Liberal Zionism, Illiberal Israel

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Liberal Zionism, Illiberal Israel Liberal Zionism, Illiberal Israel By editor on Fri, 05/21/2010 – 2:40pm In a landmark essay published last week in The New York Review of Books, Prof. Peter Beinart profiles an American Jewish establishment in deep denial. Four decades ago, Beinart writes, the current establishment’s leaders, “fell in love with an Israel that was more secular, less divided, and less shaped by the culture, politics, and theology of occupation,” than it has since become under the influence of Likud, Shas, Yisrael Beiteinu and the settler movement. Love, of course, is a potent emotion which, as Shakespeare realized, makes it hard to be clear-headed and objective (“But love is blind and lovers cannot see; The pretty follies that themselves commit”). And scientists have indeed confirmed that love reduces our ability to make negative judgments about the object of our affection. As a result, it is sad, but not particularly surprising, that long-serving American Jewish leaders are having a very hard time discarding the romanticized image of the “innocent Israel of their youth”; and accepting the fact that Israel is now being run, in large part, by elements who are inimical to the liberal values that they continue to hold dear – democracy, equality, pluralism and human rights. But although denial as a psychological mechanism is understandable, it is also dangerous, since it prevents the denier from facing real threats that exist. Prof. Naomi Chazan, one of three honorees at this week’s Meretz USA gala, held a discussion with Meretz USA board members last Sunday and surveyed one such real threat to Israel’s strength and wellbeing. Chazan, a former Meretz Knesset member and now President of the New Israel Fund, profiled an increasingly undemocratic, illiberal Israel that is far from the image preserved and disseminated by the American Jewish mainstream. Chazan submitted that Israel’s move away from liberal values has not been a spontaneous development, but a deliberate, systematic campaign organized by a strong, highly-motivated minority that is exploiting the fear and uncertainty of Israel’s large centrist constituency. Chazan maintained that the campaign actually began some years ago with attacks from some right-wing and religious circles aimed at delegitimizing Israel’s court system, especially its High Court of Justice and its defense of human rights. About five years ago, she said, this campaign moved on to target Israel’s peace movements, in an effort to push them beyond the Pale of legitimacy for mainstream Israelis. At the same time, forces on the right were stepping up their attacks on the Palestinian citizens of Israel – their organizations, their leadership, and sometimes the citizens themselves. This year, Chazan continued, the delegitimization became even more intense, with the well-funded Im Tirtzu organization running three distinct ad campaigns targeting the New Israel Fund and its grantees. The notorious ‘Chazan with a horn’ campaign might have attracted the most publicity, Chazan explained, but we should be aware that Im Tirtzu has been continuing its efforts, employing misinformation, guilt by association, and other defamatory tactics to turn average Israelis against the country’s liberal NGOs. In the wake of these Im Tirtzu campaigns, Chazan reported, the Knesset is now considering two different bills that would severely restrict the activity of Israel’s civil society organizations. Worse, she explained, the bills create an impression that Israel’s NGOs are collaborating with foreigners to, “subvert the state,” in the words of one of the bills’ sponsors, Kadima MK Ronit Tirosh. Chazan fears that the ongoing campaign is not yet over, and she senses that the next erosion of democracy will come in the form of an organized attack on freedom of speech, press, and academia. Already, she reported, the Im Tirtzu organization has made itself a kind of “Thought Police”, sponsoring a drive to catalogue the undergrad reading lists of all Political Science departments throughout Israel, and giving ‘pro-Israel’ and ‘anti-Israel’ grades to each academic text assigned. The Knesset, she added, is now pressing Israel’s Council for Higher Education to formally assess the lists based on these criteria. Looking at the recent case of Anat Kam, Chazan acknowledged that Kam had broken the law in her leak of classified military documents, but she slammed the security establishment’s attempt to persecute (and prosecute) Haaretz reporter Uri Blau for publishing articles based on these materials (especially since the articles were cleared by the Military Censor!). Chazan suspects that Haaretz newspaper could well be an upcoming target for Israel’s illiberals. None of this is to say that Israel is without external enemies, or that its neighbors are paragons of liberal democracy. Far from discounting this reality, Chazan argued that it has always been Israel’s democratic tradition which has given it credibility in the international community and has assured it of allies in the West, particularly the United States. An Israel that turns its back on democracy and human rights, she fears, could lose this support and undermine its own existence. But despite everything, Chazan is hopeful. She sees a wider American Jewish community that is far ahead of the American Jewish establishment in its ability to integrate love and criticism of Israel. And she sees a growing pushback in Israel, with more and more people rallying around democracy, and realizing that standing on the sidelines is not an option. Chazan points to the growing weekly demonstrations at Sheikh Jarrah in East Jerusalem as a symbol of this renewed effervescence. Peter Beinart, too, looks approvingly at the Sheikh Jarrah demonstrators. And in his suggestion that the idealism displayed by these protestors should catalyze the creation of the next generation of liberal American Zionists, Beinart describes the type of committed, revitalized progressive connection to Israel for which Meretz USA has long stood: For several months now, a group of Israeli students has been traveling every Friday to the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, where a Palestinian family named the Ghawis lives on the street outside their home of fifty-three years, from which they were evicted to make room for Jewish settlers. Although repeatedly arrested for protesting without a permit, and called traitors and self-haters by the Israeli right, the students keep coming, their numbers now swelling into the thousands. What if American Jewish organizations brought these young people to speak at Hillel? What if this was the face of Zionism shown to America’s Jewish young? What if [American Jewish students were] told that their generation faces a challenge as momentous as any in Jewish history: to save liberal democracy in the only Jewish state on earth? Shabbat Shalom, Ron Skolnik Executive Director Meretz USA.
Recommended publications
  • The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
    Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.
    [Show full text]
  • Project Democracy: Fighting for the Ground Rules
    Project Democracy: Fighting for the Ground Rules Chapter 4: Freedom of Speech, Dissent, and Political Activity Freedom of speech is a basic human right and an essential component of any democracy. It is this freedom that enables citizens to exchange views and information, to protest against injustice, to influence the public discourse, and to criticize the actions of the government. As such, freedom of speech represents a necessary condition for the informed and effective political participation of a country's citizenry. Restrictions on free speech cause harm to democratic life and stands in contradiction to the fundamental principles of democracy – that government should impose no more than the necessary minimum of restrictions on individuals, especially regarding their basic rights. The safeguarding of free speech is especially critical for defending the rights of minority groups. Minorities often suffer from limited political influence and limited access to the corridors of power, and so the arena of public expression is where they are best able to give voice to their positions, to protest, and to influence public opinion. In numerous and unrelenting rulings and legal decisions, Israel's Supreme Court has defended freedom of speech, calling it “the lifeline of democracy.” In these principled rulings, time after time the justices have affirmed that the true test of freedom of speech is not the defense of commonly accepted statements – which no one seeks to limit anyway – but of statements considered irritating, extreme, and unexceptional. Over the last two years, we have witnessed increasing threats in Israel to freedom of speech and those freedoms which derive from it: The right to demonstrate, freedom of the press, academic freedom and freedom of political activity.
    [Show full text]
  • Das Schweigen Brechen. Der Israelische Staat Und Seine
    Alexandra Senfft Das Schweigen brechen Der israelische Staat und seine Wehrdienstverweigerer Die Schaffung des „neuen Juden“ war das Ziel der zionistischen Bewegung, deren Folge auch die Ent- stehung einer zionistischen Wehrmentalität war, die ihren Ausdruck in der Ein- Executive Summary führung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht für junge To create a ,new Jew‘ – this was the goal of the Zio- Israelis im Jahre 1949 fand. nist movement which wanted to obliterate the me- Seither gilt die IDF, die mory of those Jews who had allowed themselves to be israelische Armee, als ein lead like lambs to the slaughter by the Nazis. To- Machtzentrum, dessen Ziel u.a. die Wahrung der Inte- gether with the new Jew, Israel’s mindset of military ressen der Landeseliten ist defence came into being, a mindset that is increasingly und dessen Einfluss unter questioned these days. Ariel Sharon noch gewach- sen ist. Doch mit dem rück- The socialisation of any Israeli child involves early sichtslosen Kampf gegen preparations for joining the army. ,The soldier is the die Palästinenser nach dem glue that binds the nation together‘, as Yvonne Ausbruch der zweiten Inti- Deutsch said about that state of Israel where every- fada ergab sich ein neues Bild: Die Zahl derer, die body who wants to be anybody must begin by ma- „Nein“ zum Wehrdienst king his way in the army. sagten, wuchs stetig und Unlike the Jews living in diaspora, who are regar- drückte sich in Protest- ded as effeminate, a new Jew should be a valiant figh- aktionen, Appellen und Verweigerungsaktionen ter, as the doctrine of Zionism says.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Nonprofits: an Exploration of Challenges and Opportunities , Master’S Thesis, Regis University: 2005)
    Israeli NGOs and American Jewish Donors: The Structures and Dynamics of Power Sharing in a New Philanthropic Era Volume I of II A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies S. Ilan Troen, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Eric J. Fleisch May 2014 The signed version of this form is on file in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. This dissertation, directed and approved by Eric J. Fleisch’s Committee, has been accepted and approved by the Faculty of Brandeis University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Malcolm Watson, Dean Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Dissertation Committee: S. Ilan Troen, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Jonathan D. Sarna, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Theodore Sasson, Department of International Studies, Middlebury College Copyright by Eric J. Fleisch 2014 Acknowledgements There are so many people I would like to thank for the valuable help and support they provided me during the process of writing my dissertation. I must first start with my incomparable wife, Rebecca, to whom I dedicate my dissertation. Rebecca, you have my deepest appreciation for your unending self-sacrifice and support at every turn in the process, your belief in me, your readiness to challenge me intellectually and otherwise, your flair for bringing unique perspectives to the table, and of course for your friendship and love. I would never have been able to do this without you.
    [Show full text]
  • Haaretz20090611 Gaza Bonanza by Uri Blau and Yotam Feldman
    Haaretz20090611 Gaza bonanza By Uri Blau and Yotam Feldman While the Israel Defense Forces calculates how many calories Gaza residents need and strictly regulates the products allowed to enter the Strip, the blockade is giving some Israeli entrepreneurs an opportunity to turn big profits. Every week, about 10 officers from the Israel Defense Force's Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT?) unit convene in the white Templer building in the Kirya, the Defense Ministry compound in Tel Aviv, to decide which food products will appear on the tables of the 1.5 million inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. Among those taking part in the discussion are Colonel Moshe Levi, head of the Gaza District Coordination Office (DCO), Colonel Alex Rosenzweig, head of the civil division of COGAT and Colonel Doron Segal, head of the economics division. These officers decided, for example, that persimmons, bananas and apples were vital items for basic sustenance and thus permitted into the Gaza Strip, while apricots, plums, grapes and avocados were impermissible luxuries. Over the past year, these officers were responsible for prohibiting the entry into the Gaza Strip of tinned meat, tomato paste, clothing, shoes and notebooks. All these items are sitting in the giant storerooms rented by Israeli suppliers near the Kerem Shalom crossing, awaiting a change in policy. The policy is not fixed, but continually subject to change, explains a COGAT official. Thus, about two months ago, the COGAT officials allowed pumpkins and carrots into Gaza, reversing a ban that had been in place for many months. The entry of "delicacies" such as cherries, kiwi, green almonds, pomegranates and chocolate is expressly prohibited.
    [Show full text]
  • The 100 Terms Program: a Rawlsian Critique
    Adalah’s Newsletter, Volume 27, July - August 2006 The 100 Terms Program: A Rawlsian Critique By Prof. Yoav Peled1 “The 100 Terms Program in Heritage, Zionism and Democracy,” a program formulated in 2005 by the Ministry of Education headed by Limor Livnat and designed for grades seven to nine in Jewish, Arab and Druze schools, will most likely find its way to the garbage heap of history, together with the Dovrat Report, another wonderful creation of the same educational regime. However, the 100 Terms Program bluntly expresses a deep-rooted educational perspective that will not end with the passing of the regime that gave birth to it. While it is true that Limor Livnat does not have an educational role in Ehud Olmert’s government, the bureaucracy of the Ministry of Education, which developed the program, remains in place. It is also worth recalling that Livnat’s sword-bearer at the Ministry of Education, Ronit Tirosh, is now a key Member of Knesset in the Kadima party, and aspires to an executive position in the field of education. The 100 Terms Program is composed of three parts: “Democracy,” which is the same for all schools; “Zionism,” which is also common to all schools, with slight differences between Jewish and Arab schools; and “Heritage,” which is different for Jewish and Arab schools. The list of terms in the “Heritage” section designed for Jewish schools covers the cultural, religious and historic heritage of the Jewish people in a comprehensive manner. In addition, the “Zionism” section also addresses Jewish heritage. The “Heritage” terms designed for students in Arab schools, on the other hand, refer almost exclusively to the different religious heritages of Muslim and Christian students.
    [Show full text]
  • Guidelines for Israel's Investigation Into Operation Cast Lead
    B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Guidelines for Israel’s 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 Investigation into Operation Tel. (972) 2-6735599 Fax. (972) 2-6749111 Cast Lead www.btselem.org • [email protected] 27 December 2008 – 18 January 2009 Guidelines for Israel’s Investigation into Operation Cast Lead 27 December 2008 – 18 January 2009 February 2009 ISSN 1565-1746 Guidelines for Israel’s Investigation into Operation Cast Lead 27 December 2008 – 18 January 2009 On the morning of 27 December 2008, Israel’s air force bombed dozens of targets in the Gaza Strip. Dozens of Palestinians were killed within the first five minutes, and hundreds more wounded. In following days, the military continued the aerial bombing and artillery shelling of buildings and sites. On 4 January 2009, ground forces entered the Gaza Strip, taking control of parts of it. On 18 January, Israel declared a unilateral cease-fire, and the next day, Hamas did the same. The full magnitude of the injury to the civilian population and the scope of damage caused during the course of the operation are only now coming to light, after the military has left Gaza. In the three weeks of the operation, over 1,300 Palestinians were killed and over 5,320 were wounded, 350 of them seriously. According to initial estimates, based on satellite photographs, at least 1,200 buildings and over 80 hothouses were destroyed during the operation.1 Tens of thousands of persons were left homeless. During the operation, Palestinians fired rockets and mortar shells at Israel with the declared intention of hitting civilians.
    [Show full text]
  • Inquiries Into Economies of Violence in Israel/Palestine
    INQUIRIES INTO ECONOMIES OF VIOLENCE IN ISRAEL/PALESTINE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE DECEMBER 2016 By François-Xavier Plasse-Couture Dissertation committee 1. Michael J. Shapiro, chairperson 2. Kathy Ferguson 3. Jairus Grove 4. Samson Okoth Opondo 5. Laura Lyons Keywords: Israel, Palestine, violence, race, settler colonialism, biopolitics To Anouk, Romy, Mimi, and Laurence, generous, intelligent, unique and loving women who thought me the most and have always been with me, even in difficult times. You are my inspiration. ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) for the financial support that made this research possible. Additionally, I want to thank my supervisor and true friend Michael J. Shapiro for his patience, dedication, generosity, support, numerous and precious advices, his friendship, for nurturing such a young and inspiring scholarly open mind and be such a great inspiration. I am grateful to Samson Opondo for his time and generosity, for his wise comments, suggestions, discussions and encouragements on the various projects’ steps, from the proposal to the submission. I am thankful to Jairus Grove, Kathy Ferguson, and Laura Lyons for their useful and constructive comments on the various steps that lead to completion of this dissertation. I am also indebted to Philippe Beaulieu-Brossard, Samuel Vaillancourt, Joan Deas, David Grondin, Ben Schrader, Breanne Gallagher, Katie Brennan, Sharain Naylor, Rex Troumbley, Julia Guimaraes, Akta Kaushal, Noah Viernes, Nicole Grove, John Sweeney, Simon Hogue, Tani Sebro, Jimmy Weir, Yair Geva, Shiri Hornik, Amit Friedman, Avner Peled for their friendship, support, useful comments, suggestions, and generous help at various stages of the project be it during a seminar, a conference, or around a pint.
    [Show full text]
  • Bad Civil Society” in Israel WP
    Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comment The Rise of “Bad Civil Society” in Israel WP Nationalist Civil Society Organizations and the Politics of Delegitimization S Amal Jamal Civil society in Israel has been undergoing a growing conflict that mirrors broader trends taking place in Israeli society, namely the conflict between the rising conserva- tive nationalist social forces and the dwindling liberal and humanist camp represented by human rights organizations (HROs). There has been a clear rise in the power of con- servative nationalist civil society organizations (CSOs), which receive firm support from politicians who have influential positions in the Israeli government. These organizations have been leading aggressive political and media campaigns against HROs, especially those involved in defending the rights of Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and under siege in the Gaza Strip. The conservative nationalist CSOs accuse HROs of being anti-patriotic and cooperating with the enemies of society and the state. They utilize three strategies to promote their agenda. The first is delegitimiz- ing HROs through naming and shaming tactics. They lead well-orchestrated political and media campaigns that associate HROs with terrorist organizations. The second is silencing HROs by shaming the institutions – educational, cultural, and media – that invite the former to speak to their audiences. The third strategy is cutting off the sources of funding for HROs through lobbying activities in donor countries and putting pres- sure on governments to stop their funding of the former. Any observer of the Israeli political scene cratic procedures to silence and delegiti- over the last several years cannot miss the mize any critiques of government policies, well-orchestrated legal and political cam- especially those voiced by HROs highlight- paigns against liberal social forces and ing the ramifications of the expanding HROs in Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Representation of Women in Israeli Politics
    10E hy is it important for women to be represented in the Perspective A Comparative Politics: in Israeli Women of Representation The WKnesset and in cabinet? Are women who are elected The Representation of to these institutions expected to do more to promote “female” interests than their male counterparts? What are the factors influencing the representation of women in Israeli politics? How Women in Israeli Politics has their representation changed over the years, and would the imposition of quotas be a good idea? A Comparative Perspective This policy paper examines the representation of women in Israeli politics from a comparative perspective. Its guiding premise is that women’s representation in politics, and particularly in legislative bodies, is of great importance in that it is tightly bound to liberal and democratic principles. According to some researchers, it is also important because female legislators Policy Paper 10E advance “female” issues more than male legislators do. While there has been a noticeable improvement in the representation of women in Israeli politics over the years, the situation in Israel is still fairly poor in this regard. This paper Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | looks at the impact of this situation on women’s status and Reut Itzkovitch-Malka gender equality in Israeli society, and offers recommendations for improving women’s representation in politics. The steps recommended are well-accepted in many democracies around the world, but have yet to be tried in Israel. Why is it important for women to be Assaf Shapira | Ofer Kenig | Chen Friedberg | Reut Itzkovitch-Malka Friedberg | Chen | Ofer Kenig Shapira Assaf This publication is an English translation of a policy paper represented in the Knesset and in cabinet? published in Hebrew in August 2013, which was produced by Are women who are elected to these the Israel Democracy Institute’s “Political Reform Project,” led by Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • The Flag, the National Symbol and the Map
    The Flag, the National Symbol and the Map: The establishment of an Israeli identity Through visual national objects in the classroom RIMONA COHEN A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Education (EdD) UNIVERSITY OF BATH Department of Education MAY 07 COPYRIGHT Attention is drawn to the fact that copyright of this thesis rests with its author. A copy of this thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and they must not copy it or use material from it except as permitted by law or with the consent of the author. This thesis may be made available for consultation within The University Library and may be photocopied or lent to other libraries For the purposes of consultation. 2 Acknowledgements First of all, I must thank Professor A. Stables for his unfailing help and encouragement. Personal thanks go to my family for their thoughtful consideration while I was writing this research. Thanks are also due to the Design Workshop team of the Curriculum Centre at the Beit Berl College for their friendly partnership and assistance in coping with the world of visual texts. My special thanks go to the participants of ‘Forum 168’ for their friendship and for being there when needed. 3 Table of Content Acknowledgements................................................................................................ 3 Abstract ..................................................................................................................... 7 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 9 A. Consideration of the Focus on the Display of National Emblems 11 A.1 Display of National Emblems as a Common Phenomenon. ........ 11 A.2. At the Core of the Curriculum............................................................ 11 A.3 Reflection of School Culture – Rituals Relating to Values and Identity.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Paper
    TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface & Acknowledgements 3 1. Introduction 4 The delicate dance of a “defensive democracy” 2. Press censorship in Israel: an overview 7 The shaky legal status of press freedom Press licensing The Military Censorship Other methods 3. The rise of gag orders 14 Definition and legal framework History and milestones Causes and criticism 4. How many is many? The search for data 31 5. Conclusions 35 Bibliography & Interviewees 38 Page 2 of 39 THE RISE OF GAG ORDERS IN ISRAEL PREFACE A peculiar choice of “music on hold” greeted journalists who called the Israeli censorship office during the summer of 2014. Two months of intense fighting with Hamas (“Operation Protective Edge”) required daily and even hourly communication between local media and censors, supervising any military related news prior to publication. Lines were often busy, temperatures high physically and emotionally, and while waiting to appeal yet another publication ban I suddenly realized: the music I kept listening to, but never really noticed before, was surprisingly a popular anti-war song from the nineties. 1 "You promised peace... you promised spring... you promised to keep promises"0F , sang the band just before the officer on duty picked up the phone to discuss war casualties. Whether it was deliberate criticism, an ironic prank or just a random choice – this anecdote illustrates Israel’s biggest challenge and source of growing tensions: liberal values, lifestyle and self-image in face of an ongoing violent conflict and military occupation with no clear solution in sight. A challenge in which government’s control over the media plays a massive role and checks and balances between security needs and freedom of the press are becoming extremely fragile.
    [Show full text]