Bad Civil Society” in Israel WP

Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comment The Rise of “Bad Civil Society” in Israel WP Nationalist Civil Society Organizations and the Politics of Delegitimization S Amal Jamal Civil society in Israel has been undergoing a growing conflict that mirrors broader trends taking place in Israeli society, namely the conflict between the rising conservative nationalist social forces and the dwindling liberal and humanist camp represented by human rights organizations (HROs). There has been a clear rise in the power of conservative nationalist civil society organizations (CSOs), which receive firm support from politicians who have influential positions in the Israeli government. These organizations have been leading aggressive political and media campaigns against HROs, especially those involved in defending the rights of Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and under siege in the Gaza Strip. The conservative nationalist CSOs accuse HROs of being anti-patriotic and cooperating with the enemies of society and the state. They utilize three strategies to promote their agenda. The first is delegitimizing HROs through naming and shaming tactics. They lead well-orchestrated political and media campaigns that associate HROs with terrorist organizations. The second is silencing HROs by shaming the institutions – educational, cultural, and media – that invite the former to speak to their audiences. The third strategy is cutting off the sources of funding for HROs through lobbying activities in donor countries and putting pres- sure on governments to stop their funding of the former. Any observer of the Israeli political scene cratic procedures to silence and delegiti- over the last several years cannot miss the mize any critiques of government policies, well-orchestrated legal and political cam- especially those voiced by HROs highlight- paigns against liberal social forces and ing the ramifications of the expanding HROs in Israel. These campaigns, led by a settlement project on the daily lives of Pal- coalition of conservative nationalist CSOs estinians in the West Bank. The campaigns and very influential politicians and politi- against HROs, which have received popular cal parties represented in the Knesset, are backing and acceptance by the government, tied strongly to the rising power of radical are only one component of a broader trans- nationalist social forces in Israeli society. formation taking place in Israeli society The unholy alliance between nationalist and politics over the last few years. This CSOs and legislators makes use of demo- broader transformation has been institu- Prof. Dr. Amal Jamal is Head of International Graduate Program in Political Science and Political Communication and Head of the SWP Comment 2 Walter Lebach Institute for Jewish-Arab Coexistence at Tel Aviv University. He was a visiting fellow in the project “Israel and its regional January 2018 and global conflicts: Domestic developments, security issues and foreign affairs”. The project is conducted within the Middle East and Africa Division of SWP and funded by the German Federal Foreign Office. 1 tionalized within major legislative pro- activism and democracy and liberal values cesses and policies that target not only has been fiercely challenged over the last HROs, but also liberal social forces, minor- few decades. Many scholars have demon- ities, and critical media outlets. These same strated that CSOs could be deeply involved processes are responsible for the rising ten- in anti-democratic initiatives and the ex- sions between proponents of the settlers’ clusive promotion of nationalist, religious, movement in the occupied Palestinian ter- or racialist ideals. These experiences have ritories (OPTs) – including East Jerusalem – led to the differentiation between “good” on the one hand, and supporters of Israeli and “bad” civil society, based on the con- withdrawal from these areas in order to tributions of CSOs toward the promotion – protect the Jewish and democratic char- or the dismantling – of open and democratic acter of the Israeli state, on the other. societies. Bad civil society is not marked by This process of radicalization has not opposition to the liberal worldview or criti- been linear, and there has been strong push- cism of liberal opponents, but mainly by back by liberal forces seeking to protect the the combination of advancing chauvinistic liberal spaces in Israeli society. Nonetheless, nationalist or religious ideals and targeting the well-orchestrated efforts to reduce the the legitimate existence of liberal opponents liberal-democratic spaces that have charac- through various means, especially shaming, terized the Israeli political system through stigmatizing, silencing, and lobbying tactics the promotion of illiberal, religious-nation- that are aimed at outlawing or shrinking alist, and anti-human-rights ideals seem to the financial resources of their opponents. have gained the upper hand. The process This normative differentiation is not of radicalization, especially as reflected in strictly dichotomous and is contiguous. the campaigns against HROs, goes beyond CSOs whose raison d’être is the tolerance the traditional, well-known differentiation of differences in the name of civic values – between right and left in Israel and could even when they promote conservative be viewed as gaining traction in the com- worldviews – differ from CSOs that utilize petition for influence on state polices in the open civic sphere to propagate a chau- various fields, especially in economic, secu- vinistic nationalist worldview, and in this rity, and foreign policy, as well as the char- spirit view critical civic initiatives as detri- acter and identity of the state of Israel. mental to society and the state. These CSOs The conflict between conservative nation- view differences in perceptions of society alist CSOs and the HROs in Israel is strongly and the state as being sufficient justifica- related to a broader debate in the profes- tion for silencing or delegitimizing others. sional literature concerning the nature and CSOs that cross the boundaries of legiti- role of civil society in democratic cultures. mate debate on differences, advance a It has been a common tenet in the pro- narrow, nationalist worldview, and lobby fessional literature that civil society is for state practices that delegitimize, stig- largely comprised of those civil initiatives, matize, silence, or seek to outlaw critical movements, and organizations that seek CSOs – thereby limiting the space for dif- to promote and protect civic and liberal ferences and debate in civil society – could values – such as pluralism, tolerance, free- be depicted as “bad civil society.” dom, social justice, and human rights – One cannot but speak of the rise of bad against restrictive state policies. This per- civil society in Israel when looking at the ception of civil society, known as “the civil transformations taking place in Israeli civil society argument,” considers vibrant civic society. In addition to those mentioned activism as a major reason for – and guar- above, a growing number of CSOs are cross- antor of – the rise and sustainability of ing the boundaries of legitimate competi- democratic regimes and cultures. However, tion between different worldviews and pro- a one-dimensional affinity between civic moting hate speech, exclusive nationalist SWP Comment 2 January 2018 2 values and practices, attacking HROs and anti-democratic values and norms, which delegitimizing their role, and cooperating undermines civil and democratic ideals with political parties in order to promote and liberal freedoms and brings the entire legislation that seeks to silence liberal democratic system into question. Below are CSOs and narrow the democratic spaces a few basic examples that demonstrate the in society and the state. tools and policies utilized by “bad civil The rising influence of nationalist CSOs – society” organizations in their attempts to such as Im Tirtzu, My Israel, Regavim, Leava, determine the results of their “war” against Shurat HaDin, the Institute for Zionist HROs and their liberal supporters. Strategy, NGO Monitor, and many others – illustrates this process, despite the fact that these CSOs are not equally radical and Attacking Academic Freedom and aggressive in their worldviews, goals, and Silencing Liberal Voices means. They do not fall within the tradi- One of the best examples of the policies tional “right”/“left” political dichotomy of and tools utilized by nationalist CSOs is Israel. Nonetheless, most of them utilize the silencing of liberal voices in the Israeli nationalist discourse to win support, stig- public sphere, especially in academia. Im matize liberal HROs as enemies, and facili- Tirtzu and the Institute for Zionist Strat- tate sophisticated lobbying policies that egies started a media campaign in 2009– delegitimize HROs and frame them as anti- 2010 seeking to put limits on academic patriotic political organizations, thereby freedom in Israel. They sought to intimi- encouraging government measures that date academic institutions based on the will cut them off from their financial political worldviews of some of their pro- resources. One of the common features fessors. They demanded that these insti- of the policies of these organizations is tutions identify academic staff members blurring the differences between marking according to the degree of their loyalties

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