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Hierarchical Sisterhood for Ella & Denni
Hierarchical Sisterhood For Ella & Denni and in loving memory of Sadeta Vladavić (1959–1992) Moje duboko ubeđenje je da su žene svih generacija, u svom vremenu sa svim njegovim i svojim vlastitim ograničenjima, uradile što je bilo moguće. It is my deep conviction that women of all generations did what was possible, within their own limits and within the limits of their times. Historian Neda Božinović Örebro Studies in History 19 SANELA BAJRAMOVIĆ Hierarchical Sisterhood Supporting Women's Peacebuilding through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013 Cover illustration: Vladimir Tenjer Maps: Courtesy of the United Nations Pictures: Courtesy of Kvinna till Kvinna © Sanela Bajramović, 2018 Title: Hierarchical Sisterhood. Supporting Women's Peacebuilding through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013 Publisher: Örebro University 2018 www.oru.se/publikationer-avhandlingar Print: Örebro University, Repro 09/2018 ISSN 1650-2418 ISBN 978-91-7529-258-8 Abstract Sanela Bajramović (2018). Hierarchical Sisterhood. Supporting Women’s Peace- building through Swedish Aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina 1993–2013, Örebro Studies in History 19, 322 pages. This dissertation examines possibilities and challenges faced by interna- tional interveners in a post-socialist and violently divided area. The study object is the Swedish foundation Kvinna till Kvinna, formed in 1993 during the Bosnian war, originating from the peace movement and supported by the Swedish government aid agency Sida. The aim is to contextualize and analyze Kvinna till Kvinna’s two decades of engage- ment in peacebuilding in Bosnia. The encounter with domestic women’s NGOs is of particular interest. By focusing on rhetoric, practice and silences, the ambition has been to understand the international/local relationship from the perspective of both actors. -
The Hungarian Historical Review “Continuities and Discontinuities
The Hungarian Historical Review New Series of Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Volume 5 No. 1 2016 “Continuities and Discontinuities: Political Thought in the Habsburg Empire in the Long Nineteenth Century” Ferenc Hörcher and Kálmán Pócza Special Editors of the Thematic Issue Contents Articles MARTYN RADY Nonnisi in sensu legum? Decree and Rendelet in Hungary (1790–1914) 5 FERENC HÖRCHER Enlightened Reform or National Reform? The Continuity Debate about the Hu ngarian Reform Era and the Example of the Two Széchenyis (1790–1848) 22 ÁRON KOVÁCS Continuity and Discontinuity in Transylvanian Romanian Thought: An Analysis of Four Bishopric Pleas from the Period between 1791 and 1842 46 VLASTA ŠVOGER Political Rights and Freedoms in the Croatian National Revival and the Croatian Political Movement of 1848–1849: Reestablishing Continuity 73 SARA LAGI Georg Jellinek, a Liberal Political Thinker against Despotic Rule (1885–1898) 105 ANDRÁS CIEGER National Identity and Constitutional Patriotism in the Context of Modern Hungarian History: An Overview 123 http://www.hunghist.org HHHR_2016_1.indbHR_2016_1.indb 1 22016.06.03.016.06.03. 112:39:582:39:58 Contents Book Reviews Das Preßburger Protocollum Testamentorum 1410 (1427)–1529, Vol. 1. 1410–1487. Edited by Judit Majorossy and Katalin Szende. Das Preßburger Protocollum Testamentorum 1410 (1427)–1529, Vol. 2. 1487–1529. Edited by Judit Majorossy und Katalin Szende. Reviewed by Elisabeth Gruber 151 Sopron. Edited by Ferenc Jankó, József Kücsán, and Katalin Szende with contributions by Dávid Ferenc, Károly Goda, and Melinda Kiss. Sátoraljaújhely. Edited by István Tringli. Szeged. Edited by László Blazovich et al. Reviewed by Anngret Simms 154 Egy székely két élete: Kövendi Székely Jakab pályafutása [Two lives of a Székely: The career of Jakab Székely of Kövend]. -
The Hungarian Historical Review
Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 1 (2016): 5–21 Martyn Rady Nonnisi in sensu legum? Decree and Rendelet in Hungary (1790–1914) The Hungarian “constitution” was never balanced, for its sovereigns possessed a supervisory jurisdiction that permitted them to legislate by decree, mainly by using patents and rescripts. Although the right to proceed by decree was seldom abused by Hungary’s Habsburg rulers, it permitted the monarch on occasion to impose reforms in defiance of the Diet. Attempts undertaken in the early 1790s to hem in the ruler’s power by making the written law both fixed and comprehensive were unsuccessful. After 1867, the right to legislate by decree was assumed by Hungary’s government, and ministerial decree or “rendelet” was used as a substitute for parliamentary legislation. Not only could rendelets be used to fill in gaps in parliamentary legislation, they could also be used to bypass parliament and even to countermand parliamentary acts, sometimes at the expense of individual rights. The tendency remains in Hungary for its governments to use discretionary administrative instruments as a substitute for parliamentary legislation. Keywords: constitution, decree, patent, rendelet, legislation, Diet, Parliament In 1792, the Transylvanian Diet opened in the assembly rooms of Kolozsvár (today Cluj, Romania) with a trio, sung by the three graces, each of whom embodied one of the three powers identified by Montesquieu as contributing to a balanced constitution.1 The Hungarian constitution, however, was never balanced. The power attached to the executive was always the greatest. Attempts to hem in the executive, however, proved unsuccessful. During the later nineteenth century, the legislature surrendered to ministers a large share of its legislative capacity, with the consequence that ministerial decree or rendelet often took the place of statute law. -
Isaiah Berlin's Anti-Procrustean Liberalism: Ideas, Circumstances
1 Isaiah Berlin’s Anti-Procrustean Liberalism: Ideas, Circumstances, and the Protean Individual Jonathan Allen Assistant Professor Department of Political Science University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign [email protected] Presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association (August 28- 31, 2003, Philadelphia, PA) 2 Introduction: Isaiah Berlin’s death in 1997, and the appearance of several new collections of essays by him over the past decade, have resulted in a flurry of writing about his political thought. As always, commentators have divided sharply over the status of his contribution to political thought. Some of his admirers point to the importance and originality of his formulation of the idea of value-pluralism – the notion that multiple moral and non-moral values exist, that they may conflict with one another, and that when they do, such conflict cannot be resolved by appeal to a single, overarching value or by means of a single scale of values. Many see Berlin’s attempt to ally pluralism and liberalism as his most stimulating contribution to political theory, or note the role he played in Oxford and more generally in reviving interest in the history of ideas and in presenting to the English-speaking world a range of thinkers otherwise likely to have been lost to view – Vico, Herder, de Maistre, Sorel, etc. Berlin’s detractors, on the other hand, note the absence from his writings of a book-length defense of his views, or find fault with the accuracy of his work in the history of ideas and with his scholarship in general.1 It might be thought that this difference of opinion is in itself of interest only to those who were personally acquainted with Berlin. -
Sexual Harassment Policy in the U.S., the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and Women's Economic Citizenship, 1975-1991
NOT "PART OF THE JOB": SEXUAL HARASSMENT POLICY IN THE U.S., THE EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION, AND WOMEN'S ECONOMIC CITIZENSHIP, 1975-1991 Sheila Jones A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2008 Committee: Liette Gidlow, Advisor Neal G. Jesse Graduate Faculty Representative Leigh Ann Wheeler Donald Nieman ii ABSTRACT Liette Gidlow, Advisor This project examines the history of federal sexual harassment policy in the United States between 1975 and 1991. It considers the origins of sexual harassment policy in the mid-1970s and its addition to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s (EEOC) anti- discrimination policy in 1980. Two questions direct this study: Why and how did sexual harassment policy originate in the 1970s? How did policymakers then re-frame it once feminist activists no longer controlled the issue’s definition? This dissertation argues that sexual harassment policy originated in the 1970s because working women and second-wave feminists succeeded in framing the problem as one of women’s economic citizenship rights, or women’s right to work without being sexually harassed. Once feminists lost this influence in the 1980s, conservatives including Reagan administration officials, members of Congress, and anti-feminist activists challenged the EEOC’s policy and altered its enforcement by lessening its protections for working women in favor of employers. Several sources inform this study, including EEOC records, legal cases, congressional hearings, government documents, and scholarship on second-wave feminism and economic citizenship. It finds that, after defining sexual harassment, feminists argued for public policy to stop it. -
Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Neofeminism
University of Colorado Law School Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Articles Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship 2013 Neofeminism Aya Gruber University of Colorado Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Family Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Citation Information Aya Gruber, Neofeminism, 50 HOUS. L. REV. 1325 (2013), available at https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/ articles/439. Copyright Statement Copyright protected. Use of materials from this collection beyond the exceptions provided for in the Fair Use and Educational Use clauses of the U.S. Copyright Law may violate federal law. Permission to publish or reproduce is required. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship at Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. +(,121/,1( Citation: 50 Hous. L. Rev. 1325 2012-2013 Provided by: William A. Wise Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Mon May 1 11:29:39 2017 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information ARTICLE NEOFEMINISM Aya Gruber* ABSTRACT Today it is prosaic to say that "feminism is dead." Far from being moribund, feminist legal theory is breaking from its somewhat dogmatic past and forging ahead with new vigor. -
On Berlin's Liberal Pluralism
On Berlin’s Liberal Pluralism An examination of the political theories of Sir Isaiah Berlin, concentrated around the problem of combining value pluralism and liberalism. Dag Einar Thorsen Cand. Polit. Thesis Department of Political Science, University of Oslo April 2004 2 Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Isaiah Berlin’s thought and the ensuing debate..................................................................................... 4 1.2 About this study...................................................................................................................................... 9 1.2.1 Questions – and the reasons for asking them.............................................................................. 9 1.2.2 Theory and method ................................................................................................................... 11 1.2.3 Outline ...................................................................................................................................... 13 2. ISAIAH BERLIN IN POLITICAL THEORY...................................................................... 15 2.1 Introduction: La théorie politique, existe-t-elle? ................................................................................. 15 2.2 Elusive concepts and categories .......................................................................................................... 17 2.2.1 Pluralism ................................................................................................................................. -
The Other Women's Movement
The Other Women's Movement WORKPLACE JUSTICE AND SOCIAL RIGHTS IN MODERN AMERICA DOROTHY SUE COBBLE PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON AND OXFORD CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix PREFACE xi TEXT ABBREVIATIONS xm INTRODUCTION The Missing Wave 1 CHAPTER ONE The Other Labor Movement 11 CHAPTER TWO Social Feminism Remade 50 CHAPTER THREE Women's Job Rights 69 CHAPTER FOUR Wage justice 94 CHAPTER FIVE The Politics of the "Double Day" 121 CHAPTER SIX Labor Feminism at High Tide 145 CHAPTER SEVEN The Torch Passes 180 CHAPTER EIGHT An Unfinished Agenda 206 EPILOGUE The Next Wave 223 ABBREVIATIONS FOR NOTES 229 NOTES 231 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 299 PERMISSIONS 301 INDEX 303 PREFACE IN THE EARLY 1950s, my grandmother and I would ride the bus downtown for the monthly meeting of the Atlanta division of the Grand International Wom- en's Auxiliary to the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers . My grandmother was in her mid-sixties (the exact year of her birth was always in dispute), and would soon resign the union office she had held since before 1930 . My mother, also married to a railroad man, would step in as her replacement . Although I was only four, I was not allowed to observe the auxiliary's proceedings. Rather, month after month, I sat outside the meeting hall, next to the tightly closed door, trying in vain to make out the words being spoken . Despite my com- plaints, there I remained, because as my grandmother explained to me, since I had not taken the oath of loyalty to the "sisters" and to the union, I could not be trusted with the secrets of the order . -
Beyond Laments and Eulogies: Re-Imaginings
Beyond Laments and Eulogies: Re-imaginings Eileen Boris Thirty years ago, feminist historians of labor and the working class easily could iden- tify with proletarian suffragists and communist new women, who precariously tee- tered between class-based and women’s movements. Our research seemed outside of the main narrative of labor history, with its emphasis on the heroic rise of industrial unionism. To some, our focus on gender appeared threatening, as an alternative to, perhaps a substitute for, class analysis.1 It seemed, as one historian remarked in a 1991 review of books on clerical and domestic workers, that women’s history and labor history composed “separate tribes.”2 Some of us felt that we had entered our own “unhappy marriage,”3 suffering from domestic abuse and charges of disloyalty but feisty enough to threaten divorce, which would expose labor history as far less pro- gressive and much more limited than adherents thought. As recently as fall 2004, in these pages, Ardis Cameron deconstructed the discursive structures of the “‘new’ labor history,” how it privileged notions of class and promoted a teleological agency that subsequent postmodernist, postcolonial, new racial, gender, and queer thought have destabilized.4 These articles are revisions of papers from the 2005 international conference “Labouring Feminism and Feminist Working-Class History in North America and Beyond,” held at the University of Toronto, of which Labor was a cosponsor. With plenary sessions on feminism and the gendering of working-class history, laboring and consuming bodies, and labor feminism and women’s activism, as well as nearly twenty-fi ve additional sessions, that meeting engaged 250 scholars in critical dialogues 1. -
Two Types of Nationalism in Europe?
Russian and Euro-Asian Bulletin Vol.7 No.12 December 1997 Published by the Contemporary Europe Research Centre University of Melbourne Two Types of Nationalism in Europe? Stefan Auer Dec 1997 While intellectuals and some politicians in a radical change in the relationship between the West have seen Europe approaching the polity and culture, and that this in turn pro- ‘postmodern’ age, in which the conception duced nationalism. The salient feature of the of a national state would become outdated preceding agrarian societies was, according and would be replaced by a new multina- to Gellner, cultural diversity and fragmenta- tional and multicultural entity, the ‘back- tion in small autonomous sub-communities, ward’ neighbours in the East have been said each of which lived in its own specific id- to be prone to succumb to a resurgence of iom. A peasant had no need to communicate nationalism. Thus, analysts like Schöpflin1 with the elite of high culture who existed saw confirmed the old concept2 of two es- beyond his/her experience (which was usu- sentially different forms of nationalism: the ally limited to the size of his/her valley). The enlightened Western, that is supportive of modern industrial and predominantly urban democracy, and the backward Eastern, that society required mass literacy and a high de- is an obstacle to any genuinely democratic gree of social mobility, which could only be society. The differences are, however, not achieved by nearly universal access to a well described by this reference to geogra- state-sponsored ‘national’ educational sys- phy. Rather, two (or more) different concep- tem. -
The Appropriateness of the Concept of the Individual
Wilfrid Laurier University Scholars Commons @ Laurier Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) 1980 The Appropriateness of the Concept of the Individual Frank Clancy Wilfrid Laurier University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd Part of the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Clancy, Frank, "The Appropriateness of the Concept of the Individual" (1980). Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive). 1510. https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd/1510 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) by an authorized administrator of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Appropriateness of the Concept of the Individual by Frank Clancy Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Wilfrid Laurier University Waterloo October, 1980. UMI Number: EC56311 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent on the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT Di*»«rtatioft Publishing UMI EC56311 Copyright 2012 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract The fundamental concepts of any discipline ought to be examined periodically, not only to understand what constitutes those principles or concepts but also to ensure that our basic assumptions are logically and empirically acceptable. -
“American Philosophical Liberalism” and the Morphology of Political
Ideology, Political Philosophy, and the Interpretive Enterprise: A View from the Other Side Gerald Gaus I MICHAEL FREEDEN AND THE TRADITIONAL STUDY OF IDEOLOGY The study of ideology has had a complex relation to the activity of political philosophy. As John Plamenatz long ago pointed out, the philosophes such as Voltaire hoped that a ‘science of ideas’ could take us beyond (mere) philosophic speculations: as Newtonian science advanced beyond Cartesian speculation, so too might we become scientific in our thinking about society.i And just as Newton showed the errors of Descartes, so too would a scientific study of social ideas show how traditional political doctrines were confused and mistaken; by correcting these mistakes we could be led to a better society. Right from the beginning, the study of ideology was seen not simply as an alternative — but also as a corrective — to philosophical speculation. Much of the subsequent development of the ideological approach to political ideas stressed its scientific credentials; under the influence of Karl Mannheim the study of ideology became a general sociology of knowledge.ii Increasingly, it came to stress causal or functional explanations over reasoned internal analysis. Theorists of ideology such as Marx postulated the causes of political ideas and their consequences, or explained them in terms of the roles they play in social systems. 2 The conviction that all this constituted an unmasking of political philosophy’s claims to be revealing the truth about the proper structure of political life not only persisted but was re-emphasized: philosophy itself became just another form of distorted consciousness with its assigned historical role to play.