS) and the MV strongly insist on this in their account of the events,42 going to the trouble of quoting a stanza belonging to the Udānavarga (Uv)/Dharmapada (DhP):43 “Though he be brightly arrayed, if he live the life of dharma, tamed, undisturbed, self-controlled, living the brahma-life, renouncing violence against all creatures, then is he a brahmin, an ascetic, a monk.”44

gaṅ gi bsgrubs pa yod na ni // de yi thar pa mṅon par brjod // ji ltar rgyal ’dod dgra sde la // rgyal phyir go cha ’dzin pa ste // de bźin ñon moṅs dgra de la // rgyal phyir rtags ni ’dren pa’o // de nas dge sloṅ tshur śog ces // de bźin gśegs pa de la gsuṅs // des ni dge sloṅ rtags bzuṅ ste // skad cig de ñid kyis grol to /. Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)15–16 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 160–161. Johnston does not translate BC 16.15d (Weller 1928: 161: “und wurde in eben dem Augenblick erlöst”). 42 SBhV I.143,5–6 (CPS II.190 [17.14]): āyuṣmataś ca yaśasaḥ sarvālaṅ- kāravibhūṣitasyānupādāyāśra ve bhyaś cittaṃ vimuktam /. “And the mind of the venerable Yaśas, no [longer] clinging, was liberated from the infl uxes while [he was still] dressed up with all the ornaments [of a wealthy householder].” Note also MV III.412,7–13: atha khalu anyatīrthikacarakaparivrājakā […] ulūkapakṣikabhagin ī śramaṇā […] alaṃ alaṃkārāya alaṃ prasādāya yatra hi nāma ghīto avadātavasano kāśikaśucivastradharo candanā nulip- ta kag ātro aṃgadī kuṇḍalī evam evarūpaṃ dharmaṃ sākṣīkaroti /. “Then […] wanderers belonging to other sects and the female recluse Ulūka pakṣi- kabhaginī […] said, ‘This is what comes of adornment, this is what comes of faith. For when this man was taken up by his father he was dressed all in white, wearing garments of pure Benares cloth. His body was anointed with sandalwood ointment and he wore bracelets and earrings. And now he has realised this dharma.’” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.412–413. 43 The MV (III.412,15–18) quotes fi rst another stanza which, however, has left strictly no trace in BC 16.9 –15: na muṇḍabhāvo na jaṭā na paṃko nānāsa- naṃ thaṇḍilaśāyikā vā / rajojalaṃ votkuṭukaprah āṇaṃ duḥkhapramokṣaṃ na hi tena bhoti //. “Nor baldness, nor matted hair, nor mire, nor fasting, nor lying on the bare ground, nor dust and dirt, nor striving when one is squatting on the ground, brings freedom from suff ering.” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.413. Cf. Uv XXXIII.1 and Divya 339,23–25. On this verse, see Bollée 1971 and Melzer 2010: II.313. 44 SBhV I.143,8–11 (CPS II.192 [17.16]): alaṅktaś cāpi careta1 dharmaṃ dāntaḥ śāntaḥ2 saṃyato3 brahmac ārī / sarveṣu bhūteṣu nidhāya4 daṇḍaṃ sa brāhmaṇaḥ sa śramaṇaḥ sa bhikṣuḥ //. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 187

Now this stanza and its immediate narrative environment, both 45 of which are missing in VinTh, VinMah, VinDh, are obviously the source of Aśvaghoṣa in BC 16.9–15 – so clearly so that BC 16.10cd nearly reproduces pādas a and b of the stanza in question. In źi źiṅ dul la dbaṅ po dul (BC 16.10c), źi most certainly stands for śānta and dul for dānta (dbaṅ po dul echoes the Divya’s dāntendriyaḥ); as for brgyan pa yin yaṅ chos la spyod (BC 16.10d), it can simply be regarded as an (admittedly not very precise) translation of alaṅkto cāpi careta dharmam. Needless to say, equanimity towards living beings (’byuṅ po rnams la sñoms pa, BC 16.10b) is directly indebted to the stanza’s sarveṣu bhūteṣu nidhāya daṇḍam.46 As we can

1 careta SBhV, CPS, Uv: cāreta Divya. 2 dāntaḥ śāntaḥ SBhV, CPS: kṣānto dānto Uv, dāntendriyaḥ śāntaḥ Divya. 3 saṃyato SBhV, CPS, Divya: niyato Uv. 4 nidhāya SBhV, CPS, Divya: nivārya Uv. My translation is indebted to Jones’ (1956: III.413). MV III.412,19–22: alaṃ- kto vāpi careya dharmaṃ kṣānto dānto niyato brahmacārī / sarvehi bhūtehi nivārya daṇḍaṃ so brāhmaṇo so śramaṇo sa bhikṣuḥ //. Cf. Uv XXXIII.2, DhP 142 and Divya 339,26–29. 45 See VinTh I.17, VinMah T. 1421, 105b28–c12, VinDh T. 1428, 789c29– 790a21, and Bareau 1963: 213–215. 46 What is the import of BC 16.15c: des ni dge sloṅ rtags bzuṅ ste? Johnston (1984: [III.]16) translates: “and at these words he [= Yaśas, VE] appeared wearing the mendicant’s badges,” as if some supernatural intervention was to be suspected in the process. As for Weller (1928: 161), he more simply (and accurately) translates: “Er tat das Abzeichen des Bettelmönchs an.” Now favouring a magical scenario may compel one to regard BC 16.15c as indebted to the MV or a very similar text. Indeed, the MV (III.413,11–14) alone seems to reﬂ ect such a course of events: atha khalu yaśodasya śreṣṭhiputra- sya bhagavatā ehibhi kṣukāye ābhāṣṭasya yatkiṃcid ghiliṃgaṃ ghiguptaṃ ghidhvajaṃ ghikalpaṃ sarvam antarahāye tricīvaraṃ cāsya prādurbhavet suṃbhakaṃ ca kaṃsapātraṃ praktisvabhā va saṃsthitā ca keśā īryāpatho cāsya saṃsthihe tadyathā nāma varṣaśatopasaṃpannasya bhikṣusya /. “When Yaśoda, the guild-president’s son, had been addressed with the words ‘Come, monk,’ every mark of a layman, every badge, every emblem and every sign disappeared from him. He was seen to have the three robes and the sumbhaka bronze bowl, his hair in its natural state, and his deportment established – all just like those of a monk who had been ordained a hundred years.” Translation Jones 1956: III.414. Note, however, that this is but a cliché (see, e.g., MV III.430,15–18 and 432,1–4 [Jones 1956: III.432 and 433]). 188 Vincent Eltschinger

see, BC 16.9–15 would be much less intelligible without the help of the SBhV(/CPS) and the MV.

1.6. Yaśas’ turn to Buddhism resulted in further conversions: Then out of attachment (*anunaya , *anurāga, *anuṣaṅga?) to him, [people in] his circle, to the number of ﬁ fty (*pañcāśat) and three and one, gained (*anupra√āp, prati√labh?) the law (*dharma). As gar-

ments, covered with potash (*kṣāraJohnston), quickly become clean on contact with water, so they whose acts (*karman?) had been puriﬁ ed in former ages (*pūrvakāla) quickly (*kṣipram?) became pure (*[vi] śuddha, *avadāta?).47 The number of the Buddha’s new converts, ﬁ fty-four, is faithful

to the traditions refl ected by VinTh, VinMah, VinDh and the SBhV(/ CPS), which divide the fi gure into four plus fi fty. First came four young men of high social extraction: In Vārāṇasī, a second son of prominent family, a third, a fourth and a fi fth son of prominent family, Pūrṇa, Vimala, Gavāmpati and Subāhu [by name], heard that Yaśas, a son of prominent family [like them], had cut his hair and beard, put on yellow robes and, out of faith, entirely retired from the home to the homeless life.48 The four fellows wonder whether they should not also become disciples of the Buddha, whom they approach and honour. They

47 BCWeller 16.16–17: / de nas de yi rjes chags pas // de yi ’khor ni lṅa bcu daṅ // gsum rnams ñid daṅ gcig ñid daṅ // chos de rab tu thob par gyur // ’dag chal gyis bskos gos rnams ni // chu yis yaṅ dag reg pa bźin // sṅon tshe bsgoms pa’i las can rnams // de rnams myur du dag par gyur /. Translation (slightly modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)16 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 161. Both translators seem to understand bsgoms pa (*bhāvita?) in the sense of “purifi ed” (as in the compound bhāvitātman). 48 SBhV I.146,15–18 (CPS II.202 [19.1]): aśrauṣur vārāṇasyāṃ dvitīyo ’gra kulikaputras ttīyaś caturthaḥ pañcamo ’grakulikaputra ḥ1 pūrṇo vimalo gavāmpatiḥ subāhuś ca yaśā agrakulikaputraḥ keśaśmaśrv avatā rya kāṣāyāṇi vastrāṇy ācchādya samyag eva śraddhayāgārād anagārikaṃ pravrajita iti /. 1 ’grakulikaputraḥ SBhV, SBhVTib: kulikaputraḥ CPS. On the episode of the four fellows, see SBhV I.146,15–147,20 (CPS II.202– 208 [19.1–8]). Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 189 request from him that they be granted the minor and major ordinations (pravrajyā and upasampadā), which they easily obtain before reaching arhatship. As the SBhV and the CPS have it, “at that very time, there were ten arhats in the world, and the Blessed One was the eleventh.”49 Then came fi fty young men whose story is exactly the same: In Vārāṇasī, fi fty extremely prominent(/wealthy?) sons of village headmen heard that a fi rst son of prominent family, a second, a third, a fourth [and] a fi fth son of prominent family, Yaśas, Pūrṇa, Vimala, Gavāmpati [and] Subāhu [by name], had cut their hair and beard, put on yellow robes and, out of faith entirely, retired from the home to the homeless life.50 In short, “at that very time, there were sixty arhats in the world, and the Blessed One was the sixty-fi rst.”51 This closely matches what Aśvaghoṣa says in BC 16.18ab: “Then at that time sixty (*ṣaṣṭi) in all was the fi rst company (*sārthaWeller) of the disciples (*śiṣya), who were also arhats.”52 The two stories are roughly the same in the Theravāda, Mahīśāsaka and Dharmaguptaka sources,53 but the

49 SBhV I.147,20 (CPS II.208 [19.8]): tena khalu samayena daśa loke ’rhanto bhagavān ekādaśamaḥ /. 50 SBhV I.147,21–25 (CPS II.208 [20.1]): aśrauṣur vārāṇasyāṃ pañcāśad utsadotsadā grāmikadārakāḥ prathamo ’grakulikaputro dvitīyas ttīyaś ca- turthaḥ pañcamo ’grakulikaputro yaśāḥ pūrṇo vimalo gavāmpati ḥ sub ā- huḥ keśaśmaśrv avatārya kāṣāyāṇi vastrāṇy ācchādya samyag eva śrad- dhayāgārād anagārikaṃ pravrajitā iti /. On the episode of the fi fty fellows, see SBhV I.147,21–148,19 (CPS II.208–212 [20.1–8]). 51 SBhV I.148,18–19 (CPS II.212 [20.8]): tena khalu samayena ṣaṣṭir loke ’rhanto bhagavān ekaṣaṣṭitama iti /. 52 BC 16.18ab: / de nas de tshe dgra bcom slob ma yi // daṅ po don bcas drug bcu thams cad la /. Translation (slightly modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)16 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 161. 53 On the four fellows, see VinTh I.18–19, VinMah T. 1421, 105c19–106a2 and VinDh T. 1428, 790b7–29, and Bareau 1963: 223–226. On the fi fty fellows, see VinTh I.20, VinMah T. 1421, 106a2–5, VinDh T. 1428, 790b29–c22, and Bareau 1963: 227–228. Note that according to these three vinayas, the fi fty-four new converts were friends of Yaśas (“compagnons laïques” VinTh, and “friends” in VinMah and VinDh). Is this what one should understand by Tib. ’khor (“circle”) in BC 16.16b, as both Weller and Johnston were inclined 190 Vincent Eltschinger

MV knows strictly nothing of these ﬁ fty-four new conversions in Vārāṇasī. 1.7. The story of Yaśas ends in a Buddhist ite, missa est

And the Arhat, revered by the arhats, spoke (*samājñāpayatiWeller) to them as was suitable (*yathārham?) [on that occasion] – “O men- dicants (*bhikṣavaḥ), you have passed beyond (*[ut]√tṝ?) suﬀ ering (*duḥkha) and fulﬁ lled your great task (*svakāryaṃ sumahat ktam-

Weller). It is proper (*yukta?) now to help (*anugraha) others (*para?) who are still suﬀ ering (*duḥkhita?). Therefore do all of you, each by himself, traverse this earth and impart the law out of compassion (anukampayā)54 for the sake of the suﬀ ering world (*ārtalokārtha?). I for my part (aham apy eṣa) am proceeding (gacchāmi) to Gayā, the abode of royal seers (*rājarṣibhir niṣevitām),55 in order to convert (*vi√nī?) the Kāśyapa brothers (*bhrāt?), seers (*ṣi) who through their attainments (*siddha, *siddhi?) are possessed of supernatural powers (*ddhimat).”56

57 VinTh, VinMah, VinDh and the SBhV(/CPS) provide very similar accounts of the event: Then the Blessed One addressed the monks [as follows]: “I am, O monks, freed from all snares, the divine as well as the human ones. You too, O monks, are freed from all snares, the divine as well as the human ones. Therefore, O monks, let us set out on a journey for the pleasure of the multitude, out of compassion for the world, for the

to believe? 54 + + + [nt]o nukampayā (pāda d) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 1. 55 aham apy eṣa gacchāmi rāja + + + + + + (pāda a and b) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 1. On rājarṣibhir niṣevitām, see Weller 1953: 10, n. 2. 56 BCWeller 16.18cd–21: / dgra bcom rnams kyis mṅon mchod dgra bcom pas // ji ltar ’os par yaṅ dag bka’ stsal to // dge sloṅ rnams kye sdug bsṅal rgal // raṅ gi bya ba legs chen byas // pha rol sdug bsṅal rnams la yaṅ // rjes su ’dzin pa byed pa’i rigs // de phyir re re thams cad kyis // sa ’dir yoṅs su gśegs mdzod la // ñam thag ’jig rten ched du chos // rjes su brtse bas bsñan par bya // grub phyir rdzu ’phrul ldan pa’i spun // ’od sruṅs draṅ sroṅ rnams ’dul phyir // rgyal po’i draṅ sroṅ gis bsñen pa’i // ga yar kho bo ’di yaṅ ’gro /. Translation Johnston 1984: (III.)16–17 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 161. 57 See VinTh I.20–21, VinMah T. 1421, 108a1–3, VinDh T. 1428, 792c15–18, and Bareau 1963: 243. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 191

proﬁ t, the welfare [and] the pleasure of gods and humans. But let not two of you go together! [As for myself,] I am also setting out [alone] on 58 a journey to Uruvilvā, to the village of SenāyanīSBhV/Sena yanaCPS.” The functionally parallel passage of the MV, which is unaware of the last ﬁ fty-four conversions, diverges accordingly.59

1.8. As we can see, BC 16.3–21 do much more than simply point to Aśvaghoṣa’s conversancy with vinaya narratives. These stanza demonstrate that the poet moulded his narrative sequence, the relevant formulas and doctrinal contents on canonical sources, in one case at least so faithfully that the BC wording can safely be considered a quotation. But on which canonical sources? VinMah and

VinDh, which from the outset put diverging formulas in the mouths of Yaśas and the Buddha, appear as the least likely candidates.

Very unlikely as well is VinTh, which like VinMah and VinDh lacks any equivalent of the stanza on which is built the Buddha’s sermon at BC 16.9–15. Similarly, neither do these three sources account for Yaśas’ rapid arhatship in terms of karmic retribution, nor do they accommodate any jātaka of Yaśas. Both the SBhV(/CPS) and the MV comprise all these elements. But contrary to the SBhV(/ CPS), the MV has no equivalent of the important dyeing image and formula; it shows no awareness of the conversion and subsequent arhatship of fi fty-four persons after Yaśas, and hence restricts the audience of the Buddha’s fi nal words (BC 16.18cd–21) to the group of his fi rst fi ve disciples. Finally, the MV quotes a second didactic stanza, but contrary to the fi rst, which gives rise to the whole sermon of BC 16.9–15, this stanza has left no trace in the BC. In my

58 SBhV I.148,20–26 (CPS II.212 [21.1]): tatra1 bhagavān bhikṣūn āman- trayate sma – mukto ’haṃ bhikṣavaḥ sarvapāśebhyo ye divyā ye ca mānuṣāḥ / yūyam api bhikṣavo muktāḥ sarvapāśebhyo ye divyā ye ca mānuṣāḥ / 2tato bhikṣavaś cārikāṃ prakramiṣyāmo2 bahujanasukhāya lokānukampāyai arthā ya hitāya sukhāya devamanuṣyāṇām / mā ca vo dvāv ekena gamiṣya- tha / aham api yenoruvilvā senāyanīgrāmakas tena cārikāṃ prakramiṣyāmi /. 1 tatra SBhV: atha CPS. 2 tato bhikṣavaś cārikāṃ prakramiṣyāmo SBhV: carata bhikṣavaś caryāṃ CPS. 59 See MV III.415,7–11 (Jones 1956: III.416). 192 Vincent Eltschinger opinion, then, the evidence of BC 16.3–21 unambiguously points to this section’s strong indebtedness toward the SBhV and/or CPS, i.e., to (Mūla)sarvā stivāda canonical materials.

2. Uruvilvā and Gayā(śīrṣa)

2.1. BC 16.22–47 contains Aśvaghoṣa’s account of the events that, in Gayā/Uruvilvā/Gayāśīrṣa, led to the conversion and subsequent arhatship of the three Kāśyapa brothers (Uruvilvā-, Gayā-, Nadī- kāśyapa) together with their thousand followers (500 for Uruvil- vākāśyapa, 250 each for Gayā- and Nadī-kāśyapa), all of them matted-hair ascetics (jaṭila) performing sacrifi ces in the wilderness.60 As we are going to see, this makes the episode an anti-ritualistic and anti-Brahmanical manifesto. Although Aśvaghoṣa’s version of these events comes closer to the SBhV(/CPS) narratives than to any other, the BC’s dependence is not as conspicuous as in the fi rst and the third episodes (Vārāṇasī, Rājagha). The canonical versions of the story nearly exhaust themselves in lengthy accounts of the (eighteen) miracles that enabled the Buddha to defeat and convert Uruvilvā kāśyapa. Aśvaghoṣa maintained a detailed account of the fi rst miracle, the Buddha’s victory over a ferocious Nāga (BC 16.27–33), but decided to reduce the next seventeen miracles to a single verse (BC 16.35).61 Another important component of this episode in most canonical accounts is the Buddha’s famous sermon on the Gayāśīrṣa mountain, according to which “everything is ablaze.” The preaching retains all its importance in Aśvaghoṣa’s version (BC 16.39–44). Here I shall limit myself to quoting the BC in Johnston’s (modifi ed) translation, adding comments and related materials whenever required. Note that Sanskrit fragments

60 On this episode, see Bareau 1963: 253–320 and Bareau 1995: 156–166. 61 In the same way, Aśvaghoṣa does not relate the few episodes that take place between Vārāṇasī and Uruvilvā, such as the Buddha’s new victory over Māra (SBhV I.148,26–149,11 [CPS II.214–216 (21.3–6)]), the Buddha’s encounter with and conversion of sixty hedonists (the bhadravargikas; see SBhV I.149,23–151,8 [CPS III.222–228 (22.2–16)]), or the conversion of Nandā and Nandabalā (SBhV I.152,22–153,35 + 217,1–3 [CPS III.230–235 (23.1–18)]). Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 193 of BC 16.20–36 have been discovered in Central Asia and edited by Friedrich Weller on the basis of preliminary work by Mrs Else Lüders.62

2.2. Here is Aśvaghoṣa’s account of the Buddha’s encounter with Uruvilvākāśyapa and victory over the big snake in the ﬁ re-house: Then they, who had seen true reality (*tattvad ś?), departed (jagmuḥ) on his orders in all directions (diśo diśaḥ),63 while the great seer (ma- harṣi), the Sugata, who was freed from the pairs (nirdvandva), went to 64 Gayā (*jagāma sugato gayām?Weller). Then in due course he arrived

there (*tatra kāle tato gatvā?Weller), and, approaching (*upa√gam?) the

forest of the law (*dharmāraṇya), saw (*dadarśaWeller, *apaśyat?Weller) Kāśyapa, abiding (sthita) there like asceticism (tapas) in person (sākṣāt).65 Although there were dwellings in the mountains and the

groves, the lord of the ten powers (*daśabalaWeller), desirous of con- verting (*vi√nī) him,66 asked (*√yāc?) for a lodging (*pratiśraya?).67

Then in order to put the saint (*siddha?Johnston) to the test, in his evil dis-

position (*viṣamastha?Johnston) he gave him a ﬁ re-house (agni śaraṇa), [infested] by a great snake (mahoraga ).68 The snake, whose gaze

62 See Weller 1953. 63 Cf. SBhV I.149,16–17 (CPS II.216 [21.8]): evaṃ bhadanta iti bhikṣavo bhagavataḥ pratiśrutya janapada cārikāṃ prakrāntāḥ /. “Having given their assent to the Blessed One [by saying:] ‘So be it, O Venerable,’ they set out on [their] journey to the [diff erent] countries.” 64 + [mus] tatra diśo diśaḥ [m]aharṣir api nirdva ⨯ o (pādas b and c) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 2. For jagmus, see Weller 1953: 10, n. 3; for nirdvandvo, see Weller 1953: 10, n. 4, and BC 12.47. 65 + + + + + + tatra tapaḥ sākṣād iva sthita[m] (pādas c and d) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 3. 66 Cf. SBhV I.217,4–5 (CPS III.236 [24a1]): astīha magadheṣu janapadeṣu kaścic chramaṇo vā brāhmaṇo vā suśīlaḥ saṃmato yam aham anvāvarteyaṃ yasmin me ’nvāvtte ’lpakcchreṇa mahājanakāyo ’nvāvartiṣyate /. “There is here in the Magadhan countries a certain famous ascetic or brahmin of good morality whom I should convert and who, once converted by me, will very easily cause a great many people to be converted.” 67 Cf. SBhV I.218,2 (CPS III.238 [24a5]): yadi te kāśyapa agurv ahaṃ tavāgnyāgāra ekarātrīṃ vihareyam /. “If it makes no diffi culty to you, O Kāśyapa, I would like to sojourn one night in your fi re-house.” 68 athāsmai so gniśara[ṇe] mah[o]raga + + + + (pādas a and b) in 194 Vincent Eltschinger

was poisonous (dṣṭiviṣa), saw (dṣṭvā) the great sage69 (mahāmuni)

sleeping (*supta?) there at night (*rātrau?), uninjured (*sv astha?Weller)

and indiff erent (*nirapekṣa?Weller), and in his fury (ruṣṭa) he hissed 70 71 (*ā√śvas?Weller) [at him]. The fi re-house (*agniśaraṇa?) was set alight (*ādīpta?) by his wrath (*krodha, *kopa?),72 but the fi re (ana- la), as if afraid (*bhīta?),73 did not touch (*aspṣṭa?) the great seer’s (*maharṣi) body. Just as at the end of time (*kālānta?) Brahmā shines (*√śubh?) sitting (*niṣaṇṇa?) when the confl agration (*agni?) dies down (*upa√śam?), so Gautama remained unperturbed (*avikta?), though the fi re-house was all ablaze74 (nirdagdhe cāgniśaraṇe). As (*yadā) the Buddha sat (*niṣaṇṇa?) there, unharmed (na vivyathe) and moveless (na cacāla), the snake (nāga) was fi lled with wonderment (vismita)75 and did obeisance to the best of seers (*paramarṣi?). The

folk (*jana?Weller) in the deer-park (*mgadāva?), thinking of the seer

sitting there (*muniṃ tatra gataṃ jñātvā?Weller), were overcome with pity76 (anu√kamp), [saying] “O misery, O stupor that such (*tādś?) a mendicant (*bhikṣu) should have been burnt (*dagdha iti)!”77 On the 78 night passing away (rātrau vyatītāyām), the Teacher (*vināyaka?Weller,

Johnston) took up (*ādāya?) the snake quietly/subdued the snake in his

Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 4. 69 See Weller 1953: 11, n. 13. 70 Cf. BC 1.47b. 71 + + + + + + + [n]im dṣṭvā dṣṭiviṣo ruṣṭaḥ sa ni + + + + + + (pādas b, c and d) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 5. Cf. SBhV I.218,8–9 (CPS III.240 [24a10]): adrākṣīd āśīviṣo nāgo bhagavantaṃ dūrata eva / dṣṭvā ca krodhānubhāvena dhūmayati /. “The Nāga snake saw the Blessed One from a distance, and on seeing [him], covered [him] with smoke as a sign of wrath.” 72 Cf. SBhV I.218,13 (CPS III.240 [24a11]): sarvo ’gnyāgāra ādīptaḥ pradīptaḥ samprajvalita ekajvālībhūtaḥ, “the entire fi re-house was set alight, set ablaze, set on fi re, became (like?) a single fl ame.” 73 + + + + [i]vānalaḥ (pāda d) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 6. 74 nirdagdhe cāgniśara[ṇe] (pāda a) in Weller 1953: 7, no. 2, recto, l. 6. 75 + + cāla na vivya[the] vismitaḥ sa tadā [nāgaḥ] (pādas b and c) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, verso, l. 1. 76 + + ity anvakampata (pāda d) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, verso, l. 2. 77 See SBhV I.218,16–18 (CPS III.242 [24a13]). 78 atha rātrau vya[tī] + + (pāda a) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, verso, l. 2; see also Weller 1953: 11, n. 19. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 195

alms-bowl (*[piṇḍa]pātreṇa ?) and showed it to Kāśyapa.79,80 Such was the Buddha’s ﬁ rst miracle in Uruvilvā. This, however, was not enough to convert Uruvilvākāśyapa: “On perceiving (niśāmya) the might (māhātmya) of the Buddha, he was amazed (sa visiṣmiye),81 yet he still believed himself to have no superior (*niruttara?) in power.”82 BC 16.34 closely matches the functionally equivalent canonical description of Uruvilvākāśyapa’s thoughts: “Then the following occurred to the matted-hair ascetic Uruvilvā- kāśyapa: ‘[It is] a wonder(/Marvellous) how great are the great ascetic’s supernatural power and splendour! But me too I am an

79 See SBhV I.218,23–30 (CPS III.242–244 [24a15–21]). 80 BCWeller 16.22–33: / de nas de ñid mthoṅ de rnams // de yi bka las phyogs su soṅ // rtsod bral bde bar gśegs pa ni // draṅ sroṅ che yaṅ ga yar gśegs // de nas dus su der gśegs nas // chos kyi dgon par ñe bar gśegs // dka ’thub dṅos su gnas pa bźin // der ni ’od sruṅs gzigs pa’o // ri rnams daṅ ni nags rnams su // gnas rnams yod pa na yaṅ de // rnam par ’dul bźed stobs bcu bas // rab tu brten nas bslaṅs pa’o // de nas grub pa ñams tshad phyir // me khaṅ lto ’phye ches […] // […] bsñen par // ma ruṅs gnas des ’di la byin // der gzims mtshan mor raṅ gnas śiṅ // ltos bral thub pa chen po la // mthoṅ ba’i dug can khros pa yi // sbrul des mthoṅ nas dbugs phyuṅ ṅo // de yi khro bas ’bar ba yi // me yi khaṅ par gyur pa des // draṅ sroṅ chen po’i sku lus la // ’jigs pa bźin du mes ma reg // dus mtha’i me ñer źi ba na // tshaṅs pa bźugs pa mdzes pa ltar // me yi khaṅ par bsregs na yaṅ // gau ta ma rnam [par?] ’gyur med // gaṅ tshe saṅs rgyas der bźugs tshe // gnod med g.yo ba med pa ste // de tshe klu de ya mtshan źiṅ // draṅ sroṅ mchog la phyag ’tshal lo // ri dags nags der skye bo yis // thub pa der bźugs śes gyur nas // srugs pa ’o brgyal ’di ’dra ba’i // dge sloṅ tshig ces rjes su brtse // de nas mtshan mo ’das pa na // rnam par ’dren pas ’od sruṅs la // sbrul ni źi bas lhuṅ bzed kyis // blaṅs nas de la bstan pa’o //. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)17–18 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 162–163. For a reedition of the Tibetan text of BC 16.20–36, see Weller 1953: 7–8. 81 + + + + sya māhātmyaṃ niśāmya [sa] visiṣmi + (pādas a and b) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, recto, l. 3. On niśāmya, see Johnston 1984: (III.)18, n. 1 and Weller 1953: 11, n. 21; on sa visiṣmiye, see Weller 1953: 11, n. 21. 82 1 BCWeller 16.34: / de nas saṅs rgyas che bdag ñid // thos nas de ni ya mtshan gyur // de lta na yaṅ bdag ñid kyis // che źiṅ goṅ na med pa sñam //. 1 See Johnston 1984 : (III.)18, n. 1. Translation Johnston 1984: (III.)18 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 163. 196 Vincent Eltschinger

arhat!’”83 Aśvaghoṣa spares himself from listing the next seventeen miracles84 and simply says: Then, because he knew those thoughts of his (cittajñānāc ca tat tasya),85 the tranquil86 Sage puriﬁ ed his [= Uruvilvākāśyapa’s, VE] 87 heart by various supernatural powers (ddhi) suited (*prayuktaWeller) for the occasion (*kāla). Thereon, as he deemed the Buddha to be better (*viśiṣṭa?) than him in magic power (*ddhi), he determined (*niś√ci, *ava√so?) to win88 his law (*dharma).89

83 SBhV I.218,30–32 (CPS III.244 [24a22]): athoruvilvākāśyapasya jaṭi- lasyaitad abhavat / āścarya ṃ yāvan maharddhiko mahāśramaṇo mahā nu- bhāvaḥ / api tv aham apy arhan /. The formula concludes the account of all eighteen miracles. The MV formula is as follows (III.425,8–10): dṣṭvā ca punar uruvilvākāśyapo saparivāro vismito abhūṣi / maharddhiko śramaṇo gautamo mahānubhāvo ’yam ahaṃ punar maha rd dhikataro /. “When Uru- vilv ākāśyapa, together with his company, saw this he was amazed. But still he said, ‘Though the recluse Gautama has great magic and power, I have still greater magic.’” Translation Jones 1956: III.426–427. 84 See SBhV I.218,32–228,12 (CPS III.246–302 [24b1–r9]). 85 + + + + + + ddhibhiḥ cittajñānāc ca tat tasya (pādas a and b) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, recto, l. 4; see also Weller 1953: 11–12, n. 23. 86 “Tranquil”/“friedvoll” translates Tib. źi ldan. Mrs. Lüders transcribed the relevant akṣaras of the Central Asian fragment as (k)ṣ(e)tr(i), which puzzled Weller (1953: 11–12, n. 23). One wonders if something like śānta or even kṣānta would not be more satisfactory. 87 Weller (1953: 11, n. 22) conjectures vividharūpaiḥ, anekarūpaiḥ or vici- tra rūpaiḥ for sna tshogs […] gzugs rnams kyis. 88 The Central Asian fragment (no. 2, recto, l. 4; Weller 1953: 8) reads °ttaye, which Weller (1953: 12, n. 24) guesses represents a Skt. pratipattaye in spite of the non-literal character of the translation. In this case – which I regard as likely – Johnston’s translation could be modifi ed into: “to (put into) practice.” 89 BCWeller 16.35–36: / de nas dus su rab sbyar ba’i // sna tshogs rdzu ’phrul gzugs rnams kyis // de yi sems de mkhyen ñid las // źi ldan thub pas thugs dgoṅs mdzad // / ji ltar bdag las rdzu ’phrul gyis // saṅs rgyas khyad par ’phags pa sñam // de yi chos ni rab bsgrub phyir // de tshe des ni ṅes par byas /. Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)18 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 163. In the canonical account, it is because the Buddha knows Uruvilvākāśyapa’s thoughts that the latter fi nally converts (cf. SBhV I.228,13–18 [CPS III.302 (25a1–2)]): atha bhagavān uruvilvākāśyapasya jaṭilasya cetasā cittam ājñāyoruvilvākāśyapaṃ jaṭilam etad avocat – naiva Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 197

In the canonical story,90 the Buddha then requires from Uruvil v ā- kāśyapa that he asks his followers whether they are also willing to convert, which they do: “The company of Uruvilvākāśyapa’s fi ve hundred (*pañcaśata) followers, seing (dṣṭvā) his sudden change of heart (āvtta),91 adhered also to the law (*dharma).”92 As a token of their renouncing asceticism and ritual, Uruvilvākāśyapa’s followers throw into the river their deerskins (ajina), bark-garments (valkala), jars with handles (daṇḍakama ṇḍalu), ladles and vessels (srugbhājana).93 Gayākāśyapa and Nadīkāśyapa together with their fi ve hundred followers were practising austerities and sacrifi ces a few miles downstream. Seeing their fellows’ utensils in the river and concerned that something might have happened to them, the two brothers and their disciples moved upstream, where they chose to follow Uruvilvākāśyapa’s example and converted: Then together with their pupils (saśiṣya), [Uruvilvā kāśyapa’s] two brothers called Gayā[kāśyapa] and Nadī[kāśyapa], having passed to

tvaṃ kāśyapārhan naivārhattvaphalasākṣīkriyāṃ samāpanno naivājānāsy arhattvamārgam / athoruvilvākāśyapasya jaṭilasyaitad abhavat – jānāti me mahāśramaṇaś cetasā cittam iti viditvā bhagavantam idam avocat – labheyaṃ mahāśramaṇasyāntike pravrajyām upasampadaṃ bhikṣubhāvam /. “Then the Blessed One knew the matted-hair ascetic Uruvilvākāśyapa’s thought through his mind and said the following to him: ‘You are certainly not an arhat, O Kāśyapa, you are not practising in order to realise the [religious] result consisting of arhatship [and] you don’t [even] know the path towards arhatship.’ Then the following occurred to the matted-hair ascetic Uruvilvākāśyapa: ‘The great ascetic knows my thought through his mind!’ Knowing thus, he said the following to the Blessed One: ‘May I obtain the minor and major [monastic] ordinations, the condition of a monk under [you] the great ascetic!’” 90 See SBhV I.228,13–229,3 (CPS III.302–306 [25a1–12]). 91 dṣṭvā kāśyapam āvttam uru + + + + + + (pādas b and c) in Wel- ler 1953: 8, no. 2, recto, l. 4. 92 BCWeller 16.37: / kun nas slar log gnas pa yi // lteṅ rgyas ’od sruṅs mthoṅ nas ni // slob ma rnams kyi tshogs rnams kyaṅ // lṅa brgyas de yi chos la bsñen /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)18 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 163. 93 See SBhV I.228,28–29 and 229,6–7 (CPS III.304 [25a7] and 308 [25b2]); see also MV III.431,3–5 (Jones 1956: III.432). 198 Vincent Eltschinger

94 the further shore (pāragaJohnston; antagaWeller) and cast aside their bark garments (tyaktavarkala), arrived there (tadgata) and betook themselves (√bhaj) to the path (mārga).95,96

2.3. Having ordained these ascetics, the Buddha moved from Uruvilvā to Gayā where he dwellt in a sanctuary hall (caitya) locat- ed in Gayāśīrṣa together with his thousand (and three!) new monks (or ex-matted-hair ascetics, purāṇajaṭila).97 Here too, Aśvaghoṣa somewhat abridges the story, for his Buddha contents himself with a sermon (i.e., with exhibiting his ānuśāsanī prātihārya, marvelous ability of admonition) without exhibiting his other two prātihāryas, viz. his marvelous ability of magic performance (ddhiprātihārya) and his marvelous ability of mind-reading (ādeśanāprātihārya):98 On the Gayāśīrṣa mountain (*bhūdhara?) the sage (*muni) then

preached the sermon of salvation (*nirvāhaka?Johnston) to the three Kāśyapa [brothers] with their followers (*saśiṣya?). The entire world (*jagat sarvam?) is burnt up against its own will (*avaśa?) by the fi re (*agni?) of desire (*rāga) and hostility (*dveṣa), [a fi re that] originates (*°yoni?) in the conceptual constructs (*vikalpa) and spreads (*vi- prakīrṇa?) together with the smoke (*dhūma?) of delusion (*moha). Thus scorched (*dagdha?) by the fi re (*agni?) of defi lements (*kleśa), without peace (*apraśānta, *aprasanna?) or leadership (*anātha?), it is unceasingly (*avicche dena?) consumed again and again (*punar api, *punaḥ punaḥ?) by the fi res (*agni?) of old age (*jāti), disease (*jarā) and death (*maraṇa?). On seeing (*dṣṭvā) this world (*jagat) without refuge (*nistrāṇa?) burnt up by manifold fi res, the wise [man] (*buddhimat?) is affl icted/trembles (*ud√vij?) in his body (*rūpa)

94 Weller (1928: 163) translates: “ans Ziel gelangt.” 95 + + [ṣ]y. tyaktavarkkale bhejāte tadgate mārgaṅ gayā + + + + + + (pādas b to d) in Weller 1953: 8, no. 2, verso, l. 6. 96 BCWeller 16.38: / der ni spun zla slob mar bcas // mthar phyin śun lpags spaṅs pa na // ga ya chu kluṅ źes byas kyaṅ // der soṅ lam la bsñen pa’o /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)18 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 163. See SBhV I.229,4–230,7 (CPS III.308–314 [25b1–16]). 97 See SBhV I.230,8–13 (CPS III.316 [26.1–3]). 98 See SBhV I.230,13–31 (CPS III.316–320 [26.4–15]). The Buddha’s de- monstration of his ddhiprātihārya includes the so-called twin miracles (yamakapr ātihārya, SBhV I.230,20–22 [CPS III.318 (26.7)]); see below, §3.4. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 199

with its accompaniment of mind (*manas) and sense-organs (*indriya). From aﬄ iction (*udvega?) he proceeds to detachment (*vairāg- ya?) and from detachment to liberation (*vimokṣa, *vimukti?); thereon being liberated, he knows that he is liberated (*vimukta?) in all respects (*sarvathā?). He has fully exhausted the stream (*santati, *santāna?) of birth (*jāti, *janman?), taken his stand on the religious life (*brahmacarya) and done (*kta) all that which was to be done; [for him] there is no further existence (*bhava).99

99 BCWeller 16.39–44: / de nas thub pas slob mar bcas // ’od sruṅs gsum po de rnams la // sa ’dzin ga ya’i rtse mor ni // ṅes par mthar phyin gtam mdzad do // rnam par rtog1 pa’i skye gnas daṅ // gti mug rnam bkram du ba can // chags sdaṅ me yis ’gro ba ni // thams cad dbaṅ med par sreg go // de ltar ñon moṅs mes tshig ciṅ // rab tu ma źi mgon med can // rga na ’chi ba’i me rnams kyis // slar yaṅ rgyun mi chad par sreg // rnam par sna tshogs mes tshig pa’i // ’gro ba skyabs med ’di mthoṅ nas // yid bcas dbaṅ po daṅ bcas pa’i // gzugs la blo ldan skyo ba ste // skyo ba las ni chags bral ’gro // chags bral las ni rnam ’grol źiṅ // rnam grol de nas thams cad na // rnam par grol źes śes pa’o // skye ba’i rgyun ni yoṅs zad2 ciṅ // tshaṅs pa’i spyod pa ’dir gnas la // byed pa thams cad byas ste // srid pa gźan ni yod ma yin //. 1 rtog em.: rtogs Weller. 2 Instead of yoṅs mdzad, Johnston (1984: [III.]19, n. 1) suggests yoṅs mthoṅ (“having fully examined”), whereas Weller (1928: 164, n. 16) proposes to reconstruct pariṣkar (“vernichtet”); I am inclined to interpret BC 16.44 as moulded on the arhattva-formula, the ﬁ rst member of which is kṣīṇā me jātiḥ (see, e.g., SBhV I.119,3–4), and an expanded version of which reads parikṣīṇabhavasaṃyojana, “in whom the fetters of existence are completely exhausted” (SBhV I.231,9–10 [cf. CPS III.324 (27a1)]); the Tibetan for parikṣīṇa is yoṅs su zad pa, in my opinion the most likely reading for BC 16.44. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)18–19 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 163–164. SBhV I.230,31–231,4 (CPS III.322 [26.17–19]): sarvaṃ1 bhikṣava ādīptam / kiṃ ca <2> sarvam1 ādīptam / cakṣur <2> ādīptaṃ rū paṃ cakṣurvijñānaṃ cakṣuḥsaṃsparśaḥ / yad api cakṣuḥ saṃ spar śa pra- ty ayam ādhyātmam utpadyate vedayitaṃ sukhaṃ vā duḥkhaṃ vāduḥkham asukhaṃ vā tad apy ādīptam / evaṃ <3> śrotra ṃ ghrāṇaṃ jihvā kāyo mana4 ādīptam / ādīptaṃ manovijñā naṃ mana ḥ saṃsparśaḥ / yad api manaḥ saṃ- sparśapratyayam ādhyātmam utpad yate vedayitaṃ sukhaṃ vā duḥkhaṃ vā / aduḥkham asukhaṃ vā tad apy ādīptam / kenādīptam / rāgāgninā dveṣāgni- nā mohāgninā / ādīptaṃ jātijvarāvyādhimaraṇa śoka5paridevadu ḥkhadaur- mana syop ā yāsaiḥ / ādīp taṃ duḥkheneti /. 1 Note SBhVTib ’di thams cad (*tat sarvaṃ?). 200 Vincent Eltschinger

Hearing the Buddha preaching leads the thousand former ascetics to arhatship: When the thousand monks (*bhikṣusahasra) heard (*śrutvā) this sermon of the Blessed One (*bhagavat), by reason of non-appropriation (*anupādāya) their minds (*citta?) were immediately (*tadan anta- 100 ram?) released (*vimukta?) from the inﬂ ows (*āsravaJohnston). With regard to both function and wording, Aśvaghoṣa’s account, albeit a cliché, is here directly indebted to the canonical parallels: “Once this exposition of the law had been formulated [by the Buddha], by reason of non-appropriation these thousand monks’ minds were immediately released from the inﬂ ows.”101

2 Note that SBhVTib and VinDh insert here dge sloṅ dag (*bhi kṣavaḥ). 3 Note that SBhVTib inserts here dge sloṅ dag (*bhikṣavaḥ). 4 Note that SBhVTib reads chos (*dharmaḥ) for manaḥ. 5 °śoka° em. (SBhVTib, VinDh mya ṅan daṅ/sokehi): SBhV, CPS om. °śoka°. “Everything, O monks, is on fi re. And what [is it, O monks, that] is on fi re? The eye[, O monks,] is on fi re, [but also] corporeality, the eye-awareness [and] the contact with the eye. Whatever internal [factor] arises with the contact with the eye for its condition [i.e., for instance,] an [aff ective] sensation [that is] either pleasurable, or painful, or neither-painful-nor-pleasurable, [all] this is on fi re. Similarly[, O monks,] the ear, the nose, the tongue, the body [and] the mind are on fi re. On fi re are mental awareness [and] the contact with the mind. Whatever internal [factor] arises with the contact with the mind for its condition [i.e., for instance,] an [aff ective] sensation [that is] either pleasurable, or painful, or neither-painful-nor-pleasurable, [all] this is on fi re. [But] on fi re because of what? Because of the fi re of desire, because of the fi re of hostility, because of the fi re of delusion. [It is] on fi re because of [re]birth, old age, disease, death, sorrow, lamentation, suff ering, dejection [and] perturbation. [It is] on fi re because of suff ering.” On this episode, see Bareau 1963: 317–320 100 BCWeller 16.45: / bcom ldan gyi gsuṅ ’di thos nas // dge sloṅ stoṅ phrag dag gi sems // len pa med nas zag pa las // de ma thag tu rnam par grol /. Translation Johnston (modifi ed) 1984:(III.)19 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1953: 164. 101 SBhV I.231,5–6 (CPS III.322 [26.21]): asmin khalu dharmaparyāye bhāṣyamāṇe tasya bhikṣusahasrasy ānupādāyāsravebhyaś cittaṃ vimuktam /. SBhVMS is missing here; Gnoli had to base himself on the CPS; but CPS §26.21 is also partly reconstructed from CPS §§14.12 and 17.14 as well a as SBhVTib. SBhVTib reads (Waldschmidt 1962: 323 ): chos kyi rnam graṅs ’di Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 201

2.4. Let it be noted fi nally that Aśvaghoṣa’s narrative is extremely unlikely to be indebted to the MV.102 The Mahāsāṅghika narrative has the Buddha arrive in Uruvilvā in the company of one thousand monks (MV III.424,5); Uruvilvā kāśyapa lives together with his two brothers Gayākāśyapa and Nadīkāśyapa, and it is a matted-hair ascetic named Upasena who lives downstream and dis- covers the ascetic and ritual equipments (MV III.431,1–432,6); the Buddha’s victory over the Nāga (MV III.428,9–429,12) is the last of fi ve hundred miracles (MV III.428,9–10), not the fi rst of eighteen, and fi nally convinces the three Kāśyapa brothers (abhiprasādita, MV III.429,11–12); the MV contains a jātaka of the three Kāśyapa brothers (MV III.432,10–434,7); the MV knows of neither a journey to nor a sermon in Gayāśīrṣa.

3. Rājagha

3.1. Aśvaghoṣa introduces as follows the Buddha’s second encounter with king Bimbasāra of Magadha:103 Then, remembering (*√sm) his former promise (*pūrvapratijñā?)

to the Magadha king (*narendra?Weller), the sage (*muni), surrounded (*parivta?) by [all of] these [thousand monks], took his way (*gata?) to Rājagha. Then, when the king heard (*śrutvā) of the Tathāgata’s arrival (*anuprāpta?)104 at the domain of the Veṇuvana (*veṇuva-

nadeśa?), he went (*adhi√gam?Weller) [to visit him], with his ministers

(*amātya?) in attendance on him (*anuga?Weller). Then the common

bśad pa na sṅon thams cad ral pa can du gyur pa’i dge sloṅ de rnams len pa med par zag pa rnams las sems rnam par grol lo //. The text as partly reconstructed by Waldschmidt lacks an equivalent of sṅon thams cad ral pa can du gyur pa (most probably *purāṇaja ṭilānāṃ sarveṣām). 102 See MV III.424,4–434,7 (Jones 1956: III.425–435). 103 The meeting itself is related at SBhV I.234,6–157,5 (sic), CPS III.336– 350 (27c4–d12), MV III.441,13–444,2 (Jones 1956: III.442–445), VinTh I.35–36 (Horner 1971: 46–48 and Bareau 1963: 321–322), VinMah T. 1421, 109c8–110a10 (Bareau 1963: 322–323), VinDh T. 1428, 797b3–c14 (Bareau 1963: 323–325); on this episode in general, see Bareau 1963: 321–330. 104 Cf. SBhV I.234,6–10 (CPS III.336 [27c3]), MV III.441,14 and VinTh I.35 (anuppatto). 202 Vincent Eltschinger

105 folk (*jana?Weller), with their eyes opened wide in wonderment, 106 came out (*niṣkram?Weller) along the mountain road, on foot (*pada, *pāda?) or in vehicles (*yāna, *vāhana?) according (*°samam?) to their [respective] means (*pratyaṃśa?). On seeing (*dṣṭvā) the excel- lent sage (*muni) from afar (*dūratas?), the Magadha sovereign (*na- 107 ren dra?Weller) hastily alighted from his chariot in order to show him reverence (*√pūj?). The king (*rājan?) left behind (*tyaktvā?) him his 108 chowries (*cāmara?Weller), his fans (*vyajana?Weller) and his retinue (*anucāraka, *anugāmin?), and approached (*adhi√gam?) the sage (*muni), as Indra [approached] Brahmā. He did obeisance (*vandi- tvā?) to the supreme seer (*paramarṣi?) with his head (*śiras?) so that his headdress (*uṣṇīṣa, *mukuṭa?) shook (*pra√kamp, *pra√cal?),

and with his permission (*abhyanujñāta?Weller) sat down (*ni√sad?) on the ground on the soft grass (*tṇa?).109,110

105 Cf. the Sanskrit expression vismayotphullanayana or °locana in MW 1002b 106 Cf. BC 5.37d (according to Weller 1928: 165, n. 6) where Tib. phyi rol ’byuṅ bar ’dod pa translates Skt. niścikramiṣuḥ. 107 Cf. SBhV I.154,9 (CPS III.338 [27c5]): yānād avatīrya, and MV III.443,17: yānato pratyoruhya. I cannot say whether the original Sanskrit contained a literal equivalent of sa (*bhū[mi], *pthivī ?) or not. 108 Cf. BC 5.3b (according to Weller 1928: 165, n. 8), where Tib. rṅa yab translates Skt. cāmara. Note that SBhVTib rṅa yab renders SBhV/CPS vyajana (see below, SBhV I.154,11–13 [CPS III.338 (27c6–7)], n. 114). 109 SBhV I.154,19–20 (CPS III.340 [27c11]): atha rājā māgadhaḥ śrai ṇ yo bimbasāro bhagavataḥ pādau1 śirasā vanditvaikānte niṣaṇṇaḥ2 /. 1 bhagavataḥ pādau SBhV: bhagavatpādau CPS. 2 niṣaṇṇaḥ SBhV: nyaṣīdan CPS. “Then the king of Magadha, Śraiṇya Bimbasāra, bowed with his head at the feet of the Blessed One and sat down to one side.” Cf. MV III.443,17–18 (Jones 1956: III.444) and VinTh I.35 (Horner 1971: 47 and Bareau 1963: 321). 110 BCWeller 16.48–53: / de nas de rnams kyis yoṅs bskor // thub pa rgyal po’i khab tu gśegs // ma ga dha yi mi dbaṅ phyir // sṅon gyi dam bca’ dran pa’o // de nas ’od ma’i tshal yul ni // de bźin gśegs pas rab tu thob // blon po rnams ni rjes ’gro bas // thos nas rgyal po mṅon du soṅ // de nas raṅ gi skal mtshuṅs pa’i // rkaṅ pa bźon pas1 skye bo ni // ya mtshan gyis ni rnam yaṅs mig // ri yi lam nas phyi rol byuṅ // ma ga dha yi mi dbaṅ gis // thub mchog rgyaṅ ma nas mthoṅ nas // skyen pa daṅ bcas mchod pa’i phyir // śiṅ rta las ni sa la babs // des ni rṅa yab rluṅ yab daṅ // rjes su ’braṅ ba rnams spaṅs nas // tshaṅs pa la ni dbaṅ pos bźin // thub la rgyal po mṅon2 du soṅ // cod pan rab g.yo mgon po Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 203

Three features of this passage have resisted my attempts to trace them back to vinaya materials: Aśvaghoṣa’s description of the common folk’s demeanour, his claim that Bimbasāra was accom- panied by ministers, and the shaking diadem on Bimbasāra’s head. But this passage also exhibits two elements that only rarely fea- ture in the extant vinayas. As already noted by Bareau, VinTh and

VinMah alone introduce (and partly justify) the story by recalling the (future) Buddha’s promise to Bimbasāra.111 In my opinion, however, this is not a compelling reason to conjecture, against all we have learnt so far, Aśvaghoṣa’s indebtedness to either of these two vinayas. The (future) Buddha’s promise was well-known enough a biographical episode112 to justify its being resorted to at the point of yis // draṅ sroṅ mchog la phyag ’tshal nas // sa yi logs la rtsā ’jam la // mṅon par rjes gnaṅ bsdad pa’o /. 1 bźon pas Johnston: gźon mas Weller. 2 mṅon em.: sṅon Weller. Translation (modifi ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)19 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 164–165. 111 VinMah T. 1421, 109c: “A ce moment, le Bienheureux eut cette pensée: ‘Jadis, j’ai convenu avec le roi P’ing-cha (Bimbisāra) de le sauver quand j’aurai obtenu la Voie. Maintenant, je dois aller là-bas.’” Translation Bareau 1963: 322. VinDh T. 1428, 797b: “Alors, le Bienheureux, ayant converti ces mille moines, eut cette idée: ‘Jadis, j’ai accepté l’invitation du roi Bimbisāra (selon laquelle), si je devenais un Buddha et obtenais l’omniscience, je devais aller d’abord dans la ville de Rājagha. Maintenant, je dois aller voir le roi Bimbisāra.’” Translation Bareau 1963: 323. See also Bareau 1963: 325–326. 112 See SBhV I.94,4–96,17, VinMah T. 1421, 102b13–c14, VinDh T. 1428, 779b26–c10. The future Buddha’s promise occurs at SBhV I.96,12–17: rā- jñā bimbasāreṇābhihita ṃ bhoḥ pravrajita anena vratena kiṃ prārthayase / kathayaty anuttarāṃ samyaksambodhim / rājā kathayati bhoḥ pravrajita yadā tvam anuttarāṃ samyaksambodhim abhisambudhyethās tadāsmān api samanvāharethā iti / bodhisattvaḥ kathayaty evaṃ bhavatu samanv āha- riṣyāmīty uktvā rājaghān niṣkrāntaḥ /. “King Bimbasāra spoke [as follows]: ‘O [you] homeless mendicant, what are you longing for with this [religious] observance?’ [The bodhisattva] said: ‘The supreme and perfect awakening!’ The king said: ‘O [you] homeless mendicant, as soon as you have awakened to the supreme and perfect awakening, then please turn your thoughts to me too!’ The bodhisattva said: ‘So be it, I shall turn my thoughts [to you too].’ [And] having said [this], he departed from Rājagha.” On samanvāh, see BHSD s.v. 564a–565a; as at Avadānaśataka I.211,2 and II.66,9, asmān = asmākam (api samanvāharethāḥ). 204 Vincent Eltschinger a new meeting of the two men.113 Contrary to this, BC 16.52ab (des ni rṅa yab rluṅ yab daṅ // rjes su ’braṅ ba rnams spaṅs nas) provides us with a new hint to Aśvaghoṣa’s indebtedness to a (Mūla) sarvāsti vāda version of the narrative, for among all extant accounts of the event, the SBhV and the CPS alone allude to the king’s putting away his royal emblems (kakuda, Tib. rgyal po’i mtshan ma): “Having put off the fi ve ensigns of royalty, [i.e., his] diadem, [his] parasol, [his] sword, [his] bejewelled? fan and [his] two precious sandals, he went to the Blessed One.”114

3.2. The Magadhans apparently did not expect to see the Buddha and (the) Kāśyapa(s) together,115 for according to all available ver-

113 Note Bareau 1963: 326: “[…] Cette première entrevue, antérieure à l’Éveil, fournissait une trop belle explication au présent voyage du Bien- heureux de Gayā à Rājagha pour que les narrateurs mahīśāsaka et dharmaguptaka la négligeassent, et c’est pourquoi ils rappellent au Buddha la promesse faite jadis par lui au roi Bimbisāra.” 114 SBhV I.154,11–13 (CPS III.338 [27c6–7]): pañcakakudāny apanī yoṣṇī- ṣaṃ1 chatraṃ khaḍgaṃ2 maṇib ālavyajana ṃ citre copānahau / yena bhaga- vāṃs tenopasaṅkrāntaḥ3 /. 1 apanīyoṣṇīṣaṃ SBhV: apanayaty uṣṇīṣaṃ CPS. 2 khaḍgaṃ CPS: khadgaṃ SBhV. 3 yena bhagavāṃs tenopasaṅkrāntaḥ SBhV: atha rājā māgadhaḥ śraiṇyo bimbasāraḥ pañcakakudāny apanīya yena bhagavāṃs tenopajagāma CPS. 115 Uruvilvākāśyapa was a famous and revered ascetic in the region whom nobody expected to be converted or treated as an equal by anybody else. Cf. SBhV I.217,7–10 (CPS III.236 [24a2]): tena khalu samayenoruvilvākāśyapo jaṭilo jīrṇo vddho mahallakaḥ / sa viṃśativarṣaśatiko jātyā māgadhakānāṃ manuṣyāṇāṃ satkto gurukto mānito pūjito ’rhan sammataḥ / pañcaśata- parivāro nadyā nairañjanāyās tīra āśramapade śāmyate1 /. 1 Note SBhVTib dka’ thub spyod do for Skt. śāmyate. “But at this very time Uruvilvākāśyapa [lived there], a matted-hair ascetic [who was] old, aged, advanced in years; he was 120 years old [and] honoured, praised, respected, revered [and] recognized as an arhat by the Magadhan people; surrounded by 500 [disciples], he was practising austerities in a her- mitage on the bank of the river Nairañjanā.” See MV III.424,8–14 (Jones 1956: III.426), which sheds interesting light on issues of intersectarian rival- ry and jealousy. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 205 sions of the story, the following happens:116 The thought occurred to the people there, “Oh! The might (*bala?) of the Śākya Sage (*śākyamuni). Has(/Have?) (the?) Kāśyapa(s?) become the pupil(s?) (*śiṣya?) of the blessed (*bhagavat) seer (*ṣi)?” Then the Buddha, knowing (*[ā]√jñā?) their minds (*citta), said [the following] to Kāśyapa.117 Such is the (Mūla)sarvāstivāda account of the same: Now it happened that at that time the venerable Uruvilvākāśyapa was sitting in this very assembly. Then the following occurred to the Magadhan brahmins and householders: “Is it the great ascetic [Gautama] who lives the religious life under the matted-hair ascetic Uruvilvākāśyapa, or is it rather the matted-hair ascetic Uruvilvā- kāśyapa who lives the religious life under the great ascetic [Gautama]?” Then the Blessed One, perceiving the thought of the Magadhan brahmins and householders with [his] mind, asked by chanting in verses (gāthābhir gītena, Tib. tshigs su bcad pa’i dbyaṅs kyis) [the following] question to the venerable Uruvilvākāśyapa.118

116 SBhV I.155,5–11, CPS III.342 [27c16–18], MV III.444,2–7 (Jones 1956: III.445), VinTh I.36 (Horner 1971: 47 and Bareau 1963: 322), VinMah T. 1421, 109c (Bareau 1963: 323), VinDh T. 1428, 797bc (Bareau 1963: 324). For the SBhV and CPS account, see below, n. 118. 117 BCWeller 16.54–55ab: / der mi rnams kyi bsams pa gyur // e ma śā kya thub pa’i stobs // ’od sruṅ bcom ldan draṅ sroṅ ni // ’di yi slob ma ñid du gyur // de nas de’i sems saṅs rgyas kyis // mkhyen nas ’od sruṅ la smras pa /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)20 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 165. Johnston and Weller interpret bcom ldan draṅ sroṅ diﬀ erently: as qualifying Uruvilvākāśyapa (Johnston) and as qualifying the Buddha (Weller). Although the Tibetan syntax would seem to recommend Johnston’s understanding, I am inclined to take bcom ldan (*bhagavat) as an exclusive designation of the Buddha. My translation consequently follows Weller’s. Johnston (1984: [III.]20, n. 1) also remarks: “T[ibetan] shows no sign of a question here, but verse 71 seems to require this translation.” Weller (1928: 165) simply translates: “die Kāśyapa wurden Schüler dieses Ṛṣi, des Erhabenen.” Note that all extant versions of the episode put a question in the mouth of the Magadhans. 118 SBhV I.155,5–11 (CPS III.342 [27c16–18]): tena khalu samaye nāyuṣ- mān uruvilvākāśyapas tasyām eva pariṣadi sanniṣaṇṇaḥ sannipatitaḥ / atha māgadhakānāṃ brāhmaṇaghapatīnām etad abhavat /

Thus according to all accounts, the Magadhans are in doubt as to who is whose master. The Buddha is aware of this and will endeav- our to dispell this doubt ﬁ rst by asking Kāśyapa about the short- comings of sacriﬁ ce and second by urging him to perform a public miracle.

3.3. Here is Aśvaghoṣa’s version of the dialogue, no doubt one of the most interesting pieces of anti-Brahmanical polemics in both the BC and vinaya literature:119 “Kāśyapa, what was the quality (*guṇa) you saw (*dṣṭvā) that you abandoned the [sacrifi cial] fi res (*agni)?” […] – “I have given up the [sacrifi cial] fi res, because the fruit (*phala) of worship (*pūjā?) and burnt-off ering (*homa?) is continuance in the cycle of existence

(*parivartana?Weller) and association with the various mental ills. I have given up the [sacriﬁ cial] ﬁ res, because [it is] due to the thirst

(*tṣṇā?) for [sensual] objects (*viṣayaWeller) that one proceeds to muttering prayers, burnt-off erings and the like (*japahomādi), [but I] have no [longer] thirst for [sensual] objects. I have given up the [sacrifi cial] fi res, because having muttered (*jap[i]tvā?) prayers and off ered [to the fi res] (*hutvā?), one is not liberated from birth [for all this], and because the suff ering (*duḥkha) of birth (*janman, *jāti?) is great.120 I have given up the [sacrifi cial] fi res, because the belief that the supreme good (*śreyas?) comes from sacrifi ces (*yajña?) and from austerities (*tapas?) is false. I have given up the [sacrifi cial] fi res, because I, [to whom this had been] said,121 know the blissful

uruvilvākāśyapa eva jaṭilo mahāśramaṇasyāntike brahmacaryaṃ carati /1> atha bhagavān māgadhakānāṃ brāhmaṇaghapatīnāṃ cetas ā cittam ājñāyāyuṣmantam uruvilvākāśyapaṃ gāthābhir gītena praś naṃ pcchati sma /. 1 CPS reads kiṃ nūruvilvākāśyapo jaṭilo mahā śra maṇasyāntike brahma- caryaṃ carati / aho svid mahāśramaṇa uruvil v ā kāśyapasya jaṭilasyāntike brahmacaryaṃ carati /. 119 On this dialogue, see Bareau 1963: 329–330 and 334. 120 Weller (1928: 166) translates: “Weil durch murmelndes Beten und [Feuer] opfer Befreiung von der Geburt nicht ist, sondern das groβe Leid der Geburt […].” 121 Weller (1928: 166, n. 9) remarks: “Ich möchte die Textstelle auﬀ assen als: ukto ’ham.” He translates: “Weil ich, zu dem es war gesagt worden, […].” Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 207

immutable stage (*pada), which is delivered (*mukta?) from birth and death (*jātimaraṇa?).”122 In one form or another, this dialogue is attested in all canonical versions of the event.123 To answer the Buddha’s question, Aśvaghoṣa’s Uruvilvākāśyapa enumerates fi ve reasons why he abandoned the sacrifi cial fi res as well as pūjā, homa, japa and tapas, i.e., why he dismissed the Brahmanical practices. These practices, which pro- ceed from craving and wrong belief, only result in saṃsāra and do not bring about liberation – a condition, stage or abode that Kāś- yapa has just experienced while reaching nirvāṇa. The sacrifi ce’s essential connection with sensual pleasures and promises as well as the abode newly reached by Kāśyapa are also the focus of the canonical versions. Suffi ce it to quote here from the SBhV and the CPS: O you who are dwelling in Uruvilvā, what did you see here? so that you rejected the [sacrifi cial] fi res, [your] sacred (ārṣa) [Vedic] observance? Explain this point to me, O Kāśyapa: how did you abandon the fi re oblation? – [There are] some [who] claim [that sacrifi ces promise innumerable] foods, drinks, [sweet] tastes, sensual pleasures and

In my opinion, this is more satisfactory than Johnston’s (1984: [III.]20) cau- tious “Because, as I aﬃ rm (?), I know […].” As we shall see below, Weller’s interpretation has the additional merit of being consonant with the CPS and SBhV narrative. 122 BCWeller 16.55cd–61 (dropping verse 56): / ’od sruṅ yon tan gaṅ mthoṅ nas // khyed kyis me ni spaṅs pa’o // […] gaṅ phyir mchod daṅ sbyin sreg gi // ’bras bu yoṅs su ’khor ba ste // sems nad sna tshogs daṅ ldan te // de phyir me rnams bdag gis spaṅs // gaṅ phyir yul la skom pa yis // bzlas daṅ sbyin sreg la sogs ’jug // yul rnams dag ni skom pa med // de phyir me rnams bdag gis spaṅs // gaṅ phyir bzlas nas sreg nas kyaṅ // skye ba las ni thar min źiṅ // skye ba yi ni sdug bsṅal che // de phyir me rnams bdag gis spaṅs // gaṅ phyir mchod sbyin dka’ thub kyis // dge legs yin źes yid ’gyur ba // de ni brdzun pa ñid yin te // de phyir me rnams bdag gis spaṅs // gaṅ phyir skye ’chi las grol ba // ’gyur med go ’phaṅ dge bar ni // brjod pa bdag gis śes pa ste // de phyir me rnams bdag gis spaṅs /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)20 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 166. 123 See SBhV I.155,12–156,8, CPS III.342–346 (27c19–25), MV III.444,8– 446,2 (Jones 1956: III.445–446), VinTh I.36 (Horner 1971: 48 and Bareau 1963: 322), VinMah T. 1421, 109c–110a (Bareau 1963: 323), VinDh T. 1428, 797bc (Bareau 1963: 324–325). 208 Vincent Eltschinger

women. [But] observing the impurities of [any] substrate [of earthly existence] (upadhi),124 I am therefore not satisfi ed with sacrifi ce and oblation [any longer].125 – In this case?, if your mind is not satisfi ed with sensual pleasures, foods, drinks [or sweet] tastes, tell [me], O Kāśyapa, [since you are] asked [by me about this], how your mind [will/can be] satisfi ed in the world of gods and humans? – Having seen the highest abode that is lacking [any] substrate [of earthly existence], that is calm, that is nothingness(/that possesses nothing?), that is not attached to sensual existence(/to sensual pleasures and existence),126 that is without alteration [and] is not to be led by others(/where one

cannot be laid by othersHorner), I am therefore no [longer] satisfi ed with sacrifi ce and oblation. Failing to see [this] imperishable supreme abode, my mind’s [deluded] opinion was that [one achieves] liberation by means of sacrifi ces, observances and [sacrifi cial] fi res; [and because of my being] blind, I am subject? (anusārin) to [re]birth and death.127 [But] now I see this unconditioned abode [that has been so] well indicated by the most eminent among the Nāgas, by the Protector. You [are], O Gautama, the truly valiant sage [and] discipliner, arisen

124 On upadhi, see Schmithausen 1969: 79–81, n. 2. 125 Instead of anna, pāna, rasa, kāma and strī (SBhV, CPS, MV, and apparently VinDh), VinTh I.36 (and apparently VinMah) has rūpa, sadda, rasa and kāmitthiya. 126 To be compared with Sn. 176, 1059, 1091: kāmabhave asatta akiñcana, “possessing nothing, not attached to sensual pleasures and existence” (translation Norman 1985: 175). Note that this is the last stanza in the VinTh, VinMah and VinDh accounts. 127 In the MV, the parallel stanza is preceded by two stanzas (anuṣṭubh). MV III.445,7–8: mohan te juhito agni mohan te so tapo kto / yaṃ jahe paścime kāle jīrṇāṃ va urago tvacam //. “In vain did you off er the fi re-sacrifi ce; in vain did you make your penance, since at the last you abandoned them as a snake its cast-off skin.” Translation Jones 1956: III.446. MV III.445,10– 11: mohaṃ no juhito agni mohaṃ me so tapo kto / yaṃ jahe paścime kāle jīrṇāṃ va urago tvacam //. “Yea, in vain did I off er the fi re-sacrifi ce; in vain did I make my penance, since at the last I abandoned them as a snake its cast- off skin.” Translation Jones 1956: III.446. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 209

for the [greatest] beneﬁ t of the multitude.128,129

128 Cf. MV III.445,16–19: so dāni paśyāmi anāvilaṃ padaṃ sudeśitaṃ nāgavareṇa tāyinā / atyantaniṣṭhā padam āspśe ahaṃ saṃsārajātīmaraṇaṃ prahāya //. “But now do I see that pure state, for it has been so clearly revealed to me by the mighty noble Nāga. I have attained that complete and perfect state, and have escaped the round of birth and death.” Translation Jones 1956: III.446. The MV has two further stanzas after this. MV III.445,20–21: bahū satvā vihanyanti karontā vividhāṃ tapāṃ / niṣṭhāṃ anadhigacchantā avitīrṇakathaṃkathā //. “Many men are lost though they perform diverse austerities. They do not reach certainty because they have not passed beyond doubt.” Translation (slightly modifi ed) Jones 1956: III.446. MV III.446,1–2: dīrgharātraṃ kiliṣṭo smi dṣṭisaṃdānasaṃdito / sarvagrantheṣu me bhaga- vāṃ parimocesi cakṣumāṃ //. “Long was I soiled, bound in the chains of wrong belief. But the clear-sighted Exalted One has set me free from all my fetters.” Translation Jones 1956: III.446. 129 SBhV I.155,12–156,5 (CPS III.342–46 [27c19–24]): dṣtveha kiṃ tvam uruvilvavāsin agnīn ahāsīr vratam evārṣam1 / ācakṣva me kāśyapa etam arthaṃ kathaṃ prahīṇaṃ hi tavā2gnihotram // annāni pānāni tathā rasāṃś ca kāmāṃś ca strīś caiva3 vadanti4 haike5 / etān6 malān upadhau7 sam- prapaśyaṃs tasmān na yaṣṭe8 na hute rato ’ham // na te ’tra9 kāmeṣu mano rataṃ ced anneṣu pāneṣu tathā raseṣu / kathaṃ nu te devamanuṣyaloke rataṃ manaḥ kāśyapa brūhi pṣṭaḥ // dṣṭvā padaṃ nirupadhi śāntam10 agryam ākiñcanyaṃ11 kāmabhaveṣv12 asaktam / ananyathībhāvam ananya- neyaṃ tasmān na yaṣṭe13 na hute rato ’ham // yajñair vratair agnibhiś cāpi mokṣa ity apy abhūn me manaso vitarkaḥ14 / andho ’smi jātī15maraṇānusāry anīkṣamāno16 ’cyutam uttamaṃ padam // paśyāmīdānīṃ tad asaṃsktaṃ padaṃ sudeśitaṃ nāgavareṇa tāyinā / mahājanārthāya munir vināyakas tvam udgato17 gautama satyavikramaḥ //. 1 vratam evārṣam CPS, SBhV: brtul źugs ’di dag spyod (“[so that, having abandoned the sacrifi cial fi res,] you [now] practise these observances”) SBhVTib. 2 Note SBhVTib khyod kyis. 3 kāmāṃś ca strīś caiva CPS: kāmān striyaś caiva SBhV. 4 vadanti CPS: vacanti SBhV. 5 haike CPS, SBhV: ’di na kha cig (*ihaike → °*[vadant]īhaike?) SBhVTib. 6 etān CPS, SBhVTib (de dag): tāvan SBhV. 7 Note SBhVTib thabs kyis (*upāye?) for upadhau. 8 na yaṣṭe CPS: na iṣṭe SBhV. 9 atra with no equivalent in SBhVTib. 10 śāntam SBhV (+VinTh santam): śāntim CPS (see CPS III.344, n. 8). 210 Vincent Eltschinger

The dialogue between the Buddha and Uruvilvākāśyapa stops here 130 (or even earlier) in the MV, VinTh, VinMah and VinDh. This dialogue, however, continues in the BC: On hearing the converted (*vinīta?) Kāśyapa thus speak words, [so] productive of faith (*prasāda?) and [so] full of matter (*arthavat, *sārthaka?), the master of the discipline (*vinayā cārya?) Gautama

said to him:] – “I wish you welcome, most noble one (mahābhāgaJohn-

ston); this is most certainly the good work that you have done, in that among the various [religious] laws you have come(/agreed) to the best [one].”131 Now, the (Mūla)sarvāstivāda sources not only have the dialogue continue, but also provide BC 16.63 with so close a parallel that it can only be regarded as the source of Aśvaghoṣ a: “I wish you welcome! What you have determined (= both decided and ascertained) you have not thought of unduly. Among the various [religious] laws, [you have] come(/agreed) to the best [one].”132 Just as the SBhV/

11 Note that MV III.445,3 and VinTh read akiñcanaṃ (which makes good sense) instead of ākiñcanyaṃ CPS, SBhV (unsatisfactory). 12 kāmabhaveṣv CPS, SBhVTib (’dod srid): sarvabhāveṣu SBhV (but sarva- bhaveṣu according to CPS III.345, n. 9). 13 na yaṣṭe CPS: na iṣṭe SBhV. 14 Note SBhVTib rmoṅs (*vibhramaḥ?) for vitarkaḥ. 15 °jātī° CPS (see CPS III.346, n. 1): °jāti° SBhV. 16 anīkṣamāno CPS: anīkṣmano SBhV. 17 udgataḥ without equivalent in SBhVTib. 130 See above, n. 126. 131 BCWeller 16.62–63: / de ltar de’i tshig daṅ skyed ciṅ // don daṅ ldan pa’i gsan gyur nas // ’dul ba’i slob dpon gau ta mas // dul ba’i ’od sruṅ la gsuṅs so // skal chen khyod ni legs par ’oṅs // ’di ni legs byas byas min min // gaṅ khyod tha dad chos rnams su // dge legs gaṅ de ñe bar thob /. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)20 (brackets are mine); see also Weller 1928: 166 (“Willkommen, du Ausgezeichneter, dies ist wohlgetan, der du unter verschiedenen Lehren die erlangtest, welche die beste [ist].”). 132 SBhV I.156,7–8 (CPS III.346 [27c25]): svāgataṃ te vyavasitaṃ1 naitad duścintitaṃ tvayā / pravibhakteṣu dharmeṣu yac chreṣṭhaṃ tad upāgatam2 //. 1 vyavasitaṃ SBhV, SBhVTib (rtogs pa): tavāsitaṃ CPS. 2 upāgatam CPS (, SBhVTib [blaṅs so]): upāgama SBhV. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 211

CPS stanza, BC 16.63 began with svāgataṃ te (= Tib. khyod ni legs par ’oṅs) and ﬁ nished with pravibhakteṣu dharmeṣu yac chreṣṭhaṃ tad upāgatam (= Tib. gaṅ […]133 tha dad chos rnams su // dge legs gaṅ de ñe bar thob). The BC’s skal chen (*mahā bhāga, in the voc- ative case) merely represents Aśvaghoṣa’s recontextualization of his canonical source. pāda b alone is somehow problematic, for whereas naitat and tvayā can be regarded as represented in the Tibetan wording, legs byas byas min cannot, as far as I can tell, be regarded as a Tibetan rendering of duścintitam. This discrepancy lends itself to several explanations. But whatever the right one, this much is certain: the SBhV/CPS provides us with a new Sanskrit fragment of the BC.

3.4. As was to be expected, this exchange on sacriﬁ ce and salvation does not fully make clear to the good Magadha householders and brahmins who is whose disciple. The MV and VinTh simply have Uruvilvākāśyapa formally acknowledge, for the sake of explicit- ness, his being the disciple of the Buddha: “The Blessed One is my master, and I am a disciple of the Sugata.” Then Uruvilvā kāśyapa rose up from his seat, arranged his robe over one shoulder, and bending his right knee to the ground he bowed his head at the feet of the Blessed One. After going round him thrice from the right, he stood behind the Blessed One and fanned him with a peacock’s tail-feathers. It then occurred to those brahmins and householders of Magadha t hat it was Uruvilvākāśyapa who was living the brahma-life under Gautama the ascetic.134

133 The presence of Tib. khyod (“you”) in the pāda does not necessarily imply that the Sanskrit original bore a “you” (*tvayā?) in this position. The Tibetan translators may have added it for clarity’s sake, or interpreted the tvayā of pāda b as to be construed with upāgatam. 134 MV III.446,3–8: śāstā me bhagavāṃ śrāvako haṃ asmi sugate / atha khalv āyuṣmān uruvilvākāśyapo utthāyāsanāto ekāṃśam uttarāsaṃgaṃ ktvā dakṣiṇaṃ jānumaṇḍalaṃ pthivyāṃ pratiṣṭhāpya bhagavataḥ pā- dau śirasā vanditvā bhagavantaṃ trikhuttaṃ pradakṣiṇīktvā bhagavato pṣṭhato asthāsi bhagavantaṃ morahas tena vījayamāno / atha khalu teṣāṃ māgadhakānāṃ brāhmaṇaghapatikānāṃ etad abhūṣi / uruvilvākāśyapo śramaṇe gautame brahmacaryaṃ carati /. Translation (slightly modiﬁ ed) Jones 1956: III.446–447. VinTh I.36: atha kho āyasmā uruvelakassapo 212 Vincent Eltschinger

The VinDh account of the episode does not signiﬁ cantly diﬀ er from these:135 knowing that the Magadhans are still in doubt, the Buddha asks Uruvilvākāśyapa to stand up and fan him; Uruvilvākāśyapa stands up, bows down to the feet of the Buddha, calls him by his gotra and his personal name, formally acknowledges the Buddha as his master and, standing behind him, fans him. One detail of the

VinDh version is striking: between standing up and bowing down to the feet of the Buddha, Uruvilvākāśyapa magically rises up high in the space and comes down. The role of magic and miracle gets even 136 stronger in the VinMah account of the episode. Here, the Buddha asks Uruvilvākāśyapa to fan him, which the latter instantly does. But as if this were not enough, the Buddha asks him to demonstrate his newly acquired sanctity by performing a miracle: Aussitôt, il montra de manières diverses son [pouvoir] de transforma- tion surnaturelle: il divisa son corps en cent millions [de parties] puis réunit à nouveau celles-ci pour n’en faire plus qu’un seul; il traversa complètement un mur de pierre; il pénétra dans la terre comme dans l’eau et marcha sur l’eau comme sur la terre; il s’assit et se coucha dans le vide; il vola ici et là comme un oiseau; il ﬁ t s’élever de son corps des ﬂ ammes brillantes et de la fumée semblable à un nuage qui se lève; de ses mains, il toucha le soleil et la lune; il s’éleva jusqu’au [ciel] de Brahma; sa souveraineté ne connut plus d’obstacles; du haut de son corps jaillissait de l’eau et du bas de son corps un feu allumé, ou bien du haut de son corps sortait un feu allumé et du bas de son

uṭṭhā yāsanā ekaṃsaṃ uttarāsaṅgaṃ karitvā bhagavato pādesu sirasā ni- patitvā bhagavantaṃ etad avoca – satthā me bhante bhagavā sāvako ’ham asmi, satthā me bhante bhagavā sāvako ’ham asmīti. atha kho tesaṃ dvāda- sana hutānaṃ māgadhikānaṃ brāhmaṇagahapatikānaṃ etad ahosi – uru- ve lakassapo mahāsamaṇe brahmacariyaṃ caratīti. “Then the venerable Kassapa of Uruvelā, rising from his seat, having arranged his upper robe over one shoulder, having inclined his head towards the Lord’s feet, spoke thus to the Lord: ‘Lord, the Lord is my teacher. I am a disciple; Lord, the Lord is my teacher, I am disciple.’ Then it occurred to those twelve myri- ad brahmans and householders of Magadha: ‘Kassapa of Uruvelā fares the Brahma-life under the great recluse.’” Translation Horner 1971: 48. 135 VinDh T. 1428, 797c (Bareau 1963: 333). 136 VinMah T. 1421, 110a (Bareau 1963: 332). Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 213

corps sortait de l’eau.137 Kāśyapa descends, bows down to the feet of the Buddha, formally acknowledges his being a disciple and publicly informs the crowd that he owes his magical power to the Buddha’s teaching. The last of Kāśyapa’s miracles in the VinMah version is none other than the twin miracles (yamakaprātihārya) studied by Waldschmidt in its art-historical and textual manifestations.138 Now, the twin miracles form the core of the (Mūla)sarvāstivāda canonical versions of the episode: Then the venerable Uruvilvākāśyapa, [who had been] requested (ktā- vakāśa) [to do so] by the Blessed One, attained such a [psychic] con- centration that, [suddenly] made invisible on his own seat, [his] mind [fully] concentrated, he mounted in the air in the eastern region and displayed the four modes of physical behaviour, i.e., walked, sat, stood and lied down. He then (api) entered into the fi re-element, [and] from the body of the venerable Uruvilvākāśyapa who had entered into the fi re-element, a [great] variety of rays of light shone forth, i.e., blue ones, yellow ones, red ones, white ones, vermilion ones and crystal-coloured ones. He also displayed the twin miracles. The lower part of [his] body fl ashed up, [while] from the upper [part of his] body icy torrents of water fl ew down. The upper part of [his] body fl ashed up, [while] from the upper [part of his] body icy torrents of water fl ew down. [And] just as [he did] in the eastern region, so [he did] in the southern, the western and the northern regions. Having thus displayed [his] four-directional, fourfold [and] variegated miracle of magical power, he put an end to these magical accomplishments,139 respect-

137 VinMah T. 1421, 110a. Translation Bareau 1963: 332. 138 See Waldschmidt 1930: 27–31. 139 The same account, most certainly borrowed directly from the SBhV, occurs in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Divyāvadāna (Divya 161,1–11): atha bhaga- vāṃs tadrūpaṃ samādhiṃ samāpanno yathā samāhite citte svasminn āsane ’ntarhitaḥ pūrvasyāṃ diśy upari vihāyasam abhyudgamya caturvidham īryāpathaṃ kalpayati / tadyathā caṅkramyate tiṣṭhati niṣīdati śayyāṃ kalpayati / tejodhātum api sampadyate / tejodhātusamāpanna sya buddhasya bhagavato vividhāny arcīṃṣi kāyān niścaranti / tadyathā nīlapītāni lohi- tāny avadātāni māñjiṣṭhāni sphaṭikavarṇāni / anekāny api prātihāryāṇi nidarśayati / adhaḥ kāyaṃ prajvālayaty uparimāt kāyāc chītalā vāridhārāḥ syandante / yathā pūrvasyāṃ diśy evaṃ dakṣiṇasyāṃ diśīti caturdiśaṃ 214 Vincent Eltschinger

fully saluted [in the direction] where the Blessed One was and spoke to him as follows: “The Blessed One is my teacher, Sire; I am the disciple of the Blessed One. The Blessed One is my teacher, Sire; I am the disciple of the Blessed One.” [The Blessed One answered:] “It is so, Kāśyapa, it is so; I am your teacher, you are my disciple. I am your teacher, O Kāśyapa, [and] you are my disciple. You Kāśyapa, sit down on your (yathāsvaka) seat.” Then the venerable Uruvilvākāśyapa bowed down with his head to the feet of the Blessed One and sat down apart. At that time (atha), the following occurred to the Magadhan brahmins and householders: “It is not the case that the great ascetic [Gautama] lives the religious life under the recluse Uruvilvākāśyapa; on the contrary, it is Uruvilvākāśyapa who lives the religious life under the great ascetic [Gautama].”140

caturvidham ddhiprātihāryaṃ vidarśya tān ddhyabhisaṃskārān prati pra- srabhya […] /. “Then the Blessed One entered a state of meditative concen- tration such that when his mind was concentrated, he disappeared from his seat, rose up high in the sky in the eastern direction, and appeared in the four bodily postures – that is to say, walking, standing, sitting, and lying down. Then he entered into the state of mastery over the element of fi re. When the Lord Buddha had entered into the state of mastery over the element of fi re, diff erent kinds of light emerged from his body – they were blue, yellow, red, white, crimson, and the color of crystal. He displayed many other miracles as well. He made his lower body blaze in fl ames, and then a shower of cold water rained down from his upper body. What he displayed in the east, he then displayed in the south, and likewise in all four directions. After making use of his magical powers and displaying these four miracles in the four directions, he withdrew those magical powers that he had activated […].” Translation Rotman 2008: 277–278. 140 SBhV I.156,11–157,5 (CPS III.346–350 [27d1–12]): athāyuṣmān uruvil- vākāśyapo bhagavatā ktāvakāśas tadrūpaṃ samādhiṃ samāpanno yathā svasminn āsane ’ntarhitaḥ samāhite citte1 pūrvasyāṃ diśy upari vihāyasam abhyudgamya2 caturvidham īryāpathaṃ kalpayati / tadyathā caṅkrāmyate niṣīdati tiṣṭhati3 śayyāṃ kalpayati / tejodhātum api samāpadyate / tejo- dhātusamāpanna syā yuṣ mata uruvilvākāśyapasya vividhāny arcīṃṣi kāyān niścaranti / tadyathā4 nīlāni pītāni lohitāny avadātāni māñjiṣṭhāni sphaṭi- kavarṇāni / yamakāny api5 prātihāryāṇi vidarśayati / adhaḥkāyaḥ prajvalati / uparimāt kāyāc chītalā vāridhārāḥ syandante6 / uparimaḥ kāyāḥ prajvalati / adhaḥkāyāc chītalā vāridhārāḥ syandante7 / yathā pūrvasyāṃ diśy8 evaṃ dakṣiṇasyāṃ paścimā yām9 uttarasyāṃ diśi / iti caturdiśaṃ caturvidham vividham10 ddhiprātihāryaṃ vidarśya11 tān ddhyabhisaṃskārān pratiprasrabhya yena bhagavāṃs tenāñjaliṃ praṇamya12 bhagavantam idam avocat – śāstā me bhadanta13 bhagavān śrāvako ’haṃ bhagavataḥ14 / śāstā Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 215

This is, without the shadow of a doubt, the source of Aśvaghoṣa’s treatment of the episode in BC 16.64–71:

“Just (*tāvat) stir up (*saṃvij- Weller) then the hearts (*manas?) of the assembly141 by displaying your various (*vividha?) magic powers me bhadanta13 bhagavān śrāvako ’haṃ bhagavataḥ14 / evam etat kāśyapa / evam etat kāśyapa / śāstā te ’haṃ15 śrāvakas tvaṃ mama / śāstā te ’haṃ kāś yapa śrāvakas tvaṃ mama / niṣīda tvaṃ kāśyapa yathāsvaka āsane / atha māgadhakānāṃ brāhmaṇa ghapatīnām etad abhavat – na haiva mahāśramaṇa uruvilvākāśyapasya jaṭilasyāntike brahmacarya ṃ cara ti / api tūruvilvākāśyapa eva17 jaṭilo mahāśramaṇasyāntike brahma- caryaṃ caratīti18. 1 svasminn āsane ’ntarhitaḥ samāhite citte SBhV: samāhite citte svasminn āsane ’ntarhitaḥ CPS. 2 pūrvasyāṃ diśy upari vihāyasam abhyudgamya CPS, SBhVTib (śar phyogs kyi steṅ gi bar snaṅ la mṅon par ’phags nas): pūrvasyāṃ diśi samab- hyudgamya SBhV. 3 tadyathā caṅkrāmyate niṣīdati tiṣṭhati SBhV: caṅkramati tiṣṭhati niṣīdati CPS. 4 tadyathā SBhV: CPS om. tadyathā. 5 yamakāny api SBhV: yamakāni ca CPS. 6 syandante CPS: syandate SBhV. 7 syandante CPS: syandate SBhV. 8 yathā pūrvasyāṃ diśy SBhV: CPS om. yathā pūrvasyāṃ diśy. 9 paścimāyām SBhV: paścimasyām CPS. 10 vividham CPS: SBhV om. vividham. 11 vidarśya SBhV: vidarśayitvā CPS. 12 praṇamya CPS: praṇamayya SBhV. 13 bhadanta CPS: SBhV (and SBhVTib) om. bhadanta. 14 śrāvako ’haṃ bhagavataḥ SBhV (and SBhVTib): śrāvakas te ’ham CPS. 15 śāstā te ’haṃ CPS: SBhV om. śāstā te ’haṃ. 16 SBhV: nyaṣīdad āyuṣmān uruvilvākāśyapaḥ prajñapta evāsane / CPS. 17 eva SBhV: CPS om. eva. 18 caratīti SBhV: carati CPS. 141 Johnston 1984: (III.)21, n. 1 keeps ’khor against Weller’s dkor (*dravya, *dhana?), who translates: “wie einer, der ausgedehnten Reichtum hat, seine verschiedenen Schätze [zeigt].” 216 Vincent Eltschinger

(*ddhi), as one who has great (*vistīrṇa?) possessions (*samddhi-

Weller) displays his various treasures.” Then Kāśyapa said, “Very well (*varam?),” and, contracting himself (*ātman) into himself (*ātman),

he fl ew up like a bird (*khagaWeller) into the atmosphere (*vāyumār- ga?). This master (*paṇḍita?) of the miraculous powers (*ddhi) stood (*sthā-) in the sky as on a treestump, walked about (*vicar-?) as on the ground, sat down (*niṣad-?) as on a couch and then lay down (*śī- ?). Now he blazed (*jval?) like a fi re, now he shed water like a cloud (*abhra, *megha?), now he blazed and poured forth water simulta- neously (*sakt?). As he took great strides (*vikram-?), blazing and shedding water, he appeared (*śubh-, *bhā?) like a cloud pouring forth (*[pra]dā-?) rain and brilliant with fl ashes of lightning (*aśani, *vidyut?). The people looked up at him in amazement, with their eyes glued to him, and, as they did obeisance to him in reverence, they ut- tered lion roars (*siṃhanāda). Then, bringing his magic display (*d- dhi) to a close, he did obeisance (*vand-?) to the sage (*muni) with his head (*śiras?) and said, “I am the pupil (*śiṣya) who has done his task (*ktakārya?); my master (*mama śāstā) is the Blessed One (*bhagavat).” The inhabitants of Magadha (*māgadhaka?), seeing (*sampra- paśya, *prekṣya?) Kāśyapa do obeisance to the supreme seer (*par- amarṣi) in this fashion, concluded (*viniści-?) that it was the Sugata who was omniscient (*sarvajña iti).142

142 BCWeller 16.64–71: / de phyir re źig dkor rnams ni // rnam rgyas yaṅ dag ’phel ba bźin // sna thogs rdzu ’phrul ston bźin du // yid ni yaṅ dag skyo bar gyis // de nas mchog ces smras nas ni // bdag la bdag ni yoṅs bsdus nas // mkha’ ’gro’i bya ltar ’od sruṅ ni // rluṅ1 gi lam la ’phur ba’o // de mkhar sṅon du’am bźin gnas śiṅ // sa la bźin du rnam par rgyu // khri la bźin du bźugs pa daṅ // rdzu ’phrul mkhas pa gzims pa’o // slar yaṅ me bźin ’bar ba daṅ // slar yaṅ sprin bźin char ’bab ste // slar yaṅ cig car śin tu ni // ’bar ba daṅ ni ’bab pa’o // glog gi snaṅ2 ba’i ’od ldan pa’i // rab ’bab chu ster sprin bźin du // ’bar ba daṅ ni ’bab pa yis // rgya cher rnam par gnon te mdzes // der ni mig rnams chags byas nas // ya mtshan gyen phyogs skye bo rnams // mchod maṅ po las phyag ’tshal źiṅ // seṅ ge’i sgra ni sgrogs pa’o // de nas rdzu ’phrul bsdus nas des // bya ab byas pa’i slob ma ni // bdag gi ston pa bcom ldan źes // thub la mgo bos phyag tshal lo // draṅ sroṅ mchog la de bźin du // phyag ’tshal ’od sruṅs rab mthoṅ nas // bde bar gśegs la kun mkhyen źes // ma ga dha pa rnam ṅes so //. 1 rluṅ Johnston: kluṅ Weller. 2 snaṅ em.: sna Weller. Translation (modiﬁ ed) Johnston 1984: (III.)21; see also Weller 1928: 166–167. Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 217

Here as in the (Mūla)sarvāstivāda versions, Uruvilvākāśyapa rises up in the air, accomplishes the four bodily postures (īryāpatha, viz. standing, walking, sitting and lying) and the twin miracles (blazing in ﬂ ames and shedding water) before putting his magic to a close (pratipra√srabh), paying obeisance to the Buddha with his head and formally acknowledging his being a disciple of the Buddha and the Buddha’s being his master. Magic rather than words and arguments has ﬁ nally convinced the Magadhans.

4. Conclusion

There can be no doubt that in both narrative sequence and wording, BC 16 is massively indebted to (Mūla)sarvāstivāda canonical materials such as the SBhV and the CPS. This is tantamount to saying that Aśvaghoṣa’s composition is independent from Theravāda, Mahīśāsaka, Dharmagup taka and Mahāsāṅghika(/Lokottaravāda) sources, and that Aśvaghoṣa himself, provided he was a monk, is likely to have been ordained in a (Mūla)sarvāstivāda lineage. But can we decide whether Aśvaghoṣa was a Sarvāstivādin (or at least: followed a Sarvāstivāda, hence perhaps sūtra biographical account) or rather a Mūlasarvāsti vādin (or at least: conformed to a Mūlasarv āstivāda, then perhaps vinaya biographical account)? Ideally yes, granting one manages to identify a passage of the BC such that it could be compared with mutually diverging Sar- vāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda parallels. But, one is tempted to ask, would Aśvaghoṣa himself have understood the question? For there is no compelling reason to believe that the denomination ‘Mūlasarvāstivāda,’ the ﬁ rst known occurrence of which notorious- ly appears as late as Yijing’s late seventh-century travelogue,143 was already in use in the ﬁ rst to second century CE. This, of course, does not mean that those who were to become the Sarvāstivādins and the Mūlasarvāsti vādins respectively were not already in pos- session of distinct ‘canons,’ especially vinayas. As is well known, in fact, part of the answer lies in the interpretation to be given of the following observation by Kumārajīva (344–409 CE):

143 T. 2125, 205a and 206bc. See Enomoto 2000: 242–246. 218 Vincent Eltschinger

[The vinaya] comprises, to say it briefl y, eighty sections. Moreover, it consists of two parts. The fi rst one, the vinaya of Mathurā, includes also the Avadāna and Jātaka and comprises eighty sections. The second part, the vinaya of Chi-pin (Kaśmīr), has rejected the Jātaka and Avadāna; it has accepted only the essentials and forms ten sections. There is, however, a vibhāṣā in eighty sections, which explains it.144 Does anything in this observation refer to the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya at all? And if yes, does this vinaya correspond to the vinaya of Mathurā (Frauwallner) or to the Vibhāṣā on the Kāśmīra vinaya (Lamotte)? In the fi rst hypothesis, (what came to be designated as) the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya belonged to the Mathurā community, an “independent older branch of the Sthavira”145 that eventually renamed itself “Mūlasarvāstivāda,” thus “indicating [its] self-image as representing the original Sarvāstivāda perspective.”146 In the second hypothesis, “Mūlasarvāstivāda” merely refers to a commentary on the Kāśmīra Sarvāstivāda vinaya and there can be no question, at least at an early date, of distinct sectarian identities. Whatever the case may be, however, there is nothing in Kumārajīva’s state- ment to rule out the possibility that both the holders of the Mathurā vinaya and the Kāśmīra Sarvāsti vādins considered themselves gen- uine representatives of Sarvāstivāda. For the time being, it will probably be safer to abstain from any decisive conclusion. Whereas the (originally) Indic legends unmistakably point to the Kāśmīra Sarvāsti vāda connection, the close relationship between the BC and the Divyāvadāna147 as well as the specialists’ prevailing inclination to credit Aśvaghoṣa with non-Vaibhāṣika (Sautrāntika, proto-Yogā- cāra) doctrines,148 rather suggest a (proto-)Mūlasarvāstivāda milieu.

144 T. 2125, 205a and 206bc. See Enomoto 2000: 242–246. 145 T. 1509, 765c2–6. Translation Frauwallner 1956: 26–27. See also Lamotte 1976: 191–192 and Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 88–89. 146 Frauwallner 1956: 38. For a critique of Frauwallner’s hypothesis, see Lamotte 1976: 194–197. 147 Willemen/Dessein/Cox 1998: 125. Note also Cox 1995: 27: “In the absence of earlier deﬁ nitive Mūlasarv ā stivādin material, the possibility re- mains that the Mūlasarvāstivādins were a later renamed surviv ing and reg- nant branch of the Sarvāstivādins and never explicit opponents and rivals.” 148 BC 28.64 = Divya 381,26–382,2, BC 28.65 = Divya 381,19–22, BC Aśvaghoṣa and his canonical sources II 219

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