Meanings in the Flow of Life: Sustainability Metaphors

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2020-10-21 More Meanings In The Flow Of Life: Sustainability Metaphors

Brownlee, Edme Corina

Brownlee, E. C. (2020). More Meanings In The Flow Of Life: Sustainability Metaphors (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/112711 doctoral thesis

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More Meanings In The Flow Of Life: Sustainability Metaphors

Edme Corina Brownlee

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN

CALGARY, ALBERTA

OCTOBER, 2020

Abstract To face the need for improved communication towards sustaining life on planet Earth, a search to identify Andean sustainability metaphors was designed. A constructionist epistemological inquiry including interpretivism, Andean worldview, and phenomenology was proposed. It allowed methodologies and methods of ethnographic, phenomenological and cognitive fields, to effectively interact. Purposes included identifying sustainability expressions in representative utterances and textile images, their underlying sustainability-related metaphors and metonymies, and their image-schemata. Eventually, based on the above and on the collaborating community’s physical, social and cultural context, the research yielded the identification of sustainability metaphors. Ten months of experiential learning through interaction were supported by a traditional Andean community at 4000 m of altitude in Peru. Participant observation, interaction in Chanka Qichwa and Spanish, interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), face-to-face interviews, community-based collaboration, and metaphor analysis allowed identification of nine sustainability metaphors from the Andes. Meaning, interpretation, applicability, influence, and source domain features of the identified metaphors were determined. Outcomes of the study include: an interdisciplinary method to identify sustainability- related metaphors underlying their instances in oral and visual expressions, “sustainability of life” conceptual metaphors applicable to any context, application of IPA to the ethnographic field, validation of image-schemata as indicators of the nature and the effects of sustainability metaphors, and the realization that traditional agricultural communities are interested in sharing empirical knowledge to sustain life on Earth, and that, for them, sustainability involves sustaining or nurturing life. Future research on sustainability metaphors should include grassroots representatives, academic and other kinds of knowledge. Key words: Sustainability; Metaphor; Metonymy; Image-schema; Chanka Qichwa; Andes; Worldview; Phenomenology; Cognitive science.

Preface This thesis is the original unpublished, independent work by the author, E. Brownlee. The activities reported in chapters from three to six were covered by Ethics Certificate number REB17-1154, issued by The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board (CFREB) for the project “More Meanings In The Flow Of Life: Sustainability Metaphors” on Monday, July 23, 2018.

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Acknowledgements I would like to thank EVDS for opening the doors of Canada for me through the person of my Amauta Dixon Thompson, whose memory had supported and inspired me in many difficult times. Thanks to the authorities of the University of Calgary for their endurance facing the unexpected. Thanks to my Supervisory Committee members Dr. Craig Gerlach and Dr. Brian Sinclair for their comments and suggestions along this process and lately on my drafts. Jennifer Taillefer deserves thanks for her patience and generous comments in every difficult administrative turmoil of my circumstances. To my supervisor Dr. Noel Keough, my gratitude for his persistence, patience and kind but sincere criticisms on my drafts, and his guidance during this long and, at times, difficult process. Thanks to my academic friends from the Huancavelica University at Acobamba and Huancavelica campuses for their generous invitations to talk. Thanks to my Canadian friends from near and far from the Rockies. Krystyna and Faye: thanks for the encouragement, example, enthusiasm, and joy. I am indebted to my brothers, sister, sister’s in Law, nephews, and niece who always were ready to support me during my numerous trips from the valley to the highlands and back down to the valley. To the CC. of Huancapite. Thanks to its authorities and its members and children I found again ayllu; thank you for your example and teachings about Pachamama, happiness through work, and more. I am grateful to have had the opportunity to live again in the Peruvian highlands where the sky seems closer and the stars too. Finally, to the loving and constant support and encouragement of my four children, Pablo, Mirna, Silvia, and Francisco, Thank you, Gracias, Payqi.

Dedication To my mother and to my grandmother To the grandmother of my mother For teaching me the value of knowledge. To John To Ezequiel Francisco, Miranda, and Edmé. Plants for Pachamama, tomorrows of hope.

Table of Contents Abstract ...... ii Preface ...... iii Acknowledgements ...... iv Dedication ...... v Table of Contents ...... vi List of Tables ...... xii List of Figures ...... xiii Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 More Meanings in the Flow of Life ...... 1 Metaphors of sustainability ...... 1 Document content...... 2 What I expected to learn in this study...... 3 Importance of research questions...... 3 Proposed questions to be answered within the scope of the dissertation...... 3 Purpose of the Study ...... 4 Research Location in South America ...... 5 Review of Relevant Literature ...... 6 Scholars sharing concerns with this research...... 6 Supplementing previous researchers...... 22 Chapter 2: Andean Worldview ...... 25 Introduction ...... 25 Etymology and background of worldview...... 25 Worldview in Peru and in the Andes ...... 31 Worldview in Peru and in Latin America.: ...... 32 Andean worldview (cosmovisión Andina)...... 36 Nurturance...... 40 What can we conclude from this discussion of Andean worldview (Cosmovisión Andina or Andean Weltanschauung) that is of relevance to this research? ...... 44 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 45 Andean Sustainability Metaphor ...... 45 Searching ...... 45 vi

WARP elements of ASMS, ontology and epistemology...... 46 Why Not a Hypothesis ...... 52 Supporting Methodology Approaches...... 52 What did I study and how did I access it? ...... 52 Methodology ...... 58 Ethnographic experience...... 59 Phenomenological research...... 64 Basis of Metaphor Analysis...... 70 Types of Metaphor...... 77 Metonymy...... 79 Metaphor and the cognitive science...... 81 Significance of the Study ...... 82 Philosophical approach...... 82 Interdisciplinarity, art, and spirituality...... 83 Languages: English, Spanish, and Qichwa...... 83 Methodologies ...... 83 Methods ...... 83 Qualitative Data Analysis, and Validity ...... 88 Strength of this study’s qualitative data...... 90 Qualitative data’s competence and concurrent flows of analysis...... 91 Instrumentation and instrument validity...... 91 Conflicts and dilemmas...... 92 Quality of conclusions...... 92 Chapter 4: Community Based Collaboration and Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ..... 96 Introduction ...... 96 Significance and contribution ...... 97 Community Based Collaboration (CBC) in a Traditional Community (TC) ...... 97 Method’s characteristics...... 97 Getting to know each other (CBC-Gtk)...... 98 Learning and teaching in and out the community (CBC-Lt)...... 99 Continuing working together (CBC-Cwt)...... 100 vii

Conversing in Runasimi and Spanish (CBC-Crs)...... 103 Analyzing and concluding together (CBC-Act)...... 104 Closing, farewell, and a future tinkuy (CBC-Fpt)...... 106 Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) ...... 106 Face-to-face interviews...... 107 Discussion of IPA Outcomes ...... 121 Focus on relationships...... 121 Focus on agriculture for life...... 127 Focus on Landscape...... 134 Focus on Weather...... 139 Testing or Confirming Findings ...... 147 Representativeness...... 147 Research effects...... 147 Getting feedback from participants...... 148 Theories transferability and findings testing...... 148 Chapter 5: Metaphor Analysis in Oral Expressions ...... 150 Introduction ...... 150 Significance and contribution...... 150 Metaphor Analysis ...... 150 Shaping the meaning of sustainability in Huancapite...... 152 Expressions of sustainability through selected utterances...... 154 Testing or Confirming Findings ...... 188 Theories’ transferability...... 189 Testing findings...... 189 Chapter 6: Metaphor Analysis in Visual Expressions ...... 190 Introduction ...... 190 Significance and contribution...... 190 The Away Art, Knowledge and Significance in the Andes ...... 190 Oral/visual expressions and sustainability...... 193 Some Elements in the Current Andean Art: Away ...... 200 Introduction...... 200 viii

Weaving and metaphor in ancient Peru...... 200 Water images in current traditional Andean clothing...... 203 Outcomes of Chapters Five and Six ...... 210 Testing or Confirming Findings ...... 211 Theories’ transferability...... 212 Testing findings...... 212 Chapter 7: Sustainability Metaphors ...... 213 Introduction ...... 213 Identifying Sustainability Metaphors ...... 213 Sustainability Metaphors in Huancavelica Textiles...... 213 Finding sustainability metaphors underlying textiles’ images...... 214 Chumpi I...... 215 ChumpiII(a), ChII(a)...... 218 Finding Sustainability Metaphors Underlying Oral Expressions ...... 222 Procedure A...... 222 JCPW’s Utterances (12) and (18)...... 223 Procedure B...... 224 Sustainability Metaphors ...... 229 Frequency of identified sustainability metaphors...... 231 Sustainability Metaphors from Huancavelica ...... 233 Discussion on Relevant Features of Identified SU Metaphors ...... 235 Nouns that the source domain symbolizes...... 235 Metaphor’s features and similarities...... 237 Meaning, interpretation, and applicability of the sustainability metaphors...... 244 Image-schemas of metaphor’s source domain ...... 250 Chapter 8: Answers to Research Questions and Conclusions ...... 258 Introduction ...... 258 Purpose...... 259 Answering Question One ...... 259 ‘Sustainability’ in the Andean highlands...... 260 Answering Question Two ...... 262 ix

Nature...... 262 Role and effect...... 263 Answering Question Three ...... 263 Similar sustainability metaphors...... 263 Image-Schemas and inspiring metaphors...... 264 Conclusions ...... 265 Specific conclusions...... 265 Quality of conclusions...... 265 General conclusions...... 269 On validity and an ongoing relationship with the TC Andean community...... 271 On this study’s contribution...... 271 Future research ...... 271 References ...... 272 Appendix A: Basic Concepts ...... 297 Appendix B: Relevant NTL Principles for Metaphor Analysis ...... 299 Primary Metaphor and the Neural Theory of Metaphor ...... 299 Meaningful node...... 300 Neural maps...... 300 Neural Binding...... 300 A gestalt circuits...... 301 Linking circuits...... 301 Mapping circuits...... 301 Image-schema...... 302 Blending and metaphor vs blends...... 302 Appendix C: Ethics Review and Forms for Participants ...... 303 Ethics Review ...... 303 Delivered Forms at the Collaborating Community ...... 304 Participant Forms ...... 307 The consent of each person to participate...... 307 Appendix D: Chanka Qichwa-English Glossary ...... 311 Appendix E: IPA Master Table of Themes for The Group ...... 315 x

Themes for the Group (of Six Participants) ...... 315 Appendix F: Features from Huancapite ...... 323 Huancapite Mountains ...... 323 Huancapite’s Puquios (Springs) ...... 323 Cultural Features ...... 324 Origin of the name of Huancapite...... 324

List of Tables Table 1.1. Conceptual metaphors and metaphorical mappings ...... 12 Table 2.1. Tripartite division of the Andean world ...... 38 Table 3.1. The mind, the traditional view, and the new view ...... 50 Table 3.2. What was searched and how/why was it accessed ...... 53 Table 3.3. Source domains vs target domains ...... 78 Table 3.4. Methodologies, methods to be applied, and research questions ...... 87 Table 4.1. CBC steps, activities, and resource providers ...... 105 Table 4.2. Participants’ pseudonyms, date of interview, time and code ...... 108 Table 4.3. Excerpt of WAYTA (WT) IPA analysis initial comments ...... 111 Table 4.4. WAYTA IPA ANALYSIS developing emergent themes ...... 115 Table 4.5. Super-ordinate themes and themes from Wayta ...... 118 Table 4.6. Excerpt from the master table of themes for the group ...... 119 Table 5.1. IPA Participants’ selected oral expressions ...... 151 Table 5.2. Conceptual Metaphor and Conceptual Metonymy ...... 165 Table 5.3. Metonymy and Metaphors from which Yuraq’s utterance is example ...... 169 Table 5.4. Metaphors underlying Anqas’ selected expression ...... 172 Table 5.5. Image-schemata (I-s) in sustainability related metonymies (SUr Mn) ...... 187 Table 6.1. Image-schemata, metonymies in textiles ...... 208 Table 7.1. Identifying sustainability in participants’ utterances ...... 220 Table 7.2. Identifying sustainability in participants’ utterances pt 2 ...... 226 Table 7.3. Outcoming sustainability metaphor underlying utterances ...... 230 Table 7.4. Propositional names of sustainability metaphors ...... 232 Table 7.5. Sustainability metaphors from Huancavelica ...... 234 Table 7.6. Kind of concept(s) and the source domain of Huancavelica sustainability metaphors ...... 236 Table 7.7. Source domains of sustainability related (integrating) metonymies ...... 239 Table 7.8. Source domains in sustainability as art metaphor ...... 240 Table 7.9. Source domains in sustainability as art metaphor ...... 241 Table 7.10. Image-schemas characterizing the concepts underpinning the source ...... 250 Table 8.1. Conceptual sustainability metaphors identified in Huancavelica ...... 260

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List of Figures Figure 1.1. Huancapite. Research location for the present study ...... 5 Figure 2.1. Cross of Tiawanaku ...... 42 Figure 3.1. The Andean Awana (loom) ...... 46 Figure 3.2. Epistemological/ontological approach of this study ...... 48 Figure 3.3. Walking path from Huancapite to Paucara ...... 56 Figure 4.1. Tantawawa (Bread baby) photo and sketch ...... 102 Figure 4.2. Community members at the Cemetery ...... 129 Figure 4.3. Community members at the chakra ...... 129 Figure 4.4. Community member harvesting potatoes ...... 132 Figure 4.5. Children walking with a grandmother in fields of the community ...... 135 Figure 4.6. Mutuy growing in small chakras close to the community’s houses ...... 137 Figure 4.7. Rainbow after a rainy afternoon ...... 139 Figure 4.8. Embroidered, woven, and growing flowers in the community...... 142 Figure 5.1. Container-image schemata ...... 157 Figure 5.2. Container-image schemata 2 ...... 163 Figure 5.3. Container-image schemata 3 ...... 167 Figure 5.4. The Container I-s and The Link I-s ...... 177 Figure 5.5. Link image-schema ...... 179 Figure 5.6. The path-image schema ...... 181 Figure 6.1. A manta with the distinctive colors from Huancapite ...... 192 Figure 6.2. A manta from the region and a chullu with small images ...... 193 Figure 6.3. Embroidered seam of a manta’s pieces ...... 194 Figure 6.4. Seamless natural-cultural landscape (Macchu Picchu) ...... 202 Figure 6.5. Section of a Chumpi from Paucara ...... 204 Figure 6.6. Section of a chumpi from Huancapite ...... 206 Figure 6.7. Some images represented in a manta from Huancapite ...... 210

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Chapter 1: Introduction Rather, they speak from the heart, …it is the inner silence that allows them to listen… to the subtle resonances that lie within each word of a language… F. David Peat, Blackfoot Physics More Meanings in the Flow of Life This study is the outcome of a collaborative of several persons concerned with the planet’s sustainability of life. Since existing scientific knowledge about ecosystems and industrial processes is not enough, prevention of environmental problems before they become impossible to solve is imperative. The type of “development” that focuses on material goods overstimulates production and promotes consumerism, severing all forms of life undeniably. The need for improving attitudes and actions toward sustainability have motivated the search for sources of inspiration. Cultures that could guide us to find the lost path towards the spirit of sustainability of Life on our planet. Metaphors of sustainability. The importance of metaphors is based on the fact that we think in metaphors, and these metaphors are expressed in different ways—orally, gesturally, visually, ritually and so on. This study includes oral and visual conceptual metaphors focused around sustainability. The conception of this study was inspired by two notions: 1. The worldwide and now idiomatic use of the word ‘sustainability’ and its several interpretations that influence attitudes and actions on the environment. Sustainability is more than environmental. It is also social, ecological, cultural and so on. 2. The outcomes of interactions of several fields of knowledge towards a better understanding of the interactions between the human brain and body and its physical and social environment, as expressed through language. Acknowledging the assumptions above brings the certainty that “the world is real, that our bodies and brains provide understandings of the world dependent on conceptual frames metaphors, prototypes and narratives” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999).

Document content. This document includes eight chapters: Chapter 1 introduces metaphors and the purpose of this study. This chapter also presents the review of relevant literature on metaphor, including metaphors found in the political and social discourse in Alberta, the human-Nature1 relationship, and sustainability. It ends with the research questions and a Chanka-Qichwa English Glossary. Chapter 2 introduces the concept of ‘worldview,’ its evolution, and its application to the Andean principles. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology, which is comprised of phenomenological research, ethnographic methodology, and metaphor analysis methodology. An outline of the epistemological and ontological basis of the study are also contained in this chapter, ending with the methods to be applied and criteria of quality. Chapter 4 details the community-based collaboration method and the interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), both undertaken at the collaborating community. This chapter ends with testing or confirming findings. Chapter 5 reports the application of the metaphor analysis to the utterances obtained as outcomes of the IPA method application. Chapter 6 presents the application of the metaphor analysis of visual expressions in textiles of traditional clothing from the region where the collaborating community is located. It recommends on transferability of theories and on testing findings. Chapter 7 integrates the metaphors and metonymies identified in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5 resulting with the sustainability metaphors answering the first research question of the study. In this chapter the analysis of the sustainability metaphors from Huancavelica are also reported. Chapter 8 summarizes the answers to the three research questions, including specific conclusions, a discussion of the quality of the conclusions derived, and final conclusions of this study.

1 In agreement with the Andean worldview, one of the elements of this study’s approach, the words Nature, Earth, Mother, and Pachamama (Mother Earth) will be capitalized to denote respect. 2

Research Questions What I expected to learn in this study. 1. Key metaphors in western and non-western sustainability expressions, 2. The influence that the above metaphors have on prevalent attitudes and feelings of individuals and groups toward the environment, 3. The differences found after comparing the outcomes, and 4. The links between sustainability key metaphors and sustainable actions on the environment. Importance of research questions. • Metaphors build conceptual systems that influence feelings, attitudes, and actions towards the environment. We may accept the responsibility for choosing appropriate metaphors. • Sustainability key metaphors from other contexts could awaken global environmental responsibility, empathy for others, and courage to avoid or stop unsustainable practices. • Key metaphors in sustainability discourse are to increase confidence in local values and practices that do not necessarily agree with current economic growth concepts. Proposed questions to be answered within the scope of the dissertation. One (Q1). What are the key metaphors relating to sustainability within the discourse of indigenous and western cultures? Two (Q2). What are the differences in nature, role, and effect of metaphors found in the western and indigenous sustainability discourse? Three (Q3). Which are the metaphors that inspire action for sustaining life on planet Earth? In the process of answering the above questions, Chapter 2 will introduce the Andean worldview and its context where the learning experience took place. Chapter 3 will delineate the methodology that supported the analysis in this study. The above questions are answered under an Andean worldview and constructionist interpretivist phenomenological approach. A three-part methodology supported the methods

achieving this study’s purpose. These methods included interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), community-based collaboration (CBC), and metaphor analysis (MA). The approach, methodology and methods will be discussed in detail in the following chapters. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study includes (a) learning about expressions of sustainability within the context of a community located in the Peruvian Andes (see page 5), (b) identifying the sustainability metaphors underpinning their attitudes and actions on their environment, and (c) analyzing the results under criteria including nature role and effect of the identified metaphors. Although we expected to identify key sustainability metaphors in western and non-western contexts, the available time only allowed us to identify the sustainability metaphors in a non-western context. Consequently, the research questions will be addressed through the findings in the Andean context where the proposed methodologies and methods were applied within the available period of time.

Research Location in South America Figure 1.1 Huancapite. Research location for the present study

Source: Google map. 5

Review of Relevant Literature Scholars sharing concerns with this research. The following discussion shares concerns about sustainability, metaphor, the human-Nature relationship, and the epistemological view of this research. On sustainability. Bostford, et al. (1997) support the evidence-based observation that humans are generating global change and endangering ecosystems (Holling, 1973) with the fallacy and/or inefficacy of sustainable development (Davison, 2001; Keough, 2007; Latour, 2002). Currently, the quantity, quality and location of anthropogenic environmental effects on planet Earth are being determined from space with accuracy and precision (McDonald, 2016). Since industrial activity and its effects are known, the need remains for finding more about traditional non-industrialized activities and the culture they are based on. This includes oral and visual expressions of these cultures. The results of reports on the state of the planet’s environment corroborate that economic growth is socially regressive and wealth is created in ways undermining environmental sustainability (Costanza et al., 2012; Juniper, 2014; Meadows et al., 2004; Redclift, 2006). The effects of unsustainable economic growth occurring in any location of the planet disturb the poor more due to global interconnectedness (Adger, 2006), affecting rural/indigenous life (Rowe & Sinclair, 2014; Bebbington, 2000; Bebbington et al., 2008). Redclift (2006) argues: “the North dumps much of its toxic waste and dirty technology on poorer countries and sources many of its ‘needs’ for energy, food and minerals from the South” (p. 70). Thus, he considers that the discourse on sustainability should include questions about social justice, governance, and equity. Scholars like M.J. Milne et al. (2006), exploring sources from management, organizational studies, and accounting, contrast two approaches to sustainability: (a) the weak sustainability approach, which involves discourse of ecological modernization, and (b) the more radical and critical sustainability discourse which identifies the limitations of the weak sustainability approach. The former approach is considered the more dominant, favouring managerial apprehension of the concept of sustainability through incremental improvements. In it, technology is seen as fundamental for economic and scientific advance and for dealing with environmental risk. Authors in this approach pay less attention to the

definition of sustainability/sustainable development than to how concepts of sustainability can be operationalized by businesses in pursuit of sustainability. The Brundtland Report’s definition of sustainability (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987) prompted business commitment that conflated the concepts of sustainable development and sustainability, with organizations beginning to proclaim the existence of a strong “business case for sustainable development” (Day & Arnold, 1998). Business action towards sustainability has been presented as a win-win situation by authors such as Elkington (2004), who have argued that business can benefit itself, society, and the environment all at once. Thus, eco-efficiency became the practice of several organizations whose discourse is considered a version of weak sustainability by Milne et. al (2006). The call for strong sustainability, as opposed to an organizational or techno-centric approach to sustainability, is led by critical theorists from accounting, management, organizational studies, economic and political theory (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). These theorists propose that sustainability is a simple concept meaning “living in material comfort and peacefully within the means of nature” (Wackernagel & Rees, 1996, p. 32-40). A number of strong sustainability theorists have doubted the business case and the business-centered approach, and they are critical of practice based on eco-efficiency as an appropriate solution (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). (McDonough & Braungart, 1998) argue that eco-efficiency working within the same system where the problem was originated offers no change, and thus will allow industry to completely finish off the environment. Eco-efficiency and other organizational notions of sustainability fail to bond with urgent environmental and sustainability problems because they do not consider cumulative effects of economic activities on a limited resource base (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). Some studies in the critical/radical area propose a sociolinguistic constructionist analysis of the corporate politics of survivalism. Welford (1998) argues that businesses, as the main polluters, are involved in defining sustainability-related concepts for themselves, making sure to provide, at best, only a weak definition of sustainable development. Organizations’ rhetoric includes metaphorical representations used in their sustainability/values reporting (M. J. Milne et al., 2006).

M. J. Milne et al. (2006, p. 807). underline how Livesey and Kearins (2002) focus on the metaphors of transparency and care of sustainability values of the Body Shop and Royal Dutch/Shell group’s report, claiming a concurrence of business economics and accountancy. But for Milne et al., although organizations can mix discourses, a close analysis shows tensions in the concept of sustainability that they are trying to determine (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). Weak sustainability discourses tend to trust metaphors that link economic growth with environmental protection, raising a false sense of the future perfect. Ecological survivalism uses metaphors about limits, carrying capacity and overshoot, and emphasizes emotional biological and interconnected ties between humans and environment (Dryzek, 2013). A small number of writers, whom M.J. Milne et al., (2006) locate in the discourse of ecological modernization, use “the journey metaphor to describe sustainability not as a destination but as an ongoing adaptive learning process” (Milne et al., 2006, 808) Keough (2007), in contrast to dominant sustainability concepts (Du Pisani, 2006; M. J. Milne & Gray, 2013; Purvis et al., 2019), proposes sustaining ecological communities. This approach involves a turning to the local place and the life world instead of to the global, space, and the techno-system (Davison, 2001; Latour, 2002). Keough bases his alternative sustainability conception on phenomenology, complexity theory, transformational learning, and human geography concepts of place, scale, and nature. This sustainability conception shares some features with this study. Among them are embodied phenomenology and a conception of sustainability free of neo-colonial techno-system roots, as this study involved participating within a specific place. Moreover, this research implicitly includes sustaining the qualities of ecological communities—creativity, love and improvisation—and acknowledges that life, as conceived by the Andean worldview, includes more than humanity and its survival, Another approach to sustainability that introduces human geography concepts like scale is the shared society for sustainable development approach from the Club de Madrid (de Madrid, 2017). The shared society approach proposes a holistic vision under which every member feels part of the whole, is sensitive to the well-being of others, and shares responsibilities. The values and practice of this approach are found in small-scale

communities where all the members are known to each other. The authors of this approach also recognize that in many indigenous societies, (a) there exists a direct knowledge of and contact with the surrounding environment; (b) there is a deep and rich knowledge of the natural world; (c) there is a complex knowledge about sustainability; and (d) there are principles and practices that could contribute to the harmony between humans and nature (de Madrid, 2017). Capra (2002) emphasizes the systemic appeal of the concept of sustainability as a property of a whole web of relationships and not only as an individual property. Consequently, understanding sustainability demands systemic ecological literacy as a relevant component of all levels of education. Kagan (2013) proposes the following principles of ecology as indispensable to sustaining life: • Networks – living systems that live within other living systems. They communicate with one another and share resources across their boundaries, which do not separate but identify them; • Cycles – living organisms feed on matter and energy from their environments to survive, the waste produced by a group of them is the food for another group. Thus, matter cycles continuously in the web of life; • Solar energy is transformed into chemical energy by green plants’ photosynthesis. It is what drives the natural cycles; • Partnership – persistent cooperation makes possible the exchange of energy and resources in an ecosystem where life is sustained; • Diversity – richness and complexity in ecosystems is what gives them stability and resilience; • Dynamic balance – an ecosystem’s feedback loops keep the ecosystem’s dynamic balance and its condition of network of variables fluctuating around their optimal values. Many scholars consider that navigating our challenging future requires changing the way we live and behave, or else Nature will impose changes on us (Conard, 2013). Several businesses have added “sustainability” in their labelling but have continued with “business as usual.” Since metaphors are mental structures that are independent of language but can be expressed through

language, we think and converse by means of many (thousands) of conceptual metaphors, mostly without consciousness (Lakoff, 2009). Appropriate communication (sustainability metaphors) towards sustaining life on the planet, including human sustainability, awakens attitudes, and eventually actions in this direction (Kaufman, 2020). The purpose of this study is based on this premise. On sustainability and sustainable development. Sustainability and sustainable development (SD) are often used interchangeably (Norton, 2005); however, Axelsson et al. (Axelsson et al., 2011) consider them different concepts. They describe sustainability as a policy vision of the society with the primary purpose of preventing the depletion of natural resources (Axelsson et al., 2011). It is more complex than business-oriented sustainable development (Clark, 2002), and it involves issues such as biodiversity conservation ecological integrity etc. (Ramakrishnan, 2001). For Axelsson et al. (2011), SD is a collective societal process, including multiple stakeholders with differing positions and power. Both are a social learning and steering process involving management and governance mechanism presented as SD (Lee, 1993). Sustainability’s conceptual nature (Ekins et al., 2003) makes it easily misunderstood, although popular (Slimane, 2012). SD is proposed as multidimensional in scope (Slimane, 2012), and an integrated concept (Sartori et al., 2014) based on the principles of sustainability (Dovers & Handmer, 1992). Sacha Kagan (2013) introduces the view of Capra (2002) for sustainability in the global age: “what is sustained in a sustainable community is not economic growth or development but the whole web of life on which our long-term survival depends” (p. 214). Kagan also underlines Capra’s (2002) rejection of the contradictory nature of ‘sustainable development,’ which assumes that economic growth is the major objective of human life. This growth-centric premise makes sustainable development a concept that collapses at least in two ways: (a) Behind the self-evidence of economic growth lies a hyper-materialistic belief in consumer-welfare as synonymous to happiness. The assumed link between development and happiness is disputed (Easterlin, 2013; Oishi et al., 2011). (b) As an understatement for the carryover of ‘development’ discourses and their culture of unsustainability, sustainable development is a confusing concept. Its effect is the

destabilisation of the vision of ‘sustainability,’ driving people away from a concept they consider a politically correct empty formula. The concept of sustainable development raises issues against sustainability and awakens suspicions against the adjective ‘sustainable.’ The concept of conservation of ‘natural capital’ requires the inclusion of key distributional questions. Who owns and controls genetic materials, and manages the environment? What is the relationship between the environmental services performed by low- income populations and their future stake in the conservation of resource systems? A concern with sustainable development raises such issues more forcefully than ever (Redclift, 1987). Behind the concerns of the Rio declaration (agenda 21) there were assumptions, namely that (a) science and politics are able to deal with environmental problems (climate change, loss of diversity and so on) (Becker et al., 1999); and that b) the Global North and South shared the same interest in ensuring that future economic development was not prejudicial for the environment. But orthodox financial institutions are unable to control environmental problems. The Rio Declaration’s detailed prediction of cooperation is still elusive (Redclift, 1987), and the shared interests view was superseded by the globalization discourse giving raise to different discourses from different actors at different spatial levels (Milbrath, 1984). For instance, the word nature is used in diverse ways, depending on the discipline or worldview, to express economic or social interests in the environment. Conservationists use nature to mean an “object” such as habitat, forest, wetland. Environmental groups mean place-based identity, their own natural environment. Policy discourse uses nature to mean a professional judgement on the type or value of a resource: natural capital, resource pool, natural sink (Redclift, 2005). Each symbolizes a group and indicates its interest. Protecting “nature” becomes protecting endangered ecosystems, species, and ‘indigenous people’ inhabiting these spaces. It has “not been clear where these discrete interests overlap or diverge” (Redclift, 2005, p. 220). On metaphor. Metaphors are conceptual mappings, resulting from correlations, rather than just linguistic expressions (Lakoff, & Johnson, 1979). A metaphor correlates a concept A in terms of a concept B. The concept A is called the target domain and the concept B is called the source domain. For example, in the metaphor LOVE IS A JOURNEY, A is LOVE, the target domain, B is JOURNEY, the source domain. Lakoff and Johnson (1979) proposed the basis of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Table 1.1).

Table 1.1 Conceptual metaphors and metaphorical mappings, basis of conceptual metaphor theory Conceptual Metaphors (CM) Metaphorical mappings (MM) are conceptual mappings from the conceptual are correlations that form a stable system. They system. Some CM are built by correlations in physically exist in our brain, they are partial. MM embodied experience. are usually across conceptual domains, as in Affection is Warmth, where Affection is the target conceptual domain and Warmth is the source conceptual domain. CM are used by metaphorical language and by MM may be from a specific case to a more much of our reasoning. Most of the CM belong to general case, as in A Competition Is A Race, the cognitive unconscious. CM are learned and where the specific case is A race and the general used without awareness. case is A competition. CM are often taken as defining reality, to live in MM operate on source domain frame and image- agreement with them. schema structure. Via MM, source domain structures (image-schema and frame structures) are used for reasoning about the target domain Some aspects of one of the CM are Two of the relevant sources of data are communicated by different linguistic generalizations over inference patterns (in the expressions. Novel metaphorical language use source and target domains) and generalizations the system of conventional CM. over lexical items (that can be used of both source and target domains) One of the CM “may be used in understanding a Love is a Journey is built by simpler metaphors word although that word is not recognised in the as, (A) Purposes are Destinations, Difficulties are source domain of the metaphor.” From CM “can impediments to Motion, A Relationship is a result target domain entities and target domain Container, Intimacy is Closeness. Love is a predications.” Journey is built including commonplace literal frame-based knowledge. (B) A Vehicle is an Complex metaphors are built up of simpler Instrument for Travel (a vehicle is a container metaphors and commonplace frames. The where travelers are close together). People are Neural Theory of Language explains the expected to have life goals, Lovers ideally have “maximize bindings” to building complex compatible life goals. (A) and (B) are put metaphors, due to the “fact that the brain is a together to build the compositional structure of best-fit system.” These metaphors arise the complex metaphor. naturally via best fit.

To support the social relevance of scientific metaphors and their function between science and society, Larson (2011) examines metaphor in his book New metaphors for

sustainability. Larson’s language-worldview discussion is in English. However, he considers indigenous language pertinent for improving our relationship with the planet, and the metaphors of science. Based on social scientists’ work (Basso, 1996; Bertolas, 1998; Bird David, 1993; Edge, 1974), Larson calls for awareness and preservation of worldwide cultures, including languages, metaphors, and Nature’s knowledge. Larson concludes that an inclusive sustainability discourse must contest the current regime and its global effects. Larson’s call and conclusions support the purpose and approach of this research. George Lakoff & Mark Johnson (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003), in their Metaphors We live By, establish that metaphor (i) is a property of concepts and not of words, (ii) makes us better understand concepts and is not only artistic or aesthetic, (iii) is often not based on similarity, (iv) is used every day by everybody, and (v) is an inevitable process of human thought and reasoning. Metaphors are not simply a linguistic ornament. Lakoff & Johnson (1999) demonstrate that cognition is embodied, thus, (a) the mind is embodied, (b) thought is mostly unconscious, as our knowledge and beliefs are conceptual systems residing mostly in the cognitive unconscious, and (c) abstract concepts are largely metaphorical, the unconscious mind uses metaphor to define our unconscious metaphysics. About nonverbal metaphor, Lakoff & Johnson (1999) emphasize that some metaphors are manifested in grammar, gesture, art, or ritual, and they may be secondarily manifested through language and in other symbolic ways. Marianna Bolognesi (2015) affirms that conceptual metaphors are mothers of thought that can be expressed through sounds, gesture, and images. For Bolognesi the information carried by verbal and visual metaphors overlaps only partially (Bolognesi & Aina, 2017). Eli Rozic (2008), in his book On Metaphoric Thinking, proposes that (a) nonverbal metaphor is present in the imagistic/iconic arts and other verbal signification and communication; (b) the nonverbal approach suggests that verbal and nonverbal metaphors share a structure that explains the surface structures of each language/medium and shared rules of ellipsis; c) metaphor reflects a non-verbal mode of thinking of imagistic origin, with roots in preverbal thinking. It is shown by dreaming, daydreaming, mythmaking, imaginative play, drawings and spontaneous metaphor. Ksenia Sidorova (2000) underlines the metaphoric character of the ritual language and the importance of ritual actions in their communicative character. Indigenous Andean

communities’ rituals inform their worldview and may be a source of sustainability metaphors. The Andean ritual of vicuña chacku, practiced since pre-Inca times (Torres, 2014), is a ritual metaphor of sustainability. Sidorova and Torres both support the relevance and feasibility of exploring metaphor (oral, written, visual or ritual) in the sustainability discourse, which is the purpose of this research. Use of metaphor. In Putting Nature in Order: A Portfolio of Exhibits, David Wade Chambers (1984) displays pictures of and quotations on Nature, touching on themes such as order, systems, form, and knowledge by way of metaphor. He offers stimulating observation, analysis and interpretation of images, symbols, and patterns. His work proposes that knowledge expressed as metaphor is a simpler means of communicating complexity. Chambers shows scientific discourse using metaphor to be accessible, because scientific thinking is metaphoric. This source supports metaphor’s ability to simplify concepts such as sustainability—the purpose of this research. Organization theorists have used many metaphors to characterize organizations and organizational processes (Morgan, 1997). For instance, metaphoric themes might compare an organization and its processes to a military unit, or to a family, or to the act of gardening, and so on, to emphasize specific features (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). Metaphors have had a changing popularity. The journey metaphor, business and sustainability. It was found that, in annual businesses reports, the themes most associated with sustainability were caring and sharing; measuring and managing; commitment; balancing; and journeying (M. Milne et al., 2004). Although journey is not the theme most associated with sustainability in business, it is prominent. Journey is used to represent sustainability in business and in texts on sustainability, or it is coupled with themes such as commitment and progress (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). After a Google search it was found that the term journey is frequently associated with sustainability and sustainable development. These terms were also found in the same association in political speeches, CEO’s speeches, opening and closing statements of the World Summit on Sustainable Development, corporate advertising, corporate reports, corporate websites, newspaper reports, corporate and government

agency newsletters, business association press releases, conference flyers and the titles of conference presentations. (Milne et al., 2006, p. 814) Words such as caring, sharing, balancing, commitment and progress are also associated with sustainability (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). The use of journey in these texts was explored by Milne et al., (2006) in a more detailed fashion, and their findings include (a) that sustainable development is being appropriated into business discourse; (b) there is an emphasis on a commitment to continuous improvement towards sustainability in the businesses discourse; (c) that invoking the journey metaphor allows organizations to underline that they may be just beginning their engagement with sustainability, that there are difficulties involved, that sustainability involves continual learning; and (d) business discourse includes little emphasis on destination, or a statement on no-destination (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). The prevalence of the terms “journey” and “sustainability” in business discourse have resulted in their use in new related ways, thus, the reporting of the triple bottom line of an organization: that it is on a journey or part of a journey, showing its commitment to becoming a ‘sustainable business’ instead of a business contributing to a sustainable society (M. J. Milne et al., 2006). According to Milne et al., the inclusion of metaphor in the sustainability discourse and specifically in business communication of sustainability aims and achievements has both subtle and powerful effects. Sustainability as a journey metaphor, simplifies the meaning of sustainability making it accessible to any person and even do-able and more when it is used with the triple bottom line metaphor. Journey also has the effect of deferring sustainability giving it the sense of being necessarily linked to sustainability for it to be achieved. The ambiguity involved in the journey metaphor permits organizations deflecting dissenting voices by presenting themselves as “on the path” toward sustainable development avoiding being seen as doing nothing or married to the paradigm of exploitation; it emphasizes processes and not outcomes; uses language in a non-referential way difficult to counter; it is often portrayed as shared or common; one that emphasizes consensus; redefines sustainability avoiding threatening business as usual, journey is a polyvalent post-modern term. (M. J. Milne et al., 2006)

M. J. Milne et al. (2006) quote Sutton (2001) as asserting, when we deal with sustainability, we cannot afford to have an open-ended attitude. In the case of sustainability, the destination is definitely more important than the ‘journey.’ A sustainable state is not a place, it is a condition ... just like health is a condition and not a place. There are a huge range of ways to be sustainable but it’s imperative that we actually achieve one of those configurations, otherwise we will not achieve sustainability and something that we value highly will be lost... Working forever ‘towards’ is not enough! (Sutton, 2001). In conclusion, based on what the above authors exposed, organizations that adopt the

SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY metaphor, accept that the required improvement in terms of sustainability can defer addressing key moral issues and maintain business as usual. WAR metaphor. Koller (2004) and Krause (1995) find that the war metaphor is central to descriptions of male and female corporate executives in business magazines and business books. Talbot (2003) affirms that this metaphor has guided theory, research, and education in strategic management. Isn’t environmental management based on strategic management? Heath (2007) and Krause (1995) argue that Sun Tzu’s The Art of War, applied to business practice, exemplifies the warfare theory that has been brought into business strategy. Although most strategic management scholars are silent on the effects of the war metaphor on business activities, for Luc Audebrand (2010), a Canadian scholar, this metaphor has potentially negative effects on sustainability. Wenner ( 2007), reports that Susan Sontag, who wrote on metaphors describing sicknesses, warns of the deceptiveness of war metaphors. Through our exploration of metaphors within two global contexts we intend to complement the above research on sustainability metaphors. It has become urgent for us to ask: could a discourse filled with war metaphors inspire actions toward sustainability of life in/on the planet? Competition in the Western world. In the western world interest in competition is extended to several if not all the fields of life. One can expect to find or invent several competition metaphors in each of them. The following three examples include (1) psychological research on the effects of competition, (2) commitment to environmental sustainability and

climate change under competition, and (3) competition competencies in entrepreneurship education. 1. In selections between uncertain options, information exploration can increase discriminating good from bad alternatives, however competition severely reduces information search prior to choice (Phillips et al., 2014) 2. Commitment to sustainability investment by all firms (competition of all) results in the lowest sustainability investment for industry, when the commitment is made by only one firm (no competition) sustainability investment in the industry can be the highest (Sim & Kim, 2019). 3. Competition competencies are becoming part of the expected outcomes in entrepreneurship education. Competition as principle and praxis has a high degree of importance in the western world. The objective of deepening competition in the education of future entrepreneurs demands considerable attention to the inclusion of a detailed set of strategies to prepare future managers in various categories of competition, such as competition for results, for resources, in competition action performance, educational management, and self-management (Rubin et al., 2019). It is concerning to see the absence of environmental considerations, even as competition, among the priorities and expected outcomes of entrepreneurship education. Sustainability as triple bottom line metaphor. The triple bottom line concept, originating in the late 1990s, is based on the results of a survey of international experts in corporate social responsibility (CSR) and sustainable development (SD) conducted when SustainAbility2 (founded in 1987) was looking for a new language to expand its environmental agenda (Elkington, 2004).

2 SustainAbility is a sustainable business consultancy based in London, Washington D.C, and Zurich. It was co- funded by John Elkington, a leading authority in sustainable development and triple bottom line business strategy. 17

Since SustainAbility mainly works with businesses, they considered that the language should resonate with business brains. Consequently, they coined the term ‘sustainAbility’ in 1994. Henriques and Richardson (2004) consider that there are two kinds of approaches to sustainability: Top-down and inside-out. Top-down emphasizes management, measurement, and control. The inside-out approach stresses the importance of change and innovation. New systems and methods allow working outside of the current structure for new results, since “When stakeholders view your vulnerability you can be trusted” (Henriques & Richardson, 2004, 1). The triple bottom line (TBL) is a metaphor from the top-down world of accounting. It includes powers and limits from top-down and inside out perspectives (Elkington, 2004; Henriques & Richardson, 2004). Its concept is that business activity can simultaneously deliver financial, social and environmental benefits. The inventor of TBL emphasizes the inside-out approach of sustainability and sees the TBL as a catalyst to move towards a more pluralistic world where different types of corporations (locusts, caterpillars, butterflies, honeybees) require different responses from government and civil society (Henriques & Richardson, 2004). Accountability and diversity are aspects that are not included in TBL to deal with sustainability (Henriques, 2004). The pressure to account in financial terms leads to compromises with sustainability by trading off one type of capital for another, or by ignoring whole-system qualities and relationships that are key parts of sustainability (Richardson, 2004). The TBL agenda is a beginning. A comprehensive approach involving stakeholders and coordinates across many areas of government policy (tax, technology, economic development, labour, security, corporate reporting and so on) will be needed. Developing this approach to sustainable development and environmental protection will be a central governance challenge – and, a market challenge – in the 21st century (Elkington, 2004). Some scholars consider that it might tend to be very financially productive if industry begins to ask questions about equity and ecology up front as “triple top line” rather than turning to them after the fact (Braungart & McDonough, 2002). Sustainability as triple bottom line was inspired by, designed for, and addressed to businesses. It is only the beginning for a more comprehensive approach to sustainability. Some western scholars (Berry, 2015; M. N. Williams, 2015; A. M. Williams, 2010) consider that (a) it

is difficult to understand since its terms are not very familiar; (b) it is difficult to quantify since the social and environmental variables are complex and require a disclosure of the financial benefits obtained mainly by industry; and (c) it is oriented to businesses. Sustainability as economic performance metaphor. This metaphor is included in the announcements and publications of big companies. It is also evident that social, environmental and governance issues have influence on the economic fortune of a given company. However, still much is required to be done for these issues to be core elements of the corporate governance and top management agenda. Mainly sustainability remains trapped at the level of a vision without access to the day-to-day application or chosen priority in decision making. Few current guidelines bring them to the level of competitiveness in mainstream markets to guide managers to adopt the cliché, “To do well by doing good’ (Elkington, 2017). Sustainability as movement (driving, forward) metaphor. The sustainability as movement metaphor is influencing businesses’ response to customers preferring to choose products associated with sustainable processes and materials production. Awareness about sustainability is larger among younger generations. Lately the sustainability as movement metaphor has been used to show that consumer purchases are driven by sustainability (Chadha, 2019; Sweeney & Connors, 2019). This metaphor is perhaps too concise, needing a more extended explanation about its relationship with driving and force and how it applies to customers’ attitudes and expectations about sustainability, and how this could condition the response of businesses. Sustainability as art metaphor. Creating a more sustainable world requires the participation of art in this effort because society, art, and environment are intrinsically linked. However, models addressing issues around sustainability exhibit a ‘culture deficit;’ they do not include the culture of the inner human being (Kurt, 2020). Presented below are some comments from the discussion paper, “Arts, culture, and sustainability: Visions for the future,” presented in 2009 at the Copenhagen conference Arts. Environment. Sustainability. DeVlieg (2009) tells us that human behaviour since immemorial time has been reflected recorded, debated and represented by art, its methods have proven to be effective promoting awareness, reflection, and creative problem solving. For Keng Sen (2009), emphasizing local culture that is dynamic and diverse, globally resilient and stable, is possible. Thus, to do good by

disentangling it from the unsustainable and unnatural, to be creative doers and makers. Kagan (2009) writes, The deep and qualitative complexity of the world does not fit with the clear coherent, uni-dimensional logic of theories and worldviews we have learned to design. We have to engage in an unprecedented creative leap towards complexity which will require transdisciplinary advances in all cultural sectors. Arts could contribute to moving towards a future dia-logic, ambiguous complex paradigm. The art should develop an ‘aesthetics of sustainability.’ (p. 12). Visvanathan (2009) writes, To break bread is to share ideas but if ideas belong to different worlds because they belong to different ways of life, one must seek a new language of translation which holds both our truths together in the full life blood of meaning. One cannot reduce it to the dullness of sustainability. This is a prosaic term that hides the poetics of survival... A sustainability ‘in uniform’ has no understanding of diversity. When sustainability is commodified, diversity becomes instrumentality. It cannot then say a seed is, therefore, I am. (p, 12) Gaffney (2009) writes, We focus on culture that is locally dynamic & diverse and globally resilient & stable... we wanted to talk about the possibility of doing good...about creative thinkers, doers and makers, deploying their imagination and ingenuity to shape a brighter future, disentangling from the unsustainable and unnatural” (p. 12). And lastly, Sood (2009) writes, By connecting with their communities, art practitioners, designers, architects and creative thinkers are superbly placed to solve problems using ideas based on community input and lateral thinking. Activists, advocates, community workers and educationalists are in daily touch with their communities and can thus help to organise the meeting of these various civil society actors with the aim of facilitating positive change” (p. 18).

On human-Nature relationship and sustainability. Ulrich Grober (2012), in his Sustainability: A Cultural History, displays several images from European (Western) human- Nature relationship history. He provides articulated events, ideologies, policy, and politics concerning sustainability and the environment based on the changes in the above relationship. In discussing ‘Earth politics,’ Grober underlines the contributions of Indira Ghandi demanding the abolition of poverty, and of the Brandt report’s re-defining resolve to avoid confounding growth with development (Grober, 2012). The “Buen vivir” (good living) discourses, articulated by South American scholars, consider the basic problem of sustainability: mutual dependence in the humans-Nature equation (Vanhulst, 2015). These scholars propose working toward post-extractivism, zero poverty, and zero native species extinction, among other outcomes (Gudynas, 2011). In buen vivir, individual rights are subjugated to those of people, community, and Nature. Gudynas (2013) recognizes that the concept emerged in the literature from combining the contribution of indigenous worldview with 30 years of western critique of capitalism. After its insertion in the constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia, it is used via three perspectives (Gudynas, 2014), (a) generic: as a label to critique development and support progressive governmental initiatives; (b) restricted: to critique specific capitalist issues although the alternative is still modern; and (c) substantive: ideas sharing a critique and an alternative to current development that is post-socialist and post-capitalist, harmonizing western and indigenous sources. This formulation corresponds to the original sense of the concept. Noel Gough (Gough, 2014), in his article Narrative and Nature: Unsustainable Fictions in Environmental Education, examines “the selected fictions” underpinning environmental education. Due to the prevailing unsustainable perceptions of environmental issues, he urges us to live in more sustainable interrelationships with the environment. He analyzes grammatical and environmental interpretations, explores narrative inquiry in environmental education, and examines the narrative construction of detached instrumentalism. Gough encourages building narratives and stories by learning (a) narratives that “transcend the proposed difference” between the Earth and us; (b) stories from other cultures; and (c) perceptions of universal wholeness and identifying human existence with all existence that is common in pre-modern and non-Western

cultures. This proposal embraces Gough’s suggestions and finds its appropriate view in phenomenology and Andean cosmovision. Wittgenstein (1953) stated that philosophy’s role is to pay attention to language. He considered the potential for confusion and error that could affect the true and the good if language is not precise (Hamington, 2009). By extension, perhaps our thinking cannot be precise without incorporating the language of people of different worldviews. Supplementing previous researchers. This section addresses other scholars’ work on sustainability metaphors, and the various aspects of sustainability that have informed this study. Language and unsustainability. Saroj Chawla’s (Chawla, 1991) conclusions on the linguistic and philosophical origin of our environmental crisis, introduced later by Larson (2011), include three (3) features of the English language: 1. English individualizes “mass nouns” (a glass of water, a mug of beer), creating mental silos that impede the relation of local actions with global effects; 2. English allows the counting of two types of nouns, both real and imaginary (rocks, humans, happiness, and wellbeing). It does not allow the realization that what is meaningful may not be countable; and 3. English is based on a fragmented three tense notion of time. It becomes linear and pluralized. Thus, subjective experience of real time is lost. This project includes a participatory searching for sustainability metaphors expressing human-Nature relationships within a traditional community speaking two languages, one of them not formally written. It will complement Larson’s (Larson, 2011) and Chawla’s (Chawla, 1991) conclusions on the need for metaphors from languages and cultures that emphasize processes instead of things. In her article, Metaphors of Nature and Economic Development: Critical Education for Sustainable Business, Helen Kopnina (Kopnina, 2014), identifies the problems that neoliberal approaches bring into environmental education. She underlines the usefulness of metaphors as markers of current perceptions. Metaphor can be used as a tool for teaching about the intrinsic value of nature, thus, stopping unsustainable practices. Metaphor can have a wider role in putting forward more positive models in environmental education in general and in business education in particular. The philosophical foundation of this project supports the intrinsic value of Nature

(Abram, 1996; G. Rengifo, 2008; Rolston III, 2006) , and its purpose responds to the concerns of scholars like Kopnina. The above underlines our research purpose and approach, and validates our intuition that how we name nature affects the way we treat it (or her): how we organize our adaptive efforts, use resources, intervene in and transform natural processes, and how we relate to other species, races, and genders (Jansen, 2002, 107). Non-explored questions despite their relevance. Western written and visual sustainability metaphors have been explored in a broad context. An exploration within a defined geographic location would provide specific information for comparisons, awareness, and improvements towards sustainability. The intimate relationship between indigenous communities and Nature has been recognized (Abram, 1996; Davis, 2009; Larson, 2011; Peat, 2002; B. Sinclair, 2013; B. R. Sinclair, 2015), further knowledge of that relationship could provide new avenues for dealing with environmental issues (Davis, 2009). However, questions about the American (Southern, Central and Northern) indigenous discourse around sustainability and its oral visual and ritual metaphors have not been explored. Other scholars’ findings and /or methods and this study. Bruno Frischherz (Frischherz, 2010) explored the use of metaphors in the public discourse on sustainability. His study was based on a sample of 56 texts and 175,000 words from websites of public organizations. It included 500 verbal and 500 visual metaphors of sustainability in coded form. He found that (a)

SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY and SUSTAINABILITY AS SYSTEM/MODEL are the most frequent verbal metaphors in the sample; (b) among visual metaphors, SUSTAINABILITY AS SYSTEM/MODEL and

SUSTAINABILITY AS SCIENCE are the most frequent; (c) knowledge, attitudes, culture, and values are almost absent as sources or target domains of metaphors; and (d) a search for holistic metaphors of sustainability is required. Brendon Larson (2011) explores how metaphors can enmesh facts with social values and how inappropriate metaphors can fortify values opposed to sustainability. Under an interdisciplinary approach he examines four feedback metaphors to show how they work between society and environmental science. Among his suggestions are the need for more responsible metaphor choices and interpretation, awareness of social dimensions in environmental science, and collaborative generation of plural metaphors by scientists and

citizens for a more sustainable future. These outcomes inform part of this research since it is based on community collaboration and participation. Lakoff and Johnson (1999) argue that concepts like love, morality, and causation are built through complex metaphors. The complex metaphors are built up out of primary metaphors that are embodied by sensorimotor and subjective experience, and neural connections. Primary metaphors and complex metaphors are part of the cognitive unconscious. Concepts structured by complex metaphors exemplify cognitive unconscious, embodiment, and metaphorical thought. In this study, the identification, analysis, and interpretation of instances of sustainability- related metaphors, and sustainability metaphors, will be based on Lakoff & Johnson’s approach.

Chapter 2: Andean Worldview ...Quechua is more expressive than Spanish in conveying feelings that are characteristic of the Quechua soul: tenderness, affection, and love for Nature. 3 Jose Maria Arguedas, Canto Kechwa Introduction Because the concept of ‘worldview’ is used by the Andean inhabitants with whom this study was constructed, this word’s meaning, origin, and evolution will be analyzed. This concept evolved from Western philosophy and was expressed through different European languages. It was imported to Latin America in the Spanish version: cosmovisión that in English is ‘worldview’. In this English language dissertation, I use ‘worldview’. I argue that to understand Andean worldview it is necessary to examine both the origins of the term in western philosophy, and how it has been used and adapted by Andean scholars. I start this chapter with the origins and adaptation and conclude with a description of Andean worldview and four conclusions about its relevance to this research. Etymology and background of worldview. The word cosmovisión is the Spanish translation of the German word Weltanschauung,4 meaning ‘worldview’ (Pons, 2020). In the English world Weltanschauung has been used as both a loanword and a calque. The Oxford English Dictionary (The Oxford English, 1989) has an entry for Weltanschauung, describing it as a loan word derived from the German Welt for ‘world’ and Anschauung for ‘perception.’ This dictionary defines the word as “a particular philosophy or view of life, a concept of the world held by an individual or a group,” suggesting its meaning in English as world-view (Naugle, 1998). Weltanschauung means: a comprehensive conception or apprehension of the world specially from a specific standpoint (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).

3 Canto Kechwa was published in Spanish in 1938. The excerpt was translated from Spanish to English by R. Harrison (1989). 4 Although the word Weltanschauung has been incorporated into some English dictionaries, considering its German origin it will be written in italics in this document. 25

Origin of Weltanschauung. The critical philosophy of Kant brought the epistemic center from the objective world of nature to the subjective world of the human mind; from the objects of cognition to the cognitive process itself; from the things known to the nature and limits of the mind’s ability to know. The ‘mode of our cognition’ became the focus of Continental and Anglo- American thought. Through the lens of human subjectivity as the epistemological axis, Weltanschauung was used by Immanuel Kant in his Critique of Judgement (1790) thusly: If the human mind is nonetheless to be able even to think the given infinite without contradiction, it must have within itself a power that is supersensible, whose idea of the noumenon cannot be intuited but can yet be regarded as the substrate underlying what is mere appearance, namely, our intuition of the world [Weltanschauung]. For only by means of this power and its idea do we, in a pure intellectual estimation of magnitude, comprehend the infinite in the world of sense entirely under a concept, even though in a mathematical estimation of magnitude by means of numerical concepts we can never think it in its entirety (Naugle, 1998). According to Wolters, the phrases “mere appearance, the word of sense, and barriers of sensibility” suggest that, for Kant, Weltanschauung signifies the sense perception of the world (Naugle, 1998). Martin Heidegger (1982) notes that Kant, Goethe, and Alexander Humboldt use Weltanschauung to refer to a world-intuition in the sense of contemplation of the world given to the senses (Naugle, 1998). From worldview to intellectual conception of the universe. From its denomination by Kant as a “worldview,” Weltanschauung evolved to refer to “an intellectual conception of the universe from the perspective of a human knower” (Naugle, 1998). Schelling used Weltanschauung to refer to “ a self-realized productive and conscious way of apprehending and interpreting the universe of beings” (Naugle, 1998). At the mid-nineteenth century the term Weltanschauung entered into other disciplines (R. Robins, n.d.). It stands alongside the term “philosophy” (Wolters, n.d., 3). At the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries Weltanschauung reached its climax of

popularity (Meier, 1967). This word was adopted as a loanword by Romance languages and as calque by Slavic and Germanic Languages. In the Italian Enciclopedia Filosofica (1958) it is translated as ‘visione, intuisione, or concezione del mondo.’ In English this means ‘world vision, intuition, or conception of the world’; in Spanish, it translates to cosmovisión, intuición o concepción)5 (Giusso, 1742). French, encyclopedias and dictionaries include Weltanschauung as a loanword introduced by Jean Grenier in 1930, considered as a philosophical term (Meier, 1967, p. 60; Wolters, n.d., p. 27) In English philosophy. English philosophical dictionaries and encyclopedia paid little attention to the words ‘Weltanschauung’ and ‘worldview.’ For Anglo-American philosophy and scholarly writing the notion of ‘worldview’ is minor, and its history and theory were not of sustained reflection—although in other fields like social sciences and theology its massive use shows the ambition to articulate a conception of the universe and life (Naugle, 1998). In Hegel’s, Dilthey’s, Kierkegaard’s and Nietzsche’s expressions. Hegel includes Weltanschauung in his writings on morality and aesthetics, and his synthesis involves an eschatological epistemology in which spirit and the human mind coalesced in a final form of absolute self-knowledge. However, after Hegel…German thought became less defined in transcendental and universalistic terms and more in terms of partial and circumscribed world-views.” (Dilthey, 1978) The shifting of Western thought from theism to deism, to idealism/romanticism to thoroughgoing humanism was influenced by Dilthey (Weltanschauunglehre) and Nietszche (perspectivism). In the shift, the self-remained with the task of constructing and interpreting the world under historic-cultural forces. Dane Søren Kierkegaard, from Denmark, pursued a deep and existentially satisfying ‘lifeview’ that would enable him to become a whole human self. He considers that each person must ask and answer the fundamental existential questions to hold a lifeview and become an authentic self. He introduced the concept of both ‘worldview’ and ‘lifeview’ in Scandinavia (Høffding, 1955).

5 In Spanish cosmovisión is a synonym of the phrase vision del mundo (worldview). 27

The dialectic of Dilthey’s model comes from the discrepancy between the mind’s attempt to grasp reality as an integrated whole and what it actually grasps in particular. The whole remains an elusive ideal. As naturalism tends to reduce mind to natural reality and as subjective idealism tends to reduce natural reality to mind, so objective idealism brings mind and matter together into a whole that is never fully comprehended. According Dilthey, “nothing remains of all metaphysical systems but a condition of the soul and a world view”(Dilthey, 1978, p. 74). For Dilthey what is available are the worldviews, reflecting the intellectual, affective, and volitional aspects of human soul, influenced by the pessimistic or optimistic mood of the worldviewer. Worldviews are expressions of the religious, poetic, and metaphysical impulses of humanity, and thus, are the pre-theoretical starting points for these initiatives. Dilthey’s reflections on Weltanschauung elevated this concept to philosophical prominence, influencing the twenty century thought on this subject (Naugle, 1998). In Friedrich Nietzsche’s time (1844-1900), trends of Western philosophy were tossed aside by Kant’s Copernican revolution, including ‘Weltanschauung’ and ‘perspectivism’ as focal points. The subsequent downfall of idealist philosophy eliminates any transcendent or mental category as a metaphysical reference point, leaving just nature and the on-going process as a reference. Thus, naturalism and historicism prepare the way for Nietzsche’s perspectivism. Weltanschauung is central in the Nietzsche philosophy development (Levine, 1995). Nietzsche contributes to the philosophical history of the concept of Weltanschauung in two important ways. First, his use and boosting of the status of this word, arguing early in his career that worldviews were historically induced, determinative incommensurate paradigms that underlay the ideas and experience of individuals and cultures. In his later work Nietzsche continued to hold the epistemological conclusions from his theory of Weltanschauung, “namely historicism and relativism” (Levine, 1995, 57); The second way Nietzsche contributes to the concept of Weltanschauung is through his forecast of a comprehensive perspectivism and concurrent nihilism under the worldview of historicism and relativism. Nietzsche recognizes, in Naugle’s words, that there are no pure subjects (only ‘commonwealths of affects’), no pure objects (‘only a Heraclitean world’), and no pure facts (‘only interpretations’); all cultures and their claims are nothing but their reifications of linguistically produced worlds

which are potentially infinite in number; there is a jumble of worldviews, none of which are true although they could be interesting; the relativistic implications of the notion of Weltanschauung emerges from Nietzsche perspectivism” (Naugle, 1998, 137-138). Post-Nietzschean Western philosophy has set apart the pursuit of truth about the world as it is in itself, setting instead the exploration of ‘infinite interpretations’ (Naugle, 1998). In the twentieth century, reflections on Weltanschauung continue under the traditions and world’s conception of Kierkegaard’s religious realism, Nietzsche’s radical relativism, and Dilthey’s middle position in between (Naugle, 1998). In Husserl’s, Jasper’s, Heidegger’s, approach. Edmund Husserl (1859-1938), in his phenomenology, insists that philosophy must be conceived in distinction to the popular concept of Weltanschauung with its associated relativism. Husserl promoted a scientific and phenomenological return to the primordial lifeworld and an investigation of the things themselves by a human consciousness unobstructed by presuppositions and assumptions, including worldviews. But because all human thought and scientific investigation emerge in historical contexts and mental frameworks, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to achieve a pure presuppositionless science. A psychological investigation of the above contexts and mental frameworks was necessary to understanding the human condition. Karl Jaspers in his Psychologie der Weltanschauung (1919) analyzes these frames of reference, calling the ‘worldviews’ of these styles of thought a response to the difficulties of life, or ‘limit situations.’ Husserl’s denigration of Weltanschauung as adverse to scientific philosophy, and Jasper’s valorization of the concept as a response to ‘limit situations,’ conditioned the contribution of Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) to the history of worldview in three ways: (a) his description of Jasper’s ‘limit situations’ (whose response were the worldviews) that disclose the challenges of the human condition, especially that of death; (b) his preoccupation of what is philosophy and his effort to distinguish it from the liabilities of worldview; and (c) his suggestion that Weltanschauungen are possible only in certain intellectual contexts, explaining worldviews as the result of a misleading epistemology atypical to the modern era (Naugle, 1998).

Under Wittgenstein and Davidson. Wittgenstein, like Husserl, was concerned with the Cartesian dualism in the epistemology of modernity and focused on nature and meaning. He intended freeing the world of the Enlightenment paradigm from all pictures including his own theory of language. Wittgenstein argued that being and knowledge were a function of a grammar well entrenched in a form of life constituting a weltbild (world picture). World pictures inherited from one’s contexts were distinctive ways of seeing and conceiving the world. What Husserl and Heidegger saw as problematic for philosophy, Wittgenstein saw as the new philosophy, degraded compared to his modern predecessor. For him philosophy is not rigorous science but is a means of increasing self-knowledge about ones’ own community of life and language. It encourages critical awareness of the many ways people use their many grammars and thus how they see and live in the world. Wittgenstein’s linguistic strain introduced a new era in the history of philosophy. The analysis of language, the clarification of terms and concepts, the examination of arguments comprises the sum total of the philosophical initiative, analytically conceived. Donald Davidson argues against possible diverse language games and forms of life, or what he calls “The Very Idea of Conceptual Schemas” (1973-1974). Conclusions. Under Descartes’ mind/body or subject/object dualism, two paths about worldview are possible “when subjects with autonomous minds are isolated and set over against the human body and external world as objects of possible knowledge” (Naugle, 1998). The “outcome of this paradigm of being and knowing can result in either a form of dogmatism; or skeptical relativism “ (Naugle, 1998). The Kantian view is dogmatic, while the Hegelian view is skeptical relativist, since this idealist philosopher recognized that the human mind uses several categories and concepts in interpreting the world and forming cultures. Since personal experience and the flow of history will not explain reality, the worldview relativism of Kierkegaardian existentialism, Diltheyan historicism, and Nietzschean perspectivism will be required. It is clear that both Husserl and Heidegger saw Weltanschauung as adverse to their respective conceptions of philosophy as rigorous scientific and ontological endeavour. For Heidegger, when the world is conceived as picture, the notion of Weltanschauung becomes prominent. For Davidson, when the world is represented as something waiting to be

described by an organized system, the very idea of a conceptual scheme emerges. While Heidegger wanted to replace the former notion with an existential contact with Being, Davidson seeks to substitute the latter construct with a generally holistic theory of knowledge and meaning. The modern tendencies include both a solid epistemic position and a skeptical relativistic one. At the end of the twentieth century, Derrida deconstructs Western logocentrism and the doctrine of a metaphysics of presence. The concept of ‘worldview’ has a position, though neglected, in the history of ideas, and also has played a role in a number of academic disciplines such as natural sciences, social sciences, religion and theology (Naugle, 1998). Worldview in Peru and in the Andes The current Peru is one of the countries resulting after the emancipation and independence from the Spanish empire, of which it had been a colony from 1535 to 1821. The sudden incursion of the Spaniards into a confederation of several nations – which formed a mosaic called Tawantinsuyu6 (Metraux, 1969; Moseley, 2001; Rostworowski, 1999) – caused a deep disturbance to numerous components of a culture that was still advancing its path towards a projected even bigger development. Although relevant archives of this culture like the kipu7 – a three-dimensional and tactile recording system (Urton, 2005) – were purposely destroyed by the Iberian invaders (Brokaw, 2006; Cartwright, 2014), many cultural expressions of the Tawantinsuyu have resisted the action of time (Hogue, 2006; Kubler, 1960; Paternosto, 1996; Rehl, 2006; Saltzman, 1992). The Tawantinsuyu inhabitants’ worldview (cosmovisión or Weltanschauung), before and after the arrival of the Europeans in the sixteenth century, differed considerably from the view these newcomers brought (Mejía Huaman, 2011). The differences are extended not only to views but

6 Tawantinsuyu the Land of the Four Quarters as the Incas called their realm. With its more than 5,500 km down the South American Andes it was the biggest native state from the Western Hemisphere, and “the largest empire of antiquity ever to develop south of the equator” (Moseley, 2001). 7 Kipu (knot, to knot) are cotton or wool noted cords highly systematized that served as templates for the state rule and administration (Arnold & Yapita, 2004), devices for recording statistical and narrative information (Urton, 2005) or even a writing system (Asher & Asher, 1997). 31

also to the unique ways the Tawantinsuyu peoples registered, kept, read, and interpreted their worldview (Arnold, 1992; Arnold & Yapita, 2004; Cornejo & Jentsch, 2013; Guaman Poma de Ayala, 1989; Harrison, 1989; Laurencich, 2001; Murra, 2002; Salazar Bondy, 1978). Worldview in Peru and in Latin America. A group of Peruvian and South American philosophers consider the necessity of building an original national or regional philosophy, more to strengthen their regional or social aims than to promote philosophical reflection (Castro, 2000). Since worldview is closely related to philosophical reflection in South America, an overview of the latter will be provided. Mejia Huaman (2011), in his book Teqse8, includes the Andean worldview and Quechua categories as foundations to a Peruvian and Andean American philosophy: The Latin American philosophy is grouped under themes and moments in time, including a) renaissance’s scholastic from XVI century to the beginning of XVIII century; b) probabilism, and liberal theories at the end of the Spanish colony at the XVIII century; c) liberalism (social and politic) from the independence (1821) to the middle of the XIX century; d) positivism from the middle of the XIX century to the beginning of the XX century; e) critique to the positivism until the first half of the XX century leaded by Deustua in Peru f) these spiritualist currents will give place to conservative, liberal, and socialist currents in the first years of the XX century; g) philosophical currents changed from the Marxist and its variations, logic positivism, hermeneutics, Latin Americanist philosophy, modernity, post-modernity, analytical philosophy, ethics and mind philosophy among others. (Castro, 2000).

8 Teqse is a Quechua word meaning: foundation, principle, universe (Mejía Huaman, 2011). 32

Scholastic worldview. For the new modern philosophical currents outside of the Spanish empire, the affirmation of the conscience and individual freedom were the foundation of reality. But in the scholastic philosophy of the Spanish Crown and the colonies of the invaded South American lands, the subjective content of religious-ethic was the foundation of reality (Castro, 2000). Probabilism. In the XVIII century, currents of modern thought such as probabilism9 emerged in Europe, including Spain. Thus, the philosophical probabilism of Locke that reinforced the French eighteenth century ideal (Thomas, 1969) denied an absolute and ordering truth (Castro, 2000). This new development put into question the philosophical and theological principles that supported the colonial order (Castro, 2000). For the scholastic supporters, probabilism relaxed and corrupted the colonial morals (Macera, 1963). These contradictory philosophical currents influenced the South American (creole) thinkers, shaping their initial ideas toward the independence of the Spanish Crown. Libertarian current. Libertarian ideology and influences such as the French liberal ideas and the independence of the United States of North America ended up in the independence of South American countries invaded by the Spaniards. The liberalism in South America, however, still included scholastic features in its worldview. This liberalism meant a change in the worldview of the republican thinkers who, now free of the intense Eurocentrism, started to perceive the surrounding world through science, as did Hipolito Unanue, or as a seeker of new political ideas like Baquíjano y Carrillo to match citizens’ opinions with power. However, freedom from the Iberian colony did not bring a real democracy to the new republics in Latin America because their worldview still accepted slaves (Castro, 2000).

9 The Lockean plea for experience to find truth and value instead of authority or abstract reasoning is part of the enlightenment’s reaction to the sprit the systeme of the scholastics and the seventeenth century philosophers (Thomas, 1969). Although probabilistic philosophers themselves like Hume, Franklin, and Voltaire used a priori, unempirical assumptions (Mossner, 1954; Thomas, 1969). 33

Positivism. In the nineteenth century, struggles between the liberal and the remnant conservative politics and philosophy persisted until the emergence of a positivism with an agenda of industrial and commercial development. Positivism did not enjoy majority acceptance, and then became an authoritarian, unprepared, unreal, and never successful philosophy and worldview in Peru (Castro, 2000). Indeterminism. At the beginning of the twentieth century a new indeterministic philosophy built on the ideas of Nietszche, Schopenhauer, and Bergson initiated the critique of positivism. In Peru Alejandro Deustua introduced the thought of Henri Bergson, Guy, and others, situating the spirit, or subject, as the basis of reality, and freedom as the starting point of the aesthetic receptivity (Castro, 2000). This current of thought influenced several Peruvian thinkers such as, Victor Andres Belaunde, Francisco Garcia Calderon, and Mariátegui who received the influence of Bergson through Sorel (Castro, 2000). In this period of time, Latin American philosophy notices the influence of Spaniard Ortega y Gasset and German thinkers on the anthropology of the spirit of Latin American scholars, among them Peruvian Francisco Miró Quesada (1918–2019) (Gracia, 1956). Gracia’s (1956) anthology of Latin American philosophy includes in its section on values an excerpt from Peruvian Alejandro Deustua (1849–1845), and in its section on the search for philosophical identity includes Peruvian Augusto Salazar Bondy (1927–1974) (Gracia, 1956). Gracia’s anthology is a relevant contribution to the course materials of those who teach courses on Latin American philosophic thought (Donoso, 1992). In one of his two collections on Latin American philosophy, Gracia includes Peruvian David Sobrevilla’s article on phenomenology and existentialism, and L. Zea’s (Mexican Universidad Autonoma’s professor) article on identity (Donoso, 1992).

Applied Philosophy. Donoso (1992), a member of a group of North American scholars interested in the diverse philosophy in Latin America,10 called it “applied philosophy,” or a philosophical examination of determined themes and problems related to collective or individual human life. Donoso’s review of publications on Latin American philosophy includes aspects of “theoretical philosophy” in Latin America and Latin American “applied philosophy”. The meaning of Weltanschauung (worldview or cosmovision) in the Macmillan dictionary of philosophy is, “any general view of the Universe and man's relationship to it” (Flew, 2002). The definition continues: “usually the term is applied to a philosophy affecting the practical (as opposed to purely theoretical) attitudes and beliefs of its adherents.” Although the Donoso review does not explicitly use the term Weltanschauung or its translations, we can assume that the “applied philosophy” includes elements of worldview, while the “theoretical philosophy” does not. Donoso in his review of Latin American philosophy finds that Zea’s applied philosophy claims that, in the history of philosophy (a) there is no room for identity problems as raised by Latin American philosophy; (b) especially if they include not strictly philosophical topics like the political and social; (c) apparently philosophy only includes universal problems; (d) being universal and abstract are beyond what is every day to man, his world, and his society; (e) within this philosophizing, problems that Latin American philosophy raises about its identity seem to be only parochial, or regional, and thus (f) limited to a relative point of view proper to a concrete man; and (g) alien to what is truly universal (Gracia & Jaksic, 1984). Zea tries to show that philosophy requires a choice between (a) universal knowledge or (b) knowledge that permits “humans to change their socio-political conditions, (c) knowledge of being in general and the particular being of a specific flesh and blood human (yet one not so particular that she or he ceases to be appropriately human)” (Donoso, 1992, p. 245). In his concluding statement Zea says,

10 Donoso and other scholars interested in philosophy in Latin America founded the Society for Iberic and Latin American Thought (SILAT) in 1976. Since then more professionals in philosophy became interested in philosophy in Latin America although more in what Donoso calls “theoretical” or general philosophy, and less in what he calls “applied philosophy” (Donoso, 1992, 238). 35

through these particular problems [of whether Latin Americans are inferior to Europeans and North Americans or to any other human beings] and precisely because they are particular, other men can be acknowledged in a search for a horizontal relation of solidarity of peer among peers and not the vertical one of [cultural, political, and economic] dependency which had originated that unique problem of philosophy in Latin America. (Donoso, 1992, p. 246). Zea’s observations confirm that Weltanschauung can be considered the distinctive factor differentiating the so-called “applied” from the “theoretical philosophy”. Twenty-first century. Currently, philosophical reflections and worldviews are intertwined in Peru. Five centuries of historic, political, and other cultural events and experiences require constant and systemic organization and analysis to respond not only to philosophical questions but to several challenges owing to the uniqueness of global, national, and regional worldviews and demands for sustaining life in Peru, in South America, and the whole Planet. New generations of thinkers in Peru, as in other parts of our common planet, are interested in advancing the reflection initiated by our predecessors. Reflections that could be applied or theoretical, universal or regional, philosophical or not philosophical, all require a planet able of sustaining life. Andean worldview (cosmovisión Andina). The Andean worldview (cosmovisión Andina) in Peru in general is referred to Andean empirical knowledge, principles, beliefs, and history (Herencia, 2005; Lajo, 2005; Roel Pineda, 2005). The Andean worldview (cosmovisión Andina) has received more than one definition. For Mejia Huaman (2011) it means the worldview as a totality, including its mythic, magic, religious, rational, scientific and philosophic elements. At the same time the Andean worldview can be discussed in reference to (a) the critique made by Bochenski to the Vienna circle’s scientific conception of the world (Bochenski, 1969); (b) the idea that not all worldviews include scientific and philosophic elements; c) the fact that there is not a universal man transcending space and time, consequently men from different cultures possess different worldviews; d) the knowledge that history generated a Tawantinsuyean and a mestizo worldview in the Andes but the first is the foundation of the second (Mejía Huaman, 2011, pp. 41-43).

For other Andean thinkers like Paucca (2019), the concept of worldview can be expressed in Cuzco’s Qichwa as pachayachachiq (shows or discerns the view of the world), runayachachiq (shows or discerns the being of humans), and wakayachachiq (shows or discerns the nature of deities). This was the way the runa Inka understood the world (pacha), humans (runa), and the sacred (waka). The pacha concept included the complementary parts, hanan pacha, kay pacha, uku pacha and kuteq pacha that allowed understanding different dimensions of reality and also a global perception of Pacha. From the context of Andean cosmology’s perspective, where the experience included in this study happened, the human being is not in conflict with Nature. Humanity’s survival does not depend on the submission of Nature under her/his power or knowledge but of an intimate reciprocal relationship between them. Because of this reciprocity the nurturing of life becomes possible through a warm conversation between humans and Nature who for the Andean runa (human) is a caring mother to whom she/he calls Pachamama (Mother Earth). The runa is devoted to help Mother Earth to deliver life in the field of crops and/or animals supported for deities from a spiritual realm. Runa, Nature (Sallka or Mother Earth) and Waka (spiritual realm) interaction nurtures (sustains) life in the Andes. It is how runa is and how her/his acts agree with this way of being. For the Andeans themselves worldview is the process of nurturing life – it is constantly renewed by the interaction of existent components of the immediate world (Machaca, 2014). David Abram (Abram, 1996) in The Spell of the Sensuous (La Magia de los Sentidos) sees as “natural” the reality that we turn to phenomenology (implicit or explicit) to understand the “strange differences” between the experienced worlds of indigenous cultures and of the world of European and North American (non-aboriginal) civilization. The Andean worldview of the universe conceives three interactive worlds that can be summarized in the following table (Valcárcel, 1964).

Table 2.1 Tripartite division of the Andean World (Valcárcel, 1964)

World Name Origin/Path/Door Divinities in World’s Charge Condition inhabitants (meaning) (description) Intip-churin Illapa, Thunder HANAN PACHA Sun, Moon, stars, Gods (the son of the sun) thunder, rainbow (Up World)

KAY PACHA Yakumama, Paqarina Humans, (water mother) animals, plants, Living beings (This World) Sachamama and chakras. (the fountain of life) (forest mother)

UKU PACHA Rainbow, Chirapa Gods Dead y germs Gods (Inside World)

Source: researcher’s summary based on Valcárcel’s account. Notion of an alive world. All that exists is alive for the Andean runa (human); Pachamama is an alive Earth including all what belongs to her: mountains, rivers, stones, wind, hail – all is alive (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). It is not a metaphorical way of nominating things, if a runa says: Pachamama is my mother, it does not mean she/he is making an analogy between Pachamama and her/his biological mother because of the maternal attributes observed in her. It means that Pachamama is also her/his mother (Rengifo, 1997, p. 21). The person using an analogy or metaphor is aware of the duplicity of the meaning of them. In Rengifo’s (1997) words, “When she/he says, ‘the river walks’ and ‘the stones sing’ it is not that for her/him in actuality the river walks or the stones sing. But in the Andean experience (vivencia) the river walks and the stones sing like any other person” (p. 21). He continues, “Because one form of life participates of others, identity can’t be applied in the Andes, this is not exclusion, but inter-penetrability focused on the relationship of the couple” (p. 21). It is another way of experiencing relations with the world. It cannot be measured or compared under the light of rationality or science (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997).

The Andean world is a person for the runa. This person comprehends interweaved forms of life that together are capable of crafting a living fabric. The “physiology” of this living fabric is generated from the conversations (interactions) between its interwoven forms of life. These conversations (interactions) result in activities that make possible the regeneration of the world. Thus, all that happens in this world, or pacha, comes out from its own internal organicity. The above explanation uses (a) the element person, that given its well-known complexity could mean the Andean world; (b) elements of the action of weaving (interweaved, together, crafting, fabric), the source of embodied experiences that became part of the Andean conceptual system; and (c) the element of conversation, an action that happens between mutually interested, respected, and responsive interlocutors. Conversation as relationship between forms of life reflects the equal value that all living communities have in the Andean worldview. Equivalence. Rengifo (1997) writes, Pachamama is my mother…means that runa places the Earth and the Human community at the same equivalent level. This breaks the possibility of building a human world in opposition to nature. At the same time considers that activities undertaken by the forms of life existing in the Earth are prerogative of all of them and not only of one of these forms of life. (p. 21) This is why nurturing can be undertaken by a runa, an alpaca, or a grain of quinoa. The relationship between runa and a grain of quinoa or corn is not a subject-object relationship but one of mutual nurturance (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). In science the exclusion of the researcher when researching others forms of life and even other societies different than theirs is common. A conceptual system about forms of life, underpinned by the lack of equivalence, is the resource system (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). This concept originated in the excesses of the human taking from ecosystems without any reciprocity, causing species extinction (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). Grimaldo Rengifo (1997) writes, “The addition of adjectives like rational to exploitation did not change the attitude of humans before nature” (p. 22). Biro (2011) asserts, “Whether roots of environmental degradation are considered as capitalism, social complexity and hierarchization, a loss of relationship with ‘nature’ correlated

with urbanization and mediatization, or even ‘human overpopulation’; those roots have been fortified since the 1960’s, when the modern environmental movement started” (p. 8). There is a need for considering the community role as a whole in obtaining specific outcomes in one location within the community, especially in terms of biodiversity. There is also a need to review the external hierarchizing of the dynamics of biodiversity in the Andes that neither favours the local conditions nor appreciates the efforts of the communities’ work, devotion, knowledge, and need (van der Ploeg, 1989). As Rengifo (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997) states, “The Andean regenerative dynamics harmonizes with the nature cycles and rhythms” (p. 23). Nurturance. According to Rengifo (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997), “Nurturance is not done only by the human community, but it is done by all existing” (p. 24) . There are several stories and accounts about how crops and seeds talk about their care and concerns for runa (Perez Vaca, 1996; Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). This does not refer to “poetic expressions, or the use of metaphors, or giving to earth human attributes; because of the existing diversity, conversations are also diverse” (Rengifo, 1997, p. 25). To the Andean person, every form of life has a voice and expresses itself through signals (señas or lomazas). It is the way that stones, stars, plants, winds, animals invite runa to follow them. It requires us to pay attention and us to converse with them by perceiving their signals and following them. It is allowing us to be nurtured. Yanantin, complementary duality (dualidad complementaria). The parity concept is one of the fundamental principles of the Andean reality (Lajo, 2005). It is expressed through legends, such as that of Mama Ocllo and Manco Qapaq emerging from a Paqarina (a lake to start the Inka confederation of Tawantinsuyu. It is also expressed through architectural remnants with astronomic instruments (Rodríguez Suy Suy, 1988), as well as square (masculine for diurnal observation) and circular (feminine for nocturnal observation) deep plazas built in Chavin de Huantar (author’s personal observation, 1982, 1988, 1994). Lajo’s hypotheses of the Qhapaq Ñan alignment of key locations includes the Titicaca lake where the Tawantinsuyu started with the primordial pair of Andean society. It is one piece of evidence sustaining his hypothesis. Inscribing a square within a circle, the diagonal, or Qhapaq Ñan, of the first is the diameter of the second, obtaining an adjustment that determines another principle of the Andean worldview, the tinku.

Tinkuy. A complementary and proportional square and circle. Considering the double meaning of the word Ch’ekka – and considering intersecting notions of truth and Ch’ekkalluwa, line of truth or diagonal, the circle and square, and following the Qhapaq Ñan or path of the just – the question, “What is the truth?” can be answered. Taking a square with its diagonal, we add its containing circle, plus another square and circle on the outside (see figure 2.1, top image). In the last square we obtain the A and D points (middle of each side), then, by drawing the other diagonal, we locate the points B and C. Drawing parallels through the four points we obtain the square cross of Tiawanaku inside the biggest circle (figure 2.1, bottom image). The cross is called tawa or tawapaka in Puquina (Aguiló, 2000). Paka also means secret, mysterious, hidden (Lira, 1945). Given that Puquina is a language that retains multiple meanings for words, the Tiawanaku cross suggests the hidden place of origin of the Puquina people. The relevant relationship established in the square cross is between the symbols of the square and the circle, meaning the parity is the origin of all that exists. The fully shared diagonal of a square, and the diameter of the circle containing the square shows the common starting point of Andean geometry and its worldview – its weltanschauung or cosmovisión (Lajo, 2005). The “chakra11” is the place where the nurturance of all the forms of life occurs. It is the “sallka equivalent to the idea of wild nature, where mountains, grasslands, deer, and wild potatoes live, is the chakra nurtured by the Apus (achachillas) or Wamani, it is how Mr. Feliciano Choque, Aymara from Moho, Puno, affirms (Rengifo, 1997, p. 26)” . As Rengifo (1997) explains, “Sallqa, often is translated to Spanish as lo silvestre (wild) in opposition to lo domesticado (domesticated) that could be the chakra. But the dichotomy wild-domesticated originated from the dichotomy nature-culture couldn’t be applicable to Andean reality where all is nurtured.” (p. 26) The chaqu (chacco) activity is often understood in Peru as related to wild vicuña shearing (Vilcanqui et al., 2010) or wild animal hunting (Ramirez, 2010). Rengifo (Grimaldo Rengifo,

11 Chakra is the plot of cropland given to, or acquired by, a family in Andean communities. It is where agricultural activities occur, and community members spend most of their time. 41

1998, 1997) affirms that previous request to the Apus: chaqu allows runa nurturing sallqa through several activities such as vicuña wool shearing12, tree trimming, partridge hunting, and so on. Chaqu is intended for runa (humans) to accompany the Apus (deities) in the nurturing of the sallqa (wild) and to being nurtured by the sallqa. Figure 2.1 Square with diagonal and an inside circle and square (top image); and Cross of Tiawanaku inside the biggest circle (bottom image)

Source: Qhapac Ñan la Ruta Inka de Sabiduria (Lajo, 2005).

12 See Vanessa Romo (2018) How a national reserve stopped the extinction of the Peruvian Vicuña. https://news.mongabay.com/2018/09/how-a-national-reserve-stopped-the-extinction-of-the-peruvian-vicuna/ 42

Agrocentrism. Chaqu could be similar to thinning in forestry. It involves helping sallka to support the forms of life for a stronger growth. The meaning of chakra is extended from the place where agricultural activities occur to the whole, where the nurturing process is happening through the conversation between several forms of life to regenerate pacha (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1998, 1997). Ayllu. Ayllu is the community of human persons related by blood and by affinity, and includes other forms of life that, through experience, have demonstrated empathy, affection, and acceptance. For example, in the chakras of the Mantaro valley of Central Andean Peru it is common to plant (or to find) corn and calabaza (Cucurbita ficifolia) together because “they are relatives” (conversation with Mantaro valley community members, 2018). The criteria of ayllu and empathy are also applied to the selection of cooking ingredients (conversation with Mantaro valley community members, 2018). As Rengifo (1997) explains, Andean runas call grandparents to the Apus or Wamanis and to other protector spirits, mother to the Earth, and children to seeds. Moreover, corn has a mother called saramama, the quinoa’s mother is mamaquinua, the river’s mother is yacumama and pacha’s mother is Pachamama. The ayllu includes all the collectivities we nurture and who nurture us. We shield them and they shield us, and their cohesion is such, that plagues do not affect them. The affection fills us all. (p. 28) Rengifo (1997) explains that the ayllu receives other names in the current peasant communities, that it does not have physical borders, that one’s community could be the ayllu, or one’s mother community could be one’s ayllu under other circumstances, and that if one is visiting a spiritual family’s ayllu the visiting time is one’s ayllu. Seeds are an essential matter in the Andes, and Rengifo assures us that “the path of the seeds is followed by the ayllu” and that “the seeds could move far from a starting point in an ayllu” (Rengifo, 1997, p. 28). The borderless ayllu pattern is extended to all forms of life within it, because “in each runa inhabit forms of waka and sallqa, and in each wamani inhabit runa and waqa forms” (Rengifo, 1997, p. 28). If a participant in a ceremony is wearing a corn or deer dress, this participant is not representing the corn or the deer, but this person is the corn itself or the deer itself and after the ceremony runa emerges again (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997).

Symbolic representation is the required bridge for a person who has become disaffiliated from Nature and waka. Then, a dichotomy-observed object-observer subject follows (Rengifo, 1997). Because of the attribute of inter-penetrability of forms of life, it comes naturally for runas to establish familial relationships with animals, plants, and wakas. There is not a utilitarian reason for the runa’s behavior at the ayllu, but the enjoyment of Andean reciprocity. It is the flavor of warm giving (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1998, 1997). What can we conclude from this discussion of Andean worldview (Cosmovisión Andina or Andean Weltanschauung) that is of relevance to this research? 1. Andean worldview, Cosmovisión Andina, or Andean Weltanschauung, express the same concept in three different European languages. This concept originated and evolved in western discussions it is expressed in English language in this document. 2. The Andean runa practices and constantly follows the teachings of Pachamama while her rhythm and love flow through her daily doings. 3. Whether the concept of “worldview” is incorporated or not into philosophical approaches or academic theories is almost irrelevant for runa. What perhaps could be relevant for them is knowing that they have wisdom to share their wisdom in sustaining the most precious good for all: life. 4. The mutual belongingness of sallqa, runa, and waka in the Andes has shaped the ontology of the Andean persons. They and all the existing cultures also share common features and the fact that we all inhabit the same planet. Because of this fact, in this moment of tired youth and ecosystems, we dare to hope that the courage to identify the roots of the problems of life on Earth sustains us and allows us to deal with them. Because of the natural, social and spiritual factors of the context where the experiences and interaction of this study occurred, the above features of the Andean worldview (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997) will support the metaphor analysis of the participants’ expressions.

Chapter 3: Methodology Stands at the sea, wonders at wondering: I a universe of atoms an atom in the universe. Richard P. Feynman, What Do You Care What Other People Think?

Andean Sustainability Metaphor Searching For the Andean sustainability (SU) metaphors searching (ASMS), I will use the

SEARCHING IS WEAVING metaphor (Searching Sustainability metaphors and Weaving a textile). The process of searching is the process of weaving. The loom is the structure that supports the materials and actions that make possible the development of the process towards the outcome - the textile. In the Andean backstrap loom the weaver is part of both the loom and the weaving. She with her body regulates the tension of the threads and also is the doer/maker in the process. Doer/maker because she combines thread color, sequence, number and others, to build the pattern that is in her mind and is expressed through her weaving. For these purposes she uses her mind, emotions, her hands, and whole body. Thus, the loom becomes herself and the weaving her life. Paying attention to one aspect of the weaving itself, we distinguish two general types of thread in all textiles. The WARP: the fixed threads that run vertically through the textile; and the WEFT: the transverse thread embossed into the textile features that make it distinctive. When the loom is set up the WARP is fixed in the loom. The WEFT varies in color and texture (mostly). The essential constant and integral threads that define ASMS (regardless of variables such as participants, and time,) make up the WARP. The WARP elements make possible the search for Andean sustainability metaphors. The adapted ASMS then, introduces a unique WEFT that seeks to target the searching to a particular population and context. Within each aspect (methods and participants) of the process we will examine WARP (methodology essential to ASMS) and WEFT (experiences depending on participants and context).

Figure 3.1 The Andean Awana (loom)

Source: researcher’s drawing in field notes (2018). WARP elements of ASMS, ontology and epistemology. ASMS is woven by principles, theories and practices that are based on an Andean worldview, constructionism, phenomenology, experiential realism and sustainability, cognitive science, and ethnography.

Influences designing ASMS. The significant influences that have influenced the design of the qualitative ASMS are: Andean (worldview, cosmovisión, or Weltanschauung). As it was stated in chapter two, these three expressions communicate, in different languages, the same concept that was originated within the European philosophy. In this document the word “worldview’ is used because this is an English language dissertation. Worldview could be applied to the lived experience of a particular community of people. The Andean worldview is supported by practices and theories on Andean spirituality, social organization (Urton, 1981), interaction with the environment, language/communication and coding systems (Heckman, 2006; Rehl, 2006; Young-Sanchez & Simpson, 2006; Urton, 2005), and a holistic, sensorial, and ayllu (extended family) based knowledge (Ishizawa, 2008). Western influential sustainability principles emerge in a context that separates subject (humans) from object (“natural resources”). It is important to experience sources of metaphors and their meaning for sustainability, within a context and perspective that does not make that separation. The Andean worldview and the phenomenological perspective fulfill these conditions. Constructionism. Michael Crotty (Crotty, 2003) finds that, as epistemology and ontology surface together, “to talk of the construction of meaning is to talk of the construction of meaningful reality” (p. 10). This scholar defines constructionism (C) as “the view that all knowledge, and thus all meaningful reality as such, is contingent upon human practices, being constructed in and out of interaction between human beings and their world, and developed and transmitted within an essentially social context” (Crotty, 2003, p. 42).

Figure 3.2 Epistemology/ontology and Andean worldview of this study

P Pr Ee

C Ma I H

Legend: C = constructionist view, Aw = Andean worldview, I = interpretivism, H = hermeneutics, P = phenomenology, Pr = phenomenological research methodology, Ee = ethnographic experience’s methodology, Ma = metaphor analysis’ methodology (experiential realism).

Phenomenology. The general theoretical perspective (set of assumptions) that guided the methodologies of this study are phenomenological. The focus is on an interpretivist approach. In Crotty’s (Crotty, 2003) words, “an interpretative approach looks for culturally derived and historically situated interpretations of the social-life world” (p. 67), while a positivist approach seeks explanations with methods of natural science that suppose detached observation to identify universal human, historical, and social features to gain explanations, control, and predictability. Moreover, for interpretivists, “facts” find us loaded with theory (Miles et al., 2014, 7) Phenomenology looks for explanations of “the things (phenomena) themselves” in a value-free detached way (Crotty, 2003, p. 78). For Merleau-Ponty (M. Merleau-Ponty, 1962): “to see the world and grasp it as paradoxical, we must break with our familiar acceptance of it” (p. xiv). This renewal “frees our brute mind allowing us to create culture anew” (M. Merleau-Ponty, 1964, p. 181).Phenomenology guides the living experience and its meanings in the chosen contexts of this study. It is supported by philosophical approaches (Lock & Strong, 2010;

Merleau-Ponty, 1945; Abram, 1996; Presas, 2009), and application (Jonathan A Smith, 2004; Pringle et al., 2011; J. Smith et al., 2012). Experiential realism (basis of metaphor analysis). Lakoff and Johnson (1999), proposed a philosophy of experiential realism, arguing that, 1. There are at least two types of structure in our pre-conceptual experiences: (a) a basic-level structure, comprised of basic-level categories defined by the convergence of our gestalt perception, capacity for bodily movement, and ability to build mental images; and (b) a kinesthetic image-schematic structure, recurrent in our everyday bodily experience. Examples include CONTAINER, PATHS, LINKS, FORCES, BALANCE, and in various orientations and relations: UP-DOWN, FRONT-BACK, PART-WHOLE, CENTER- PERIPHERY, etc. These structures are directly and repeatedly experienced due to the structure of our body and how it functions in our environment. 2. There are two ways in which abstract conceptual structure arises from basic-level and image-schematic structures: (a) by metaphorical projection from the domain of the physical to abstract domains; and (b) by the projection from basic level categories to superordinate and subordinate categories. The cognitive science of the embodied mind is based on (a) dependence of concepts and reason upon the body, and (b) the centrality to conceptualization and reason of imaginative processes such as metaphor, imagery, metonymy, prototypes, and frames. Its view of the mind (new view) includes the following key points presented in parallel with the traditional view (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999).

Table 3.1 The mind, traditional view and new view

Traditional view New view Reason is abstract and disembodied Reason is based on bodily experience reason is literal, about propositions, can be imaginative aspects of reason objectively either true or false metonymy, metaphor, and mental imagery are central to reason. Capacity for meaningful thought and for reason Meaning is a matter of what is meaningful to is abstract and not always embodied in an thinking, functioning beings. organism. Meaningful concepts and rationality go beyond The nature of the thinking organism and the way the physical limitations of any organism and it functions in its environment are of central they exist abstractly although they can be concern for the study of reason embodied in an organism or machine. Both views take categorization as the main way we make sense of experience

Categories are characterized only by properties Our bodily experience and the way we use shared by their members, a) independently of imaginative mechanisms are central to how we the bodily nature of the doer of categorization b) construct categories to make sense of literally, with no imaginative mechanisms experience. (metonymy, metaphor, imagery) into the nature Categorization has developed from Wittgenstein of categories. to Rosch and associates. It is philosophical and comes out of two Evidence found in cognitive sciences thousand years of philosophizing about the (anthropology, linguistics, and psychology) nature of reason. It is called objectivism conflicts with objectivist view on mind and human reason in general. It is called experiential realism or experientialism. Source: (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999) Meaning and emotion. Meaning and emotion are connected (Mark Johnson, 2017, 32) because emotions are the unconscious initial response to an adequate stimulus (Damasio, 1999). According to Johnson (2017), “Neurocomputational theories of thought and language are typically not good at capturing the emotional and feeling dimensions of human meaning they do not include the hormonal processes so crucial to emotions” (pp. 31-32). As Mark Johnson explains, emotions and feelings are essential in our ability to “conceptualize and reason” (2017, p. 33). Our emotional responses are based on both our nonconscious and conscious assessments of the possible, harm, nurturance, or enhancement that a given situation may bring to our lives…Emotional responses…are bodily processes (with neural and chemical components) that result from our appraisal of the meaning and significance of our situation and consequent changes in our body

state, often initiating actions geared to our fluid functioning in our environment. (pp. 60-61)

The affective factors take part within the process of meaning-making when language occurs, infusing our communicative expressions (Gendlin, 1997). Moreover, cognition arises based on our motivational system and under current neuroscience the brain architecture holding our thoughts entwined to “feelings, emotions, and motive forces” can be explained ( Johnson, 2017, p. 33). The Seven E’s. Empirical studies of language show that the body-mind is the outcome of our “bodily engagement” with our physical interactions with things and happenings, and of our “interpersonal interactions with other human and nonhuman animals” (Johnson, 2017, p. 33). Lately, the focus on the foundation of mind on “organism-environment interactions is known as 4E cognition” – namely, cognition that is embodied, embedded, enactive, and extended (Johnson, 2017, p. 34). Cognition is embodied as it is examined in the conceptual metaphors; it is embedded since it results from its interactions with physical and social environments; it is enactive in the manner it creates meaning and thought ongoingly; and it is extended in the sense that we deposit evident cognitive operations and contents onto or into parts of “our environment, such as books, computers, buildings, and signs” (Johnson, 2017, p. 34). To characterize cognition, the NTL proposes adding three E’s to the above list: emotional, evolutionary, and exaptative (Mark Johnson, 2017). The importance of emotions was indicated already; it becomes evident as we involve language by reading, writing and speaking. The evolutionary factor implies that “meaning arises from organism-environment interactions,” as well as from the recognition of our “evolutionary continuity with other species” and our ability to conceive “meaning-making” in other practices apart from language, such as “gesture, dance, architecture, ritual, music, sculpture, painting” (Mark Johnson, 2017, pp. 18-19). Exaptation is “the use of evolutionary genetic characters for new purposes”, i.e., the employment of brain areas developed “for sensory and motor processing to undertake conceptualization and reasoning about abstract, nonphysical domains as in conceptual metaphors based on mappings from a source to a target domain” (Johnson, 2017, p. 34). Thus, language is an outcome of E’s cognition (four or seven), where embodiment comes first since our creation

and use of language is possible only because of our “bodily habitation of the world” (Johnson, 2017, p. 34). Cognitive metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a) was already introduced in Chapter 1. Metonymy (Kövecses, 2010; Lakoff, 1987) and neural metaphor theory (Lakoff, 2010) are related to and/or based on experiential realism. Metaphor analysis in this study is also based on the philosophy of experiential realism and on the cognitive science metaphor theories. Why Not a Hypothesis This study does not have a hypothesis for two reasons: first, because it is based on a phenomenological approach which prevents the researchers from having presuppositions which will limit and/or diminish the plenitude of experiencing the context of the study. Second, the Andean worldview includes an awareness of the complexity of Nature in the Andean context where runa (humans) have developed the ability of immersing themselves within that complexity instead of trying to control or manage it. Supporting Methodology Approaches. In this dissertation we share much about our craft that was constructed within a social context that allowed us to develop practical methods for judging the goodness of our conclusions. In addition to the above we were guided by the certainty that research is essentially a craft (and occasionally an art), rather than an unoriginal adherence to methodological rules (Miles et al., 2014). The proposed questions will be answered by a qualitative research under a constructionist epistemological view and an Andean worldview. Its theoretical perspective will be an interpretivist phenomenology including phenomenological research, ethnography, and metaphor analysis (see Table 3.2). What did I study and how did I access it? This study’s research questions are about finding key metaphors on sustainability. Their condition of “key” metaphors is based on how relevant they are for the actual sustainability of the local/global context where they emerge. The searching for metaphors has been done within the sustainability expressions containing instances of these metaphors in a traditional Andean community (TC). The community is located at 4000 m above the sea level (a.s.l.) in Andabamba, Acobamba, Huancavelica, Peru (Figure 1.1). In this location a study of oral, and visual expressions of sustainability was undertaken. Discourse analysis from urban Huancavelica was not included due to time limitations, although general observations were made during visits to urban Huancavelica where conversations with students

and professors at its university took place. Some Western sustainability metaphors found in academic publications will be considered at the discussion of outcomes of this study. A simple breakdown of the contents of table 3.2 is as follows: a. what was searched: sustainability metaphors and/or metaphorical expressions; b. where the above were found (CC Andean community or WC Western written sources); c. source of the identified expressions (daily life, interviews, clothing, research); d. type of expression (oral, ritual/celebratory, visual, written); e. language used, (English, Spanish, Runasimi, colors, images); f. participants (comM community members, youth, children) Table 3.2 What was searched and how/where it was accessed

What was Where Source Expression Language Participants searched Sustainability TC Daily life Oral Runasimi, Community metaphors Spanish Members and/or Ritual/ (ComM) Metaphorical Celebratory Youth, Kids expressions Interviews Oral Runasimi, ComM Spanish

Clothing Visual Colors, ComM Images

Sustainability WC Academic Written English N/A metaphors Publication document and/or Metaphorical Visual Spanish university Expressions students

Some points to elaborate on this data: • WC sustainability metaphors were found in academic publications.

• TC sustainability expressions were accessed by participating in a Huancavelica Andean community daily life for 10 months (January 2018-May 2018; August 2018-December 2018). • Access to Western sustainability metaphors was in English, and to the sustainability oral/visual expressions in urban Huancavelica was in Spanish. • In the TC access to the sustainability oral expressions was in Spanish and Quechua supported by a Quechua-Spanish translator. The collaborating community. Location. Huancapite, the participant community, is located in the Central Peruvian Andes, at 12º 40’ 00’’ latitude S, and 74º 40’ 59” longitude W. Geopolitically, Huancapite belongs to the Andabamba district of Acobamba province in the Huancavelica Region of Peru (see Figure 1.1 for location). Huancavelica is a Mediterranean region in the Andean Peru (also known as Sierra). Relief of the region and historical background of the capital city. On a relief map of South America, the Andes (from Venezuela to Tierra del Fuego) are a noticeable feature – although this was not appreciated before the 19th century. The word “Andes” comes from Anti (Antisuyo: Eastern territory of the Tawantinsuyu) that the Spaniards pluralized to antis to refer to people living at the East of the Inka territory (Gade, 1999). Huancavelica (at 3,675 m altitude), capital city of the region, is 457 km from Lima (capital city of Peru). The Andes (Andean Occidental chain and Andean Central chain) cross Huancavelica region, defining three groups of mountain chains. The Andean chains located at the central and Northern part of the region (4791–5328 m. of altitude); the High-Andean Puna (4000 m of average altitude); and at the South-east of the region the Occidental Andean slopes (1000 m of altitude) (Gastelo, 2003). Thus, it is rich in several ecosystems (and great biological diversity) because its relief includes mountains, glaciers, plateaus, lakes, valleys, and sinuous roads. The origin of the city of Huancavelica was motivated by the voracity of the Spaniards for whatever the ground could “offer” to satisfy their ambition for metals. The denuncio (claim of legal ownership) of the cinnabar (mercury) mine “Santa Barbara,” located in what today is Huancavelica, was registered by Amador de Cabrera in January of 1574 at one of the

administrative units of the Spanish system imposed in these lands within the colonization process13 (Contreras, 1982). Toledo, the representant of the Spaniard king, ordered the foundation of Huancavelica in August 4, 1572. Between 1564 and 1880, an estimated 17,000 metric tons of mercury vapor were emitted from cinnabar smelting in Huancavelica and an estimated of 39,000 metric tons in Potosi’s refining operations. These emissions contributed more than 25% of the 196,000 metric tonnes of mercury vapor emissions in all of Latin America between 1500 and 1800 (Robins & Hagan, 2012). The amalgamation of silver with mercury practiced in Latin America played a fundamental role in the development of the global economy (N. A. Robins, 2011). Field research shows that mercury contamination is still present in both towns, in ambient soil and in residence constructed with adobe bricks (Hagan et al., 2010). Huancavelica region is divided in seven provinces including the following urban centers of this department or region: Huancavelica, Churcampa, Castrovirreyna, Pampas, Acobamba, Huaytara, and Lircay. This study is located in the Acobamba province (see page 5). The majority of CCs of the Acobamba province derive from the haciendas system established in the colony that entered in crisis after independence (Favre, 1964). In absence of public administration, abandoned lands were taken for agriculture by communities, which were later called “indigenous communities” since the 1920 Peruvian Constitution. In 1969 the agrarian reform called them comunidades campesinas. Their communal organization generates disparate explanations and observations from social scientists.

13 The mine exploitation started immediately. The mine site at 3,800-4,400m above the sea level was very cold. 55

Figure 3.3 A walking path from Huancapite to Paucara the commercial town

Source: Photo taken by the researcher (2018). Sources of information of this history includes both hacienda owners and hacienda workers among others. Some scholars are currently collecting oral versions that, because of limitation of language and/or literacy (from both researcher and “researched” community), did not allow a balanced communication. Some versions of TCs origin give them a short history in Acobamba. Others argue that they originated from a colonial hacienda. It goes back to a time before the mining activities started at Huancavelica, showing that the Spaniards that arrived after the mining time were the providers of “indian workers” that fed the Spaniards’ ambition with their lives (Ccencho Pari, 2011). Andabamba-Huancapite got its título (legal recognition) in 1954 (Huancavelica Archives) before it was part of the Andabamba community. Unlike other TCs, Huancapite

did not belong to a hacienda in the past (personal communication with the president of the TC). Currently CCs have a double set of authorities, traditional leaders (as CC) and municipal leaders (as centro poblado: smaller than a district). Belonging to the official geopolitical system of the country they have access to the district budget. This parallel authority system works well for them. I noticed and others agreed that there is a prevalence of the traditional authorities over the official ones (Instituto del Perú Diciembre 2016, 2016). The access to Huancapite is commonly done walking from Paucará14 (45-60 min) or via vehicles going from Paucará to Andabamba or to Acobamba. There are differences between the activities developed in Huancapite and Paucará. Huancapite is an agricultural traditional community, while Paucará is a westernized town where the principal activities include commerce and transportation. Increasing commerce of pharmaceutical, agrochemical and other industrial products proliferating at the neighbour town are a constant attraction to consumerism for agricultural communities like Huancapite. A case of poisoning of 20 sheep by a mistaken dose of animal medication occurred in the community in December 2018 (personal communication with the sheep’s owner). The owner of the sheep recounted that it made the people reflect about medicines in general and the need for more information on their effects and proper doses. The increment of non- compostable/recyclable waste is produced specially by children in the traditional communities. Children are easily attracted to consume snacks containing synthetic colorful packing and flavour enhancing ingredients. The easy access to products whose effects are not guaranteed to be benign, is an effect of the advance towards the so called “economic development” of industry owners, urban workers, and politicians. In general, negative effects are on human and environmental health and on the economy of rural “consumers.” In the 6000 km Andean mountain system relief configuration, vertical zonation, and climate vary with latitude. The initial interest on the physical features of the Andes turned

14 Paucará, at the West of Huancapite, is where many communities converge to sell/buy basic products. It is connected to Lima, Huancayo, and Ayacucho. Its commercial activities have captured the attention of intellectuals that praise its insertion into the economic global tendencies. Although they recognize the effects of this insertion by the increment of agrochemicals and its consequences: decrease of soil fertility, water (surficial and ground) pollution, low quality of crops etc.(Ottone et al., 2013). 57

towards culture around the 1930’s. The socio-cultural analysis at this time was based mostly on European parameters, and yielded diverse hypotheses, theories, and interpretations of under- or over-generalized definitions of Central Andes landscape, peoples, and culture. Scholars originated in North America, Western Europe, Japan and the Andean region. As Gade (1999) explains, “Much work in Andean studies is overly representational and anthropocentric which blocks its usefulness to the people from whom that information was derived” (p. 41). Currently dissatisfied with Western solutions, Andean people are working on their cultural strengthening or affirmation (Grillo Fernandez, 1988; Grimaldo Rengifo, 1998). Consent from participants in this study. In advance, the protocol and conditions existing in the community were presented to and tested by the University of Calgary (See Appendix C). Following the permissions from the authorities of the community, information on the study and invitation to participate were extended to all the community members. There were no restriction of age, gender, creed, occupation, language or literacy. Persons interested in participating were provided with additional information, forms to be filled and signed, and personal support for filling out the forms. Informed consent to participate in the study was obtained from each person. Individual consent was registered and/or witnessed after the participant’s approval and express agreement following sufficient time to decide on participation (a one-week period). Information about their right to interrupt their participation any time was provided to the agreeing participants. This information was repeated before every specific activity during the study. (Forms used are included in Appendix C). Methodology This study’s constructionist view and Andean worldview are present in every aspect of its Andean sustainability metaphor searching (ASMS). The ASMS metaphor: SEARCHING IS

WEAVING underlies the significance of the weaving process in the Andean worldview implying beliefs, theories, and practices including among others, language and coding systems. Moreover, considering that any study about sustainability of life demands the inclusion of more than one type of knowledge, this study includes both western philosophical

views and Andean worldview. Apart from humans, life has several forms, each of them with its own intrinsic value and role within the whole. The purpose of generating knowledge could be better achieved applying principles, attitudes, and actions, that promote integration towards sustaining life in this planet and the universe. The Andean worldview integrates all life forms and requests ishkay yachay, both scientific and traditional knowledge15. Although the methodologies and methods in this study are from Western origin, their specific design has included Andean principles. Their activities were designed and undertaken in collaboration with members of a traditional Andean community in their languages. From an interpretivist phenomenological theoretical perspective, this study is based on three methodologies: ethnographic experience, phenomenological research (attitude), and metaphor analysis. The Andean worldview of the community (a) inspired principles, phases, activities, and timing of the ethnographic experience; (b) determined the design, activities and interpretation of the phenomenological research; (c) guided the protocols design for the methods and activities of the metaphor analysis. The phenomenological research implies a permanent “attitude” during the study that is constantly made “experience”. These methodologies are the foundations of the methods applied, and reported in the following chapters, to answer the proposed research questions (see Table 3.2). Ethnographic experience. Ethnography started within anthropological enquiries into ‘other’ cultures, after moving to a sociological focus on urban topics and problems. Currently ethnography is commonly used to study health-related phenomena (Liamputtong, 2013). Ethnography requires: physical and social immersion; direct learning through participating in daily activities and conversations; recording of data collected, ensuring that understanding and meanings come from the participants; and a culturally competent researcher (Schensul et al., 1999).

15 This study does not include indigenous methodologies because a) it escapes its primordial purpose (searching for sustainability metaphors, page 81), b) the unavailability of indigenous academically certified methodologies in the Chanca-Qichwa language and in the required fields for this study’s purposes, c) the methodologies and methods used suffice the requirements of the study’s purpose, pages 81-82, d) the researcher’s background neither determines the methodologies of her/his research nor the persons she/he addresses. 59

Participating in the everyday life of the studied culture becomes an essential feature of a phenomenology-based ethnography (Pfadenhauer & Grenz, 2015). Under interpretivist phenomenology, ethnographic enquiry places researchers in a context to examine phenomena as perceived by participants (Berg & Lund, 2012). For Ellen (Ellen, 1984), ethnography requires that the researcher abandons objectivity or scientific neutrality and try to merge herself into the studied culture. Liamputtong (2013) affirms that participatory action research unites to all participants; reduces social inequalities; and allows the researcher to gain knowledge, enabling the “oppressed” to realize his/her ability to equal participation. Participating in the everyday life of the studied culture becomes an essential feature of a phenomenology-based ethnography (Pfadenhauer & Grenz, 2015). Ethnographic enquiry in the spirit of phenomenology seeks to learn meanings and perceptions from participant co-researchers from the host community. In this case the researcher belongs also to an Andean community and her role was of a learner from and worker for another Andean community where the experience took place. Thus, her learning through experience has complemented her understanding of attitudes and actions informed by and influencing to sustainability metaphors. Under the Andean worldview the researcher is called acompañante (accompanying person) and is required to embrace principles such as reciprocity and equal dialogue during her/his life in the community (Ishizawa & Rengifo, 2012). Under this approach the researcher undertakes activities participating in the community’s life. Simultaneously, the acompañante takes on the role of non-participant/participant observer especially during conversations, interviews, communal work and other interactive activities. Formal textual Andean Literature comprises academic documents in Spanish and the production of writers whose interest in the Andes started in the mid 20th century. There is a group of scholars, especially in the Altiplano (region shared with Bolivia), with a wholistic approach in reference of the archives of the Andean culture. They extend these sources to other expressions beyond written documents. Among them are what Arnold & Yapita (2004) describe in the following excerpt:

The Andean literatures challenge the canons of literature or text based solely on the written word. With Derrida, we can easily dismiss the structuralist idea that orality is prior to text, since in the Andes “writing is everywhere”: from the patterned scattering of coca leaves, to rock images engraved by lightening, to weaving designs, glyphs, and alphabetic script. (Arnold & Yapita, 2004, p. 385).

One of the undeniable and well documented features of the traditional community in the Andes, is the level of organization. Any external request is processed under well- established premises and decision-making processes that could include a general consultation before a decision is made. Considering these factors, I included three phases in my learning ethnographic experience at the community: First, previous arrangements; Second, meeting to know each other; and Third learning for regenerating good life. The first phase gave place to the following two. The first phase of the ethnographic experience. This phase of my ethnographic experience included previous arrangements, and the exchange of oral and written communications four times in one year, with the support of relatives and friends to indicate that there was an actual intention of going to the community for learning and/or remembering about the life in the Andes. Constant communication becomes an expression of respect and a need. At this initial phase it is imperative to know the details and particularities of demands from both sides (the community and I), protocol, and/or rituals from the potential host community considering that beginnings imply practical, social, and cultural considerations.

The second phase of the ethnographic experience. In this phase the purpose was meeting to know each other. It included considering the natural reservations community members could have about me as a member from another Peruvian community and another country’s community. It was a need to let my behaviour and actions talk about me. At the same time, knowing the value of work for current and past Andean communities (Harris, 2010; Murra, 2002; Polo de Ondegardo, 1940), I solicited the leaders to allow me to work for the community as we all got to know each other. This phase was also inspired by the Watunakuy or visita de encariñamiento (Grimaldo Rengifo, 2010), meaning ‘visit to make affection grow,’ a practice from the Andean and Amazonian communities. The Watunakuy coordinated and reported by PRATEC (Andean Project of Peasant Technologies) were proposed to neutralize the propaganda of industrial products that erode the Andean culinary culture, agriculture, and building practices in this region (Grimaldo Rengifo, 2010). The Watunakuy, accompanied by the cultural affirmation nucleus CEPROSI from 2002 to 2009, had the purpose of exploring the origin of coloniality in the participating communities’ life and to allow the community members to find ways of cultural affirmation and decolonization (Grimaldo Rengifo, 2010). The first meeting of this second phase was in Dec 22, 2017. Then, I was introduced to the leaders by the person through whom I made the previous arrangements. Initially, answering their request I disclosed the activities I developed in the Northern and Central Andean Peru and my activities in Canada including my plan of going to learn in the community. They explained to me about the community activities and expressed their appreciation of my decision of going back to the Andes. In the second meeting, on Jan 7th, 2018. I was warmly welcomed and offered free accommodation in the communal house. I respectfully declined the offer explaining that I already found a home in the community. After that they welcomed any educational contribution, I was ready to offer and suggest support to the leaders, supporting community members in education for health, literacy, transition from secondary to university, and children’s group for English-Quechua conversation and/or other activities. In the following days we (the president and I) prepared a plan, including activities and a calendar I was invited to present in a leaders meeting. Apart

from community activities I participated in family activities within the very busy calendar of my family. The third phase of the ethnographic experience. The third phase, “learning for regenerating good life,” was based on the purposes of this study. It aims to search for expressions of sustainability in a community that is not fully inserted in the western culture and thereby increase our awareness about the human experience of interacting with Nature. That interaction with Nature brings attitudes to, feelings for, and actions on the surroundings. It may call people to reflection and inspire them to nurture life in our common and only home: the planet Earth. The principles I included to experiencing life at the community are learning, communication, and reciprocity. Learning is the first principle because my purpose was to learn about the sustainability expressions of the community, maintaining a clear and open attitude so as to learn from each of the activities I became involved in. The bracketing condition under my phenomenological approach supported a learning process that sought to avoid pre- judgements or hypothesis. Learning also necessitates consideration that perception indicates a direction rather than a primitive function. Reality revealed itself as I moved through various experiences. Communication in its different ways is also another foundation during life at the community. Thus, conversation implies intersecting experiences with the ones we converse with. The intersection region (point, line, plane, body) belongs to both inclusively but to none exclusively. This principle supports learning in different ways the elements of communication. Conversation is not only a distant dialogue between two humans but an intersection between them. For Merleau-Ponty (1945), communication or comprehension of gestures comes through the reciprocity of my intentions and the gestures of others, of my gestures and intentions discernible in the conduct of other people. It is as the other person’s intention inhabits my body and my body hers/his…it is through my body that I understand people, just as it is through my body that I experience things (pp. 185-186)

Conversation is done also through several ways of communicating. It includes perception of ‘things’ (landscape, colors, patterns, icons, clothing). The expressive qualities of the landscape’s components, with their rich variety of expressions, makes it possible to extend into them the bodily phenomenon of language from humans (Abram, 1996). Appfel-Marglin (PRATEC, 1998) (PRATEC: Andean project of peasant technologies) presents PRATEC’s interpretation of the Andean world, where conversation and nurturance – mutually undertaken acts – occur between humans and between the other beings in the world. She also underlines that, for members working in that community, in the Andean world there is no dualism between humans and the world. It is also applied to the practice of reciprocity. Reciprocity is the third principle adopted to experience life in the Andean community. This principle has been intensively studied as a feature of Andean culture; its practices called under different names (as minka, minga, ainy, randi, and so on); and its applications evaluated under the light of time, perceptions, circumstances, and contexts. Lately the nature of reciprocity has been reported as changing in reference to current circumstances specially coming from predominant tendencies (Faas, 2017) influenced by the global westernizing economy that have, for instance, altered or cut social nets of communication and protection in the Andes. However, reciprocity as an expression of respect and fairness is a healthy practice for working and living within a community that generously accepted to be my host. Reciprocity, if intertwined with learning and conversation, will result in a simpa (braid) including expressions of interaction with more than human interlocutors. It will guide my qinqu (road, path) and help me to integrate the above approach to set an awana (loom) choosing the appropriate threads from each part of my simpa (braid). Expecting the outcome will be a useful inkuña (little offering manta) or a manta/lliclla/wishkata (multi-use mantle, mostly feminine) to bring our mother (Earth) with us reciprocating her love for her living forms. Following I will introduce the foundations of the other two thirds of my simpa (braid): Phenomenological research and Metaphor analysis. Phenomenological research. The phenomenological research inquiry both learns and generates knowledge about the way we experience our world. In this approach the researcher

attempts to recover a fresh perception of existence unprejudiced by acculturation (Sadler Jr., 1969, p. 377). It is not immediately easy; however, we can try following Nature and her living communities in this learning process. About the basis of gestural or spoken communication under this inquiry, M. Merleau-Ponty (1957) underlines that it is the perception that links two “behaviours.” Our experience is with a world with potentially infinite horizon, open to the emergence of as yet undiscovered significance (Sadler Jr., 1969, p. 20). Research for a phenomenologist is attempting to break free and see the world afresh (Crotty, 2003, p. 86). The way we experience the world (meaning) is expressed through metaphors (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Sustainability of life expressed through metaphor is the meaning or system of meanings we want to learn about in this study. This meaning is constantly created by deep interactions between the world and its components within each unique context. With qualitative research the aim is not to generalize but rather to concentrate on the particular (Pinnegar & Daynes, 2006), the attention here is on members of the community that will participate as co-researchers. Differences between phenomenological approaches could look confusing and contradictory (Pringle et al., 2011) and it is arguably easy to both describe and interpret at the same time. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is apt to interpret belief and admit participants’ stories although in a questioning fashion, and its outcomes can induce and contribute to theory (Pringle et al., 2011). It provides an accessible approach to phenomenological research with a complete in-depth account that privileges the individual. It has roots in psychology (Jonathan A Smith, 2004) and allows the researcher to reach, hear, and understand the experiences of participants. The theoretical foundations of the interpretative phenomenological analysis. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) is an approach to qualitative, experiential, and psychological research based on phenomenology, hermeneutics, and ideography (J. Smith et al., 2012). Phenomenological basis. Among phenomenologists exist different foci, although all of them are interested in the experience of being human. For IPA the most relevant are Husserl, Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, and Sartre. Husserl for his focus on experience and its perception;

Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, and Sartre because each of them develop what Husserl initiated towards understanding the person as rooted and “immersed in a world of objects and relationships, language and culture, projects and concerns” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 21). For Husserl (1858-1938), developing phenomenological attitude requires (a) consideration of the consequences of our take-for-granted ways of living in the familiar world of things; (b) bracketing (putting aside) the take-for-granted world to focus on the perception of that world. This procedure, called eidetic reduction, allows us to get at the essence (eidos or idea), set of invariant properties underneath the subjective perception of individual manifestations of what we are observing (Presas, 2009). He considers personal experience a first-order precursor of science, which for him is a knowledge system of second order. His writing on phenomenology was conceptual. His contribution to IPA researchers is the focus on reflection. Husserl was concerned with finding the essence (Presas, 2009), IPA attempts to take certain experiences as experienced for particular people (J. Smith et al., 2012). Heidegger (1889-1976), introduces the concept of intersubjectivity: relatedness-to-the- world as an essential part of our composition (Larkin et al., 2006b). His contributions were ontological instead of epistemological; he was more interested in seeing beyond this to our way of living life without thought and reflection, rather than theorizing about ways of knowing. His approach was phenomenological by considering our experience participatory and mundane (intersubjectivity) to the point that it escapes philosophical concerns including Husserl’s (Lock & Strong, 2010). Ideas that IPA can take from Heidegger include the idea that humans are in a world of objects, relationships, and language; our being-in-the-world is always perspectival, always temporal, always ‘in-relation-to’ something; and that the interpretations of people’s meaning-making activities are essential to phenomenological inquiry. (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 18)

Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961) rejected both Descartes’s mind-body dualism and a view of human beings as machines. He seeks the origin of the social, our inclusion in it from our

primordial insertion in Nature16. For Merleau-Ponty, “the body is no longer regarded as an object in the world, but as our means of communication with it” (1962, p. 106). For Merleau-Ponty, thinking, feeling, and acting happen concurrently within the whole that is the human experience. This makes our embodied connections with others an experience where a dialogue with our conditions benefits us; applied to language, Merleau-Ponty’s view enriches vocabularies that articulate the bodily sense to relate to ourselves and with others (Lock & Strong, 2010). In qualitative and IPA research the Merleau-Ponty’s view of the body as alternate subject/object, shaping the way we know the surrounding world, is determinant. He underlines the importance of the physical and perceptual contributions of the body-in-the-world compared to the intangible or rational contributions (Anderson, 2003). For him the body is the solid foundation of consciousness: “consciousness is in the first place not a matter of ‘I think that’ but of ‘I can’ (M. Merleau-Ponty, 1962, p. 137). Within existential phenomenology Sartre (1905-1980) claims that we are grabbed in projects in the world (Sartre, 1943). According to Sartre, “Whereas we have self-consciousness and seek after meaning, this is an action-oriented, meaning-making, self-consciousness which engages with the world we inhabit” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 19). The concept of nothingness for Sartre (1943) implies the importance of absent things that, together with the present ones, support the way we see the world. His descriptions of the direction of perceptions and of becoming aware of them show that for him the human nature is more about becoming than being, including additionally the complexity of individual history and social frameworks of action (J. Smith et al., 2012). From these considerations, what IPA researchers could benefit from are the deep analysis of people involved in the world, implicit in Sartre’s descriptions, “and the embodied”, relational, emotional and ethical character of these meetings (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 21). Hermeneutical Basis. Hermeneutics, the theory of interpretation, is IPA’s second theoretical foundation. Although hermeneutics initially was devoted to the interpretation of biblical texts, it developed as a philosophy to interpret a wider range of texts (J. Smith et al.,

2012). The hermeneutic theorists whose ideas are included as a basis for IPA are, Schleiermacher, Heidegger, and Gadamer (J. Smith et al., 2012). For Schleiermacher “interpretation is a craft of art with a range of skills including intuition” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 22). Understanding the writer and the text for him are part of the interpretation including a thorough, inclusive, and complete analysis (J. Smith et al., 2012). The “interpretative analyst in IPA, proposes a view on the text that the author does not” (J. Smith et al., 2012). This is possible because of the sharing of something inside with the participant being decoded (J. Smith et al., 2012) and “divination is consequently excited by comparison with oneself” (Schleiermacher, 1998, pp. 92-93). Heidegger considers that we access ‘lived time’ and ‘engagement’ with the world always through interpretation (J. Smith et al., 2012). In Being and Time, after an etymological dissection of the definition of phenomenology, he proposes that this word includes a double quality for the appearance of being, one about what it is displayed and the other about what is not manifested (Heidegger, 1962). Consequently, for Heidegger phenomenology is concerned with not only examining what is potential or latent but also with what it is displayed or manifested because both forms are connected (J. Smith et al., 2012) – they are “both a part of, and apart from” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 24). In a concluding section of Being and Time he deliberates interpretation plainly. In opposition to Husserl he sets that “an interpretation is never without a pre-supposition apprehending of something presented to us” (Heidegger, 1962, pp. 191-192). Consequently, the reader, analyst, or hearer carries their pre-conceptions (previous experience, conventions, biases) (J. Smith et al., 2012). This fact makes it necessary to apply the bracketing in a cyclical way during the interpretation process, and demonstrates that the bracketing only can be partially done (J. Smith et al., 2012). Gadamer underlines history and the effect of tradition on interpretation (J. Smith et al., 2012). From his dialogue with Schleiermacher and Heidegger these outcomes emerge: instead of placing our prejudices before the interpretation we should bring them up when the process is ongoing; when reading a text a conversation between something old (fore-understanding) and something new (text-itself) is established; the purpose is to let the new incitement communicate by itself (J. Smith et al., 2012).

The hermeneutic circle is the most significant idea in hermeneutic theory and deals with the dynamic relationship between the part and the whole at different levels (J. Smith et al., 2012). Smith et al. (2012) argues that to understand any specific part, you look to the whole; to understand the whole you look to the parts; its circularity has been criticized from a logical perspective; and an analytical perspective shows a dynamic non-linear thinking (J. Smith et al., 2012). Idiography. Idiography, the third relevant basis of IPA, is about the particular. IPA’s assurance that the particular operates on two levels: first, in the sense of detail and consequently the depth of analysis (thorough and systematic); second, the IPA is dedicated to understanding how specific experience or phenomena (incident, process, or association) have been understood from the viewpoint of specific people in a specific context (J. Smith et al., 2012). This is why the IPA uses small, purposively-selected and carefully-situated trials, and even effectively it uses single case analysis (J. Smith et al., 2012). Ideography does not avoid generalizations, but adequately proposes a different way of determining them (Harre, 1979). The study of a single case is supported by several scholars. For instance, Platt (1989) justifies them when describing something essentially stimulating; Yin (1989) because a case study is intended to demonstrate existence not incidence; Campbell (1975) when a study troubles our prejudices and models. IPA adopts analytic processes to go from single cases to more general assertions (J. Smith et al., 2012). These will be shown in the methods chapter. IPA and the theory. As J. Smith et al. (2012) describes, “With IPA ordinary everyday experience becomes ‘an experience’ as the person reflects on the significance of happenings getting engage in ‘cognition’ to make sense of it” (p. 33). When we want to research experience, “we witness it after the event which means that we research ‘experience close.’” However, based on the premise that “a person is a sense-making creature, the meaning that is presented by the participant on experience, as it becomes an experience, can be said to represent the experience itself” (J. Smith et al., 2012). IPA works based on phenomenological and hermeneutic understandings combined. Because it endeavors to get close to the participant’s personal experience it is phenomenological, and because it acknowledges that interpretation of participant and researcher is required, IPA is also hermeneutic.

IPA in this study will be applied to a sample larger than one. The analysis starts with a detailed examination of each case. Next the analysis moves carefully to a comparison to find similarities and differences across the cases, getting fine grained accounts of patterns of meaning for participants upon a shared experience. Describing both the account for shared themes and for the distinctive voices and variations on those themes. Basis of Metaphor Analysis. An interdisciplinary consideration of cognitive and linguistic studies views metaphor (Mp) as a type of reasoning based on embodied experience (Feldman, 2008; Gibbs, 1992; Mark Johnson, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999) and a social linguistic act in communications (Charteris-Black, 2004; Chilton, 2004; Goatly, 2007). Metaphor has been considered a cognitive means for maneuvering (Lakoff, 1991; Mio, 1997; Turner, 2001) or as inherent in morality (Lakoff, 1996). Despite the acceptance of metaphor’s role on building political reality, there is a fragmentation in the analysis of political metaphor and its effects, although some late approaches propose a more integrated analysis of political metaphor (Arcimaviciene, 2019). The relationship between the knowledge about the brain and the properties of metaphors are explained by the neural theory of language (NTL) ( Lakoff, 2010).

Metaphor theory. The metaphor theory, based in the experiential realism approach, includes contributions of the conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a) proposed before the development of brain science and neural computation and the neural metaphor theory based on the neural theory of language (NTL). Relevant aspects of the still valid metaphor theory were arranged in Table 1.1 presented in Chapter 1. Primary metaphor. Primary metaphors are learned by all of us while we naturally function in the world. They combine to build complex metaphors (J. Grady, 1997; Kövecses, 2010; Lakoff, 2010). The neural theory of metaphor is based on the neural theory of language (NTL) that provides an explanatory mechanism for metaphorical inferences and the foundations for several principles previously established by the conceptual metaphor theory. The neural theory of language. NTL is been developed based on the complexity of the human brain and the possibility of modeling its functions. The brain’s complexity is shown, among others by a) the specific connectivity of each of its regions with the others; b) its flow of neural activity as a flow of ions across synapses - minuscule spaces between neurons with a transmitting and a receiving side- that are “fortified” with increased activity; c) a relatively slow activity compared to the computer’s speed; d) a word recognition taking around 100 steps; and e) well-learned tasks done by direct connection (Lakoff, 2010). The structured connectionism is done based on the local structure existing in the brain and modeling neural groups (10-100 neurons) as “nodes” that enter in the neural computation. Each neuron can have 1,000 to 10,000 neural connections. Nodes can overlap, making a neuron to function in different “nodes”. Its firing contributes to the activation of each node in which it is functioning. Since neuronal groups include neurons that fire at different times, the activity of the group will depend on the proportion of neurons firing at a given moment. Neural computation’s modeling “is done over networks with nodes, connections, degrees of synaptic strength, and time lapses at synapses”(Lakoff, 2010). This study recognizes the NTL as the foundation of the new neural theory of the metaphor although its detailed consideration escapes its scope (Appendix B) summarizes relevant principles of this theory.

The neural theory of language and metaphors. In the study of metaphors, the neural theory of language demonstrates, • how metaphorical understanding is based on basic human experience through primary conceptual metaphors, • the contribution of primary metaphors to complex conceptual metaphors • how both primary and complex metaphors contribute to the meaning of words, complex expressions and grammatical constructions; • how conceptual metaphor plays a role in abstract concepts and conceptual systems (as in politics, philosophy and mathematics) • the way conceptual metaphors help to understand language and other uses of symbols. Inferences in neural theory of language and metaphorical inferences. A node in a neural circuit that activates a mental simulation is called meaningful node. An inference occurs when (a) the activation of a collection of meaningful nodes (antecedent situation) in a neural circuit leads to the activation of one or more other meaningful nodes (the consequence); (b) when the activation of the antecedent nodes is necessary for the consequence; and (c) when the inhibition of one or more consequence nodes results in the inhibition of one or more antecedent nodes. Maximizing binding can lead to inferences. A metaphorical inference occurs when: (i) a metaphorical mapping is activated in a neural circuit; (ii) there is an inference in the source domain of the mapping; and (iii) a consequence of the source domain inference is mapped to the target domain, activating a meaningful node. Under the NTL the maximizing principle is a consequence that the brain is a best-fit system. Inferences are new activations arising when bindings occur. Mapping “gaps.” The communication of an idea is the transfer of an object from the speaker to the person who hears. For instance, A represents source domain knowledge: the giver loses the object when she gives it to the recipient. B represents target domain knowledge: the speaker does not lose the idea when she gives it to the hearer. Knowing B no mapping from A to B can be learned. In the learning of a metaphor, if co-activation of source and target nodes is absent, no maps are learned.

Image-schema (I-s). Primitive image-schemas (such as, container, source-path-goal, degree of closeness, direction, and amount of force, are computed by our brain structures that are innate or form early. Action schemas and frames are build using primitive image-schemas. The neural theory of metaphors proposes the use of source domain image-schemas in inferences about target domain situations. Meaning and image schemas. The environments with which humans constantly interact, are not only bio-physical but they include social, moral, spiritual, political, and economic components. Experience is (a) both bodily and mental; (b) a source of subjects and objects; and (c) not conformed by emotional components vs rational components. Thus, “our rationality is embodied and emotional” (Mark Johnson, 2017, p. 99). Because we share the environments where experience occurs, interactions shape patterns from which our communal experience arises. Features of our body, neural make-up, and the environment (with all its complexity) determine “what it is possible for us to think and how we think about it” (Mark Johnson, 2017, p. 100) Among the key parts of how this embodied meaning and thought happens are: image schema, controller executing schemas, and primary conceptual metaphors. Image schemas are sensory-motor patterns arising from experience giving shape, connection, and significance, to what we experience (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Evidence for image schemas is supported by sources in experimental psychology, linguistics and psychology ( Johnson, 2017). As Johnson (2017) explains, “The concept in is defined by a CONTAINER image schema that consists generically of (a) a boundary, that demarcates, (b) an interior from, and (c) an exterior” ( Johnson, 2017, p. 82) If we say “the donkey is in the corral,” the phrase makes us to think of the corral as a bounded space (Langacker, 1987). We profile the interior of that space. Within that space the donkey is a trajector, with the corral (as container) serving as a landmark in relation to which the trajector is located. In a similar way, when we hear the sentence “Peter walked from the house into the corral,” we understand this statement “via a SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema that includes (1) a starting point (2) a destination (endpoint), and (3) a path from the starting location to the destination. Thus, the from/to construction is image-schematic. The English word into is

understood as a superimposition of the CONTAINER SCHEMA and the SOURCE- PATH- GOAL” schema (Langacker, 1987). Image schemas are: (a) recurrent patterns of bodily experience; (b) “images” that keep the topological structure of the perceptual whole; (c) operating dynamically in and across time; (d) instantiated as activation patterns (e) structures that link sensorimotor experiences to conceptualization and language; and structures that afford “normal” pattern completion that can serve as a basis for inference. ( Johnson, 2017, p. 86) In every language there are ways of expressing spatial sources (e.g., “from”, “de” “desde”) and goals (e.g., “to”, “toward”, “a”, “hacia”) and intermediate paths between them (e.g., “along”, “through”, “across”. These notions are not isolated but conform a larger whole, the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema. It is about motion and includes elements or roles.. (Lakoff & Núñez, 2000, p. 37) Extensions of this schema include speed of the trajectory, obstacles to motion, forces moving the trajectory, multiple trajectors. This schema is topological, meaning that a path can be expanded or shrunk or deformed and still remain a path (Lakoff & Núñez, 2000). Image schemas can (a) be changed (topological character) without losing their image- schematic structure and logic; (b) combine to give other image-schemas (Johnson, 2017). Thus, the IN schema and the TO schema compose the INTO schema while the OUT OF schema results from the combination of the OUT schema and the FROM/TO schema (Lakoff & Núñez, 2000). Conceptual semantics and image schemas. Image schemas are an evidence that reason is about two things: (1) being based on bodily experience, and (2) metaphorical projections from concrete to abstract domains (Lakoff, 1987). For the above, (Mark Johnson, 1987) provides evidence through “(a) image schemas structure our experience preconceptually; (b) corresponding image -schematic concepts exist; (c) metaphors mapping image schemas into abstract domains, preserving their basic logic; (d) the metaphors are not arbitrary but are themselves motivated by structures inhering in every day bodily experience” (Lakoff, 1987, p. 275). About (d) above, Lakoff (1987) summarizes that each metaphor has a source domain, a target domain, and a source to target mapping. “To show that the metaphor is natural because it

is motivated by the structure of our experience, we need to answer three questions: (1) What determines the choice of a possible well-structured source domain? (2) What determines the pairing of the source domain with the target domain? And (3) What determines the details of the source to target mapping? (Lakoff, 1987, p. 273).

If the above questions are applied to the metaphor PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS, the three questions are: (1) What makes MOVEMENT appropriate as a source domain for PURPOSE? (2) Why is MOVEMENT used to understand purpose, instead of other domains such as CONTAINMENT, FRONT-

BACK, VERTICALITY, or any other? (3) Why is DESIRED STATE mapped onto the DESTINATION, rather than onto the SOURCE, or some other point? The answer is that this metaphor is determined by a structural correlation in daily experience. Consequently, there is a correlation in our experience between a structure in the purpose domain and a structure in the domain of movement: • Initial State = Location A (starting point), • Final (Desired) State =Location B (end point) • Action Sequence= Movement from A to B (motion along path) As Lakoff (1987) describes, “This pairing in our experience is not metaphorical; it is a special case of achieving a purpose where that implies movement” (p. 277). Blending and metaphor vs blends. Blending is about neural binding. Lakoff (2010) explains that metaphors (mappings) and blends (instance of neural bindings) occur within a context. The difference between blends and metaphors shows that metaphor exists separate from blends; metaphoric blends are formed when a source and a target element of a metaphor are bound together via neural binding; and a mere metaphor (understanding the target in terms of the source) is different from that metaphor plus a binding of source entities to target entities.

Metaphorical language. The neural theory of language helps us to consider the enabling importance of language (Lakoff, 2010): the semantic role of a word defines it. It is done through linking circuit to an element of a frame. Every frame is structured by a gestalt circuit, activation of that frame element activates the whole frame. The frame contains one or more image- schemas, a scenario containing other frames, a presupposition containing other frames. This may fit into an activate system of other frames, and each of these frames may be structured by conceptual metaphors. All of those structures could be activated by the activation of that one frame element defining the meaning of the given word. If the lexical frame is in the source domain of the metaphor, the word could also activate that metaphor. In the right context all these activated structures can bring inferences. There is metaphorical language when (a) the frame element the word designates is in the source domain frame of the given metaphor, and (b) the subject matter of the discussion is in the target metaphor (Lakoff, 2010). Grammar can activate a metaphor as in freeway of love where the head noun freeway comes from the source domain (travel) and object of the preposition love comes from the target domain. Grammatical constructions have metaphorical constraints. Comparing bright student vs intelligent*light: the modifier (bright) is from the source domain, while the head (student) is from the target domain but the reverse does not work, except in a class of cases like emotional intelligence where the modifier is a nonpredicative adjective that defines a domain (emotion) (Lakoff, 2010). Due to their connectivity, words and grammatical categories are neurally linked to the elements in the conceptual system where metaphorical mappings are linked to frame elements, which are linked to words or grammatical categories. For example, poetic metaphors in simple words that individually evoke a source domain frame. Each word activates a frame element in a frame that then, activates the correspondent metaphors for the theme of the poem. The activated metaphors reinforce the interpretation of lines in the poem that could be not completely clear. The neural theory of metaphor brings logic to the use of metaphoric language in context. Metaphor resides in ideas not in words. Metaphorical ambiguity is resolved by considering the context and the fact that only one metaphor can be activated, not two at the same time.

The source domain embodiment and the embodiment of source and target domains of primary metaphors that are used, are the foundations of meaningful conceptual metaphors (Lakoff, 2010). Types of Metaphor. The cognitive linguistic view defines metaphor as understanding one conceptual domain in terms of another conceptual domain (Kövecses, 2010). Based in the cognitive functions of metaphor there are three general kinds of conceptual metaphor: structural, ontological, and orientational. Structural metaphors. These include a source domain that feeds a rich knowledge structure for the target concept. Through this type of metaphor, speakers understand target A by means of the structure of source B. The concept of time for example is understood in function of motion and space. Basic elements to understand time: physical objects, their locations, their motion. Background condition that applies to this way of understanding time: the present time is at the same location as a canonical observer. Considering the basic elements and the background condition, we get the following mappings: Times are things; the passing of time is motion; future times are in front (at back or up) of the observer; past times behind (in front, or down) of the observer; one thing is moving, the other is stationary; the stationary is the deictic center. This set of mappings structures our notion of time expressed as the conceptual metaphor:

TIME IS MOTION. In English this metaphor exists in the form of two special cases: TIME PASSING IS

MOTION OF AN OBJECT (Time is flying by.

Your birthday is coming up on us.); and TIME PASSING IS AN OBSERVER’S MOTION OVER A

LANDSCAPE (We are coming up on Christmas. There is going to be trouble along the road.) Ontological metaphors. They provide less cognitive structuring for target concepts than structural metaphors. (Ontology deals with nature of existence). They provide a new ontological status to general categories of abstract target concepts and to bring about new abstract entities (Kövecses, 2010). Ontological metaphors allow us to see more sharply portrayed structure where there is very little or none.

Table 3.3 Source domains vs. target domains

Source Domains Target Domains PHYSICAL OBJECT à NONPHYSICAL OR ABSTRACT ENTITIES (e.g., the mind) à EVENTS (e.g., going to the race), ACTIONS (e.g., giving someone a call) SUBSTANCE à ACTIVITIES (e.g., a lot of running in the game) CONTAINER à UNDELINEATED PHYSICAL OBJECTS (e.g., a clearing in the forest) à PHYSICAL AND NONPHYSICAL SURFACES (e.g., land areas, the visual field) à STATES (e.g., in love)

Conceptualizing the mind as an object allows us to provide more structure for it by means of the “machine” metaphor for the mind (as in: My mind is rusty at this moment). Conceiving fear as an object we can conceptualize it as “our possession.” We can refer to it as “my fear”, “her fear.” We can conceive personification (giving human qualities to nonhuman entities) as a form of ontological metaphor (Life has cheated me. The computer went dead on me.) (Kövecses, 2010, 39). Orientational metaphors. They are the metaphors that serve the function of making a set of target concepts coherent in our conceptual system. Most of these metaphors deal with basic human spatial orientations. Thus, upward orientation tends to go together with positive evaluation (examples: MORE IS UP, LESS IS DOWN; HAPPY IS UP, SAD IS DOWN). Conceptual Metaphor may use propositional understanding and images of several types. If these images have general schematic structures, they are called image-schemata (e.g., container and force). They structure abstract concepts metaphorically. Based on generality, conceptual metaphors can be specific-level (most conceptual metaphors use concepts that are at specific level), and generic-level (e.g., EVENTS ARE ACTIONS, GENERIC IS SPECIFIC). Generic-level metaphors have a role in the working of our conceptual system. EVENTS ARE ACTIONS metaphor reasons for several cases of personification. The GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor supports the understanding of proverbs and other cliched phrases. In the proverb: “the early bird catches the worm,” the items bird, catch, and worm are specific-level concepts. The metaphor GENERIC IS

SPECIFIC tells us to interpret the proverb at generic level: an ‘early bird’ is somebody who does

something first, ‘catching’ is obtaining, and ‘worm’ is something obtained before others. This interpretation can be applied to other cases having this generic structure. Source domains are activated in the real-time or online comprehension of target-related metaphorical meaning. Non-linguistic realizations of conceptual metaphors. Apart from “metaphorical linguistic expressions”, metaphors manifest themselves in several ways (Kövecses, 2010). They appear in movies and acting, cartoons, drawings, sculptures and buildings, advertisements, symbols, myths, dream interpretation, interpretation of history, politics and policy, morality, social institutions, social practices, literature, Gestures and multimodal metaphors. Consequently, conceptual metaphor encompasses much of our social, artistic, psychological, intellectual, and cultural life. Thus, the value of cognitive linguistic view of metaphor allows to find conceptual metaphor in other fields of people’s experience Metonymy. Another figure that plays a role in our cognitive activities is metonymy (Mn). Because metaphor and metonymy are related in several ways (Kövecses, 2010), they support each other’s identification by enriching concepts and contexts associated with them. An overview of metonymy is contained in the following box.

Box 3.2 An overview of metonymy (Mn) § Metonymy allows us to direct attention to an entity through another entity related to it. (Kovecses, 2010). § Metonymies are conceptual in nature. § The entity called the vehicle entity is the one that directs attention or provides mental access to another entity, this another entity is called the target entity.

§ Thus, in the examples (in bold), (Kövecses, 2010), THE PRODUCER FOR THE PRODUCT (THE AUTHOR FOR THE

BOOK): I’m reading Shakespeare and THE PLACE FOR THE EVENT: I hope there is not a Chernobyl ever again § Shakespeare, and Chernobyl are the vehicle entities, while Shakespeare’s work, and Chernobyl’s atomic disaster, are the target entities. § Vehicle and target entities are “close” to each other in conceptual space (producer to product and place to event) (Kövecses, 2010). § For Lakoff the two entities belong to the same idealized cognitive model (ICM) (Kövecses, 2010). Kövecses (Kövecses, 2010, 173) defines metonymy as: “a cognitive process in one conceptual entity, the vehicle, provides mental access to another conceptual entity: the target, within the same domain, or idealized cognitive model (ICM)”.

§ Examples (metonymic linguistic expressions under specific relationships that are stated in small capitals): THE

PLACE FOR THE INSTITUTION (Wall street is in a panic); THE CONTROLLER FOR THE CONTROLLED (Colon

polluted Turtle Island); AN OBJECT USED FOR THE USER (The guitar has the flu today); WHOLE FOR THE PART

(America is a powerful country); PART FOR THE WHOLE (We need some good heads on the project);

INSTRUMENT FOR ACTION (She shampooed her hear); EFFECT FOR CAUSE (It’s a slow road); PLACE FOR ACTION

(America doesn't want another Pearl Harbor); DESTINATION FOR MOTION (He porched the newspaper); PLACE

FOR PRODUCT (give me my javalmocha); TIME FOR AN OBJECT (The 8:40 just arrived); and more (Kövecses, 2010, pp. 172-173).

The above methodologies are the foundations of the methods that will be reported in the following chapters. This project intended to identify successively: (a) oral and visual expressions of sustainability through life experience within the context of an Andean Community (TC); (b) instances of sustainability related (SUr) metaphors (Mp) and metonymies (Mn) in these oral and visual expressions previously identified; (c) the underlying sustainability related metaphors and metonymies and their image-schemas; and (d) the sustainability metaphors. These identifications will be done taking into account the physical, social, and cultural context of this study and the way sustainability is achieved in the collaborating community.

The identification of (a) was done within community based collaboration (CBC) and IPA and supported by participant observation (PO); (b) and (c) were done within metaphor analysis (MA) and supported by CBC, IPA, PO outcomes; d) was done within MA, supported by CBC and PO outcomes. The final outcome: the sustainability metaphors will respond research question one (Q1). Nature and role of these metaphors will be established answering research question two (Q2). Their influence in supporting life in Nature (Q3) will be concluded based also on the outcome of the previous research methods and from the answers to the research questions one (Q1) and two (Q2). Applied methods under each of the chosen methodology approaches and the research questions answered within or with the support of these methods are contained in Table 3.4. Metaphor and the cognitive science. The proposed exploring and identifying sustainability expressions in the TC of Huancapite includes metaphor analysis. For this purpose, to the phenomenological, ethnographic, and Andean worldview principles and experience, relevant cognitive science’s principles were added. Cognitive science integrates what in psychology, linguistics, anthropology, philosophy and computer science academic fields it is known about the mind. This science is interested in reason, experience, and conceptual systems (Mark Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). The foundation of the metaphor analysis method is the new view of the cognitive science that presents two kinds of evidence: (a) dependence of body on concepts and reason; and (b) the relevance of imaginative processes, such as “metaphor, metonymy, imagery, prototypes, frame, mental spaces, and radical categories” in conceptualization and reason (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, p. 77). Box 3.3 comprises key points of the second-generation embodied view of mind taken from Lakoff and Johnson (1999, 77).

Box. 3.3 The embodied view of mind § The embodied view of mind argues that conceptual structure comes from sensorimotor experience and neural structures. Structure in our conceptual system is described by image and motor schemas. § Mental structures are meaningful due to their connection to our bodies and embodied experience. Basic level of concepts outcome in part from our motor schemas and our capacities for gestalt perception and image formation. § Our brains project activation patterns from sensorimotor areas to higher cortical areas. These constitute primary metaphors. These types of projection allow us to conceptualize abstract concepts based on inferential patterns used in sensorimotor processes that are directly tied to the body. § Prototypes of the structure of concepts include typical cases, ideal cases, social stereotypes, salient exemplars, cognitive reference points, end points of graded scales, nightmare cases, and so on. Each uses a distinct form of reasoning. Most concepts are not characterized by necessary and sufficient conditions. § Reason is a) embodied in that our fundamental forms of inference arise from sensorimotor and other body- based forms of inference, b) imaginative in that bodily inference forms are mapped onto abstract modes of inference by metaphor. § Conceptual systems are pluralistic, non-monolithic. Typically, abstract concepts are defined by multiple conceptual metaphors, which are often inconsistent with each other “. (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, 77-78)

On shaping reason. Cognitive science found that human reason is a form of animal reason closely attached to our bodies, brains, and our interactions with our environment, contributing mostly unconsciously, to our ability of finding our reality (Mark Johnson, 2017; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). In cognitive science’s new view, conceptual metaphor is an essential imaginative aspect of reason. Under this view, metaphor together with metonymy and mental imagery are considered central to reason and not as formerly when they were located out in the periphery as part of the literal and without any consequential function in reason (Lakoff, 1987). To conceptualize and reason, emotion and feelings are essential (see discussion on Meaning and emotion, pages 50-51).

Significance of the Study Philosophical approach. Phenomenology and Andean worldview, as the qualitative approach to this research, increase its significance and novelty. Sustainability expressions where sustainability meanings underpinning the human-Nature relationship (object-subject) are not 82

only dual. This study intends understanding the concept and effects of the oral, and visual key sustainability metaphors that characterize it. So far, sustainability research has been approached mostly based in linguistic theory, economic/social use, orientation and interpretation. Thus, metaphor has been mostly analyzed as a “rhetorical devise” with prevalence of its linguistic function over its conceptual and communicative determinant roles, influencing thoughts, attitudes, and actions. Moreover, this study included constructionism as another of its foundations because life experience was done within a community through several shared moments of interaction and collaboration for constructing knowledge. Interdisciplinarity, art, and spirituality. This is an interdisciplinary study including cognitive science, social science, and humanities through art and spirituality. It is interdisciplinary because the Andean worldview (Cosmovisión Andina or Andean Weltanschauung) comprises interacting collectivities of humans, natural environment, and deities (spiritual realm). Moreover, in both western/westernized and rural Andean high land contexts the existing collectivities express themselves through diverse means. Languages: English, Spanish, and Qichwa. Previous studies on discourse analysis and conceptual metaphor have been done mostly using one oral/written language. This study will include three languages, one of them only oral. This will increase the degree of difficulty. However, an increment of surfacing meanings, relationships, and answers is expected. Methodologies. Under a constructionist view and an Andean worldview, the theoretical perspective of this study is an interpretivist phenomenology. It includes phenomenological research, ethnography, and metaphor analysis methodologies. These methodologies inform the application of the selected methods to answer the research questions. Methods. Some methods’ features of novel application in this study confirm a new experience. During the shared life experience in the community-based collaboration (CBC) we spoke the Chanka-Qichwa and Spanish languages and wrote notes and journals in English. The interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was applied in the ethnographic field extending its applicability. The analysis of Andean visual instances of sustainability related metaphors was done based on cognitive science principles, becoming a new practice.

The methods applied in this study include CBC, involving participant observation, IPA, with semi-structured face -to -face interview, and metaphor analysis (MA). MA comprises the identification of sustainability related metaphors and metonymies underlying instances in oral and visual expressions. Community based collaboration (CBC). Working experience in the Peruvian Andes shows the need for clarity about contributions and benefit of participants in agreements (Landeo Alvarez, 1995). This method intends to generate primary data with the support of members of a bilingual (Quichwa/Spanish) community. Moreover, activities of the participant observation, the IPA semi-structured face-to-face interview, part of the metaphor analysis and part of the visual metaphors for sustainability methods are undertaken through specific activities within the collaborating community. This becomes an “umbrella method” for the others. Study’s activities are undertaken within the community, resources required, and calendars, are proposed to and agreed upon with the community leaders and participants. The working period in the community could be between 9-15 months. During this time, the community-based collaboration activities are grouped within the following six steps, getting to know each other; learning and teaching in and out of the community; continuing working together; conversing in Runasimi and in Spanish; analyzing and concluding together; and closing, farewell, and a future tinkuy. Participant observation (PO). This method includes living in the setting for an extensive time, using and learning local languages, participating in common and uncommon activities of the community, interviewing through everyday conversation, recording observations in field notes, and using both implicit and explicit information in analysis and writing (Adler & Adler, 1987). The degree of participation and the level of membership varies. In this case an active participation and active membership (Adler & Adler, 1987; Spradley, 1980) is proposed. To undertake the observer role was necessary to be constantly aware of the need for observation and journal writing. Whyte & Whyte (1984) recommend developing the ability to map the scene including as many details as possible such as non-verbal interactions. Seeing old

events with new eyes was necessary in this case because the researcher/acompañante has lived in Andean communities. Considering that it is not feasible or possible to “observe everything,” scholars recommend that the participant observer should be aware of the research purpose. Also, becoming aware of the patterns of daily, weekly, monthly, seasonal and aperiodic events doing the following (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2002, p. 77): 1. Observe the activity and find the “story line,” 2. Determine the included segments of action, 3. Try to sort out the regular, non-varying components from the more variable items, 4. Seek for variations in “the story line”, that reflect differences in status, education, seasonality etc., 5. Look for exceptions, 6. If the observed behaviour is relevant for theoretical purposes, a systematic observation could be designed. Participant observation is included in all the other methods of this research. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The IPA is a qualitative approach to psychology and also recommended for nursing related disciplines to understand health, health service, and illness from the service-user perspective (Mjøsund et al., 2015; Jonathan A Smith, 2004). It is among the approaches committed to the exploration of lived experiences. It is applicable to inquiries from other fields including the exploration of the Human- Nature relationship. In the field of psychology, it allows a deep understanding of the particular bringing us closer to the universal (Warnock, 1987). Its features include that, (a) it is inductive, because techniques allow unanticipated themes to surface during the analysis since our broad research questions and absence of hypothesis permit extended data collection; (b) it is interrogative, due to the new information and meanings resulting from its application; and (c) it allows multiple levels of analysis and interpretation. It includes semi-structured face-to-face interviews. IPA method stages. The IPA method involves the following stages: (1) Research design where the topic and method are selected based on the research questions; the potential

participants, ethical principles, and timeline, are determined. (2) Collecting data –which includes, choosing a method to collect data (in-depth interviews were chosen in this case); contextualizing the in-depth interview, developing a schedule for a semi-structured interview; conducting the semi-structured in-depth interview; translating and transcribing the interview. (3) Analysis, including five steps for analyzing each interview: reading and re-reading, initial noting, developing emergent themes, searching for connections among emergent themes and moving to the next case; the sixth step is devoted to looking for patterns across participants; concluding discussion and interpretation. (4) Writing the outcomes (Smith et al., 2010). Analysis. The analysis, designated as an iterative and inductive sequence (Smith, 2007), is advanced based on the following suggested strategies: • Line-by-line analysis of the participant transcribed expressions to identify interests and considerations of each participant (Larkin et al., 2006a). • Identification of emergent patterns through focus on specific themes as per Eatough & Smith, 2008, conducting the analysis for each case and later across the participants. • Establishing a reflection about what it could mean for the participants to have these interests and considerations within this situation, moving toward a more interpretative explanation. • Developing of a structure frame or gestalt to illustrate the relationship between themes. • Organization of the material (transcripts, notes, related observations) in a format that permits analyzed data to be tracked across the process from initial observations on the transcript through initial clustering and thematic elaboration, into the final assembly of themes: to review for developing the coherence of the interpretation; to elaborating of a full narrative, demonstrated by a detailed observation on data excerpts; to taking the reader throughout this interpretation, theme-by-theme and supported by a table; and to reflecting on one’s own readings, notions and procedures. Metaphor analysis (MA). This method is based on the two kinds of evidence of the new cognitive science: (a) dependence on the body of concepts and reason; and (b) relevance of the imaginative processes: metaphor, metonymy, and image-schemata, in conceptualization and reason. This method’s purpose is identifying the imaginary processes metaphor and/or

metonymy existing in oral, visual or any other type of expression, about a chosen subject, within a specific biophysical-socio-cultural context. The above implies the need for a fully informed agreement with the specific context’s authorities and the population (if required) to learn what is required to this method’s application. The metaphor analysis in this case will be applied to the results of the previously applied methods. Metaphor identification in oral and visual expressions. Utterances and visual expressions from participants will be selected based on criteria depending on the researched objectives and topic. The visual expressions will be selected considering their degree of representativity of the region, their symbolic and practical importance and their availability. Table 3.4 Methodologies, Methods to Be Applied, and Research Questions

Methods Methodologies Within an Interpretivist Context of To be applied Phenomenological Perspective Application (Research question to TC: Traditional be answered: Q1, Q2, Community Q3) HR: Huancavelica Region Ethnography Phenomenological Cognitive TC HR Research Science Community Based Collaboration √ √ √ √ (Q1, Q2, Q3) Participant observation (Q2, Q3) √ √ √ √ √

IPA, Ss. face-to-face interview √ √ √ √ (Q1, Q2) Metaphor analysis in Utterances √ √ √ √ (Q1, Q2) Metaphor analysis in

textiles √ √ √ √ √ (Q1, Q2, Q3)

The oral and visual metaphorical expressions from the specific context outcomes of the experiences living at the community will guide the metaphors and/or metonymies identification in the selected utterances and visuals. Based on their themes these integrating metaphors (third level metaphors) and/or metonymies will be grouped and interrelated (integrated) to obtain the final metaphors. The suggested steps for the metaphor’s analysis include: Step one. Step two. Step three.

Describing and interpreting the cultural, Identifying/applying image- Establishing the biophysical, temporal and emotional factors schema, metonymy, and relationship between the related with utterances. Context experience conceptual metaphor from which outcomes of a) and b) and intersects, overlaps and complements the the selected oral expression is an the subject/purpose previously applied methods. instance. of the study.

Qualitative Data Analysis, and Validity This qualitative study is a process where, among other occurrences, meanings are obtained from qualitative data. Applied methods provided us knowledge on sustainability metaphors, Andean culture, applicable methods and so on. Answers to respond our research questions came up from the final outcomes that provided findings that went beyond what we could expect. This study applies qualitative methods of inquiry to uncover the lived experiences within the community through (a) learning daily expressions of sustainability in the community; (b) identifying sustainability metaphors underpinning attitudes and actions of the community members on the environment; and (c) analyzing the outcomes of (a) and (b), taking into account sustainability metaphors from the western world as a means of comparison reference. Phenomenology was chosen as a philosophical approach and as a methodology because this study was about finding a holistic meaning of the participant’s experiences as shared in their own words (Marshall & Rossman, 1999). Hermeneutics added to phenomenology orients the

study toward the lived experience of individuals and the interpretation of the generated documentation of content of life (Van Manen, 2016). Validity was discussed initially in psychological literature in the mid-fifties and currently in medicine it is defined by the COSMIN17 as “the degree to which an instrument truly measures the construct(s) it intends to measure” (Mokkink et al., 2010). There has been discussion about how validity should be assessed, and how its results should be interpreted; this is a problem for psychologists as they deal with ‘unobservable’ constructs (de Vet et al., 2011). Issues of conceptualization and measurement among scholars are shown by the association of 37 different adjectives to the noun “validity” (Adcock & Collier, 2001). In quantitative research validity is linked to accuracy, relevance and reliability of measurement, in qualitative research we seek to understand, represent, or explain something, usually some rather complex social phenomenon (Pyett, 2003). Though validity originated in the positivist tradition, Wainwright (1997) insists that it does not sit well in the qualitative research paradigm, while many qualitative researchers support its relevance (Pyett, 2003). An account is valid in qualitative research “if it represents accurately those features of the phenomena that it is intended to describe, explain, or theorize” (Hammersley, 1987, 69), thus, how can we have confidence that our account is an accurate representation? In our study identifying sustainability metaphors within a traditional Highland Andean community the confidence in the validity of our findings is supported by: (a) a welcoming access provided by the community represented by their traditional leaders after two years of preliminary interaction; (b) full disclosure of the research plan with detailed activities calendar and required participants; (c) full immersion into the community life, accepting to be hosted by a family from the community, working roles and responsibilities at the family and community because of the reciprocity principle that is one of the pillars of the Andean worldview; (d) previous working experience in the Peruvian Andes (Landeo Alvarez, 1995, 1998), sharing one of the two community’s languages and having basic notions of the other; (e) unrestricted and voluntary

17 The COSMIN study reached consensus about which health measurement properties are important, their definitions and terms for their assessment in terms of study design and statistical methods (de Vet et al., 2011) 89

participation of the community members in the study which allowed having the collaboration of a diverse and representative group of community members; (f) the recruiting process, questionnaire, and activities within the study were detailed with the feedback and recommendation of the participants and considering their seasonal communal, and familial activities; (g) triangulation was applied to recruitment, interviewing and visual metaphors identification; and finally, (h) at the beginning of the study several conversations were undertaken to check the analysis and interpretation of oral expressions, attitudes and activities oriented to define the meaning of sustainability for the community members. Later, participant checks were very limited because we signed documents of complete anonymity and follow-ups would have not been possible. More aspects related to validity in this kind of research can found in Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Source Book (Miles et al., 2014). This study is complex because it comprises Andean culture, sustainability, and metaphors. The above demanded more than one school of thought and practice for the study. Its philosophical foundation required the inclusion of more than a particular approach. Because this study includes experiencing life within an Andean community, the particular Andean worldview (Cosmovisión Andina or Andean Weltanschauung) became part of this research’s approach (see Chapter 2). The Central Andes were and/or are (a) the location of multiethnic civilizations with aspects that are unprecedented and unique (Moseley, 2001); (b) a location where there is an ‘Andean way’ of remembering and transmitting events; (c) the object of the attention of some Spaniards who wrote predominantly to justify their invasion and the “rights” of their king over the Tawantinsuyu lands (Rostworowski, 1999); and (d) the object of Eurocentric attitudes, actions, and interpretations (Gade, 2013). Strength of this study’s qualitative data. Under Miles et al., (2014) criteria, qualitative data of this study are strong because they (a) are focused on daily occurrences within a traditional Andean community in a natural setting that allows experiencing and understanding, several underlying expressions of sustainability, (b) are the outcome of an extended period of time of effective and deep learning through participation in the community’s life; (c) allow us to identify meanings of sustainability in events, processes, and structures of life connected to social and physical environments.

Qualitative data’s competence and concurrent flows of analysis. The competence of our qualitative data rests on the competence with which their analysis (before, during, and after data collection) is carried out in each of its three constitutive concurrent flows: 1. Data condensation was part of the analysis and was done continuously along the project, by selecting/focusing, simplifying, abstracting, and or transforming empirical materials (field notes, journals, and so on). 2. Data display is an organized, compacted gathering of information that permits inference representation and action; it includes, graphs, tables, charts, and so on; it is part of the analysis because their design implies analytical activities. 3. Conclusion drawing and verification; starting data collection; what things mean interpretation; all of these are done through “noting patterns, explanations, causal flows, and propositions”; conclusions are initially vague until the end of data collection when may emerge “final” conclusions (Miles et al., 2014, p. 13). Considering the nature of the concurrent flows of the analysis, our study required iterative actions along the continuous qualitative data analysis. It was because issues of data condensation, display, and conclusion drawing/verification appeared successively as analysis incidences following each other. In this dissertation we include documents (interview transcripts, IPA analysis outcomes, metaphor analysis process and outcomes, and so on) that support our qualitative analysis. We reflect how we undertook our analysis to refine our methods and made them usable by others. This is a factor of usefulness that contributes to the validity of our study. Instrumentation and instrument validity. The instrumentation that involves specific methods of data collection in our study is focused on qualitatively organized information. In our study it includes basic tools for taking field notes, open-ended interviews, and the registering of daily impressions. For each tool some technical choices were required. Many of these choices were the outcome of successive observations and conclusions with the contribution of participants. The contributions were received through several informal conversations and during shared activities ordinary and extraordinary. Based on “markers of a good qualitative researcher-as-instrument” (Miles et al., 2014, p. 42), my researcher-as- instrument role in this study is characterized by,

1. Familiarity with the sustainability of Andean communities. I was born, raised, and worked in the Andes. 2. Research skills developed within quantitative and qualitative chemistry, environmental management, and public participation. 3. Grounding this study on more than two philosophical approaches, the Andean worldview, and the theory of three fields of study. 4. Data collecting and analysis through three interacting methods. 5. Comfortable, resilient, nonjudgmental and respectful attitude with Andean communities since my ancestors and I belong to them. 6. A natural disposition to an enhanced empathetic engagement with the community, balanced with an enhanced sense of objective awareness of the purpose, approach and methodology of this study. Application of standards of validation to know the strength of the study’s findings is important. I applied Miles et al., (2014) suggested standards.

Conflicts and dilemmas. Some scholars have found that qualitative researchers experience includes dilemmas such as validity versus avoiding harm, or help giving versus confidentiality (Miles et al., 2014). Their advice includes advance thinking at design’s early stages, third parties aiding to find ignored issues, and fixed checking and renegotiation. In this study the requirements of the university’s ethics committee at the early stage of the study design were relevant to avoid conflicts and dilemmas. The requirements included, among others, full disclosure of methods and activities and their potential effects on and conflicts for possible participants. The written documents for authorities and participants were previously designed. They include a detailed description of activities and their potential positive and negative effects. At the same time a detailed list of mitigation and or preventive measure to be offered by the researcher in case of need. Another way of avoiding dilemmas was a constant communication with the community’s leading team, providing service to the community when it was required and within the limitations from my study activities. Quality of conclusions. To judge the quality of conclusions we consider what Miles et al. (2014) propose under a critical realist tradition: “five issues (somehow overlapping) are

discussed: 1) the objectivity/confirmability of qualitative work, explicitness on existing inevitable biases; 2) reliability/dependability/auditability, whether study’s process is consistent, reasonably stable over time and through researchers and methods; 3) internal validity/credibility/authenticity, are findings credible to participants and readers?; 4) external validity/transferability/fittingness, whether conclusions are transferable to other contexts; 5) utilization/application/action orientation, how the study benefits to its participants and users”. (p. 311). Following are issues’ description and boxes comprising the standards of conclusions’ quality under each issue. Objectivity/confirmability. This issue is about the relative neutrality and reasonable freedom from unacknowledged researcher biases, or (at least) explicitness about the inevitable biases that exist (Miles et al., 2014).

“Objectivity/Confirmability. The study’s general methods and procedures are described explicitly and in detail. There is a record of the study’s general methods and they can be audited by an outsider. The conclusions are explicitly linked with exhibits of condensed data. The sequence of how data were collected, processed condensed/transformed, and displayed for specific conclusions can be followed. The researcher is self- aware of personal assumptions, values and biases, and how they may have emerged during the study. The study data are available for reanalysis (as allowed).” (Miles et al., 2014, pp. 311-12) Reliability/dependability/auditability. This issue assesses if the process of study is consistent, reasonable, stable over time and across researchers and methods. It is about issues of quality and integrity. Have things been done with reasonable care?

“Reliability/Dependability/Auditability. The research questions are clear and there is correspondence between them and the qualities of the study design. The researcher’s role and status within the community has been explicitly described. The findings show meaningful parallelism across data sources (participants, contexts, times). Basic paradigms and analytical constructs are clearly specified. (Reliability depends, in part on its connectedness to theory.) Data were collected at the settings, times, participants, and so on as suggested by the research questions.” (Miles et al., 2014, p. 312)

Internal validity/credibility/authenticity. Priscilla Pyett (2003) underlines the debate around the relevance and usefulness of the concept of validity in qualitative research, citing (Angen, 2000; Hammersley, 1987; Maxwell, 1992; Morse, 1999; Sparkes, 2001; Wainwright, 1997; Whittemore, Chase, & Mandle, 2001; Winter, 2000). Scholars from different fields use distinctive language for alternative processes for measurement validation. They frame them in terms of types of validity. Criterion, convergent, and construct validity are the best known (Adcock & Collier, 2001). Miles et al. (2014) report that (a) the traditional quantitative construct validity is a questioned condition among certain qualitative researchers, although others use it because they consider it suggests rigour toward their work; (b) Wolcott (1990) proposed a deep understanding instead and rejected validity in qualitative research; (c) Maxwell’s (1992) review discriminates understandings that may result from a qualitative study: descriptive (what happened in specific situations), interpretive (what it meant to the people involved), theoretical (the concepts, and their relationships, used to explain actions and meanings), and evaluative (judgments of the worth or value of actions and meanings). “Internal Validity/Credibility/Authenticity Descriptions are context-rich, meaningful, and “thick” (Gertz 1973). The account rings true, makes sense, seems convincing or plausible, enables a vicarious presence for the reader. Triangulation among complementary methods and data sources produced generally converging conclusions. If not, the procedures for reconciling the differences and their results are explained. The data presented are well linked to the categories of prior or emerging theory. The measures reflect the constructs at work. Findings are clear, coherent, and systematically related (unified) Charmaz, 2006; Eisner, 1991). Confirmation procedures for assertions, propositions, hypotheses, conclusions, and so on, are described. Any areas of uncertainty have been actively considered. Negative evidence was sought (if applicable, found and accounted for in the analysis and write up). Rival explanations have been actively considered. When possible, findings have been replicated in other parts of the database than the one they arose from. And the conclusions were considered to be accurate by the original participants, if not, a coherent explanation is offered. (Miles et al., 2014, p. 313) External Validity/Transferability/Fittingness. On external validity or transferability Miles et al. reports that (a) grounded theorists indicate that concepts and abstractions developed by the methodology supports their transferability (Glaser, 2005); (b) Any transfer is the responsibility of the reader and not of the researcher (Erickson, 1986); (c) generalizability includes issues such as research’s analytic ability, admission that a complex and site-specific context problematizes constructing a theory and thus generalization (Clarke, 2005); (d) 94

generalization is not mechanical, and “how persuasive a case can the researcher make that the findings” of one case “have meaning and echoes to other individuals, sites and times?” (Miles et al., 2014, p. 314). “External Validity/Transferability/Fittingness The characteristics of the original sample of persons, settings, processes, and so on are sufficiently fully described to permit adequate comparisons with other samples. The report specifies any limits on sample selection and critically examines its ability to generalize to other settings and contexts. The sampling is theoretically diverse enough to encourage broader applicability when relevant. The findings include enough thick description for readers to assess the potential transferability and appropriateness for their own settings. A range of readers report that the findings are consistent with their own experiences. The findings are congruent with, connected to, or confirmatory of prior theory. The processes and outcomes described in the conclusions are applicable in comparable settings. Any theories and their transferability are explicitly stated. The report suggests settings where the findings could fruitfully be tested further. When possible, the findings have been replicated in other studies to assess their robustness.” (Miles et al., 2014, p. 314) Utilization/Application/Action Orientation. Many community-based research projects clarify and rectify local problems by participatory engagement. These types of research foster ethical questions too. “Utilization/Application/Action Orientation Value-based or ethical concerns and dilemmas are raised explicitly in the report. The findings are intellectually and physically accessible to potential users. The findings stimulate and provide intellectual “payoff” for a reader, and possibly ideas for his or her own related research project. The level of usable knowledge is worthwhile, ranging from consciousness raising and the development of insight or self-understanding to broader considerations-a theory to guide action, or policy advice. Or it may be local and specific-corrective recommendations or specific action images. The actions taken actually help solve a local problem. Users of the findings have experienced a sense of empowerment or more control over their lives (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Users of the findings have learned or developed new capacities” (Miles et al., 2014, p. 315)

The application of the above standards to this study are reported at the end of Chapter 4, 5 and 6 and in the Conclusions.

Chapter 4: Community Based Collaboration and Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis The people preserve their strong identity to the land they occupy. F. David Peat, Blackfoot Physics: A Journey into the Native American Universe

Introduction Because this study included activities within a collaborating community, its leaders were contacted one year in advance. The liaison person was a Peruvian professional from the Junín region who had previously lived and worked in the Huancavelica region (see Figure 1.1) and visited Huancapite located within the last region. During that year, four conversations about this process were completed with the liaison person, and by phone with one member of the leaders’ team. Our conversations were a relevant factor to complete the design of this study’s plan. The last conversation showed me that it was time to go back to the Andes: “The flowers at the entrance of your room are already blossoming when are you arriving?” Later I could comprehend the meaning of these flowers. Based on the principles described in the previous chapter, the warp of my loom included the “thread” of respect to the community and my awareness and duty to behave and act in as non-disruptive a manner as possible. The methods selected for this study and their application included: 1. Community-based collaboration (CBC) in a community of Huancavelica (Peru) (including participant observation) 2. IPA face-to-face interviews on daily life and landscape in the above community, 3. Metaphor analysis (MA) to identify/analyze sustainability metaphors underlying utterances and textiles orally described or registered (by photography) and related written documents review. The specific activities within each method conform to the dynamic process of the weaving: the weft18 component of the awana (loom).

18 In the ancient Andean Away (traditional weaving) art, the loom is awana. The loom’s warp (vertical threads) is aulli qaytu, and the loom’s weft (horizontal threads) is miñi (Callañaupa, 2007). 96

Significance and contribution. The searching process in this study has been done with the support and the participation of Huancapite community members. The Andean sustainability (SU) several expressions contributed with the purposes of this study. These purposes include, identification of: (a) representative oral and visual expressions containing instances from sustainability related metaphors (SUr Mp) and metonymies (SUr Mn); (b) those SUr Mp and SUr Mn; (c) sustainability metaphors (SU Mp); (d) the nature, role and effect of those SU Mp; and (e) metaphors that inspire (persuade, and influence) actions of the community to support life. From the above purposes of the study, this chapter will report about our learnings by experiencing the SU expressions of the community. Moreover, in this chapter the process of identification of representative oral and visual expressions containing instances from their underlying SUr Mp and SUr Mn will be reported. In this identification process the physical, social and cultural contextual features are determinant. They give meaning to our shared life experience in the community and to the CBC and IPA methods.

Community Based Collaboration (CBC) in a Traditional Community 19 (TC) Method’s characteristics. The community-based collaboration process (CBC) in a traditional community (TC) was undertaken in a community located in the Huancavelica region of the Peruvian Central Andes. It includes participatory activities designed and undertaken to benefit the community and its acompañante, (accompanist/researcher) for ten months. This is an “umbrella method” for the other applied methods in this study. This “umbrella method” included activities that were undertaken within the collaborating community context. Participants from the community were included under voluntary basis and without restrictions (such as, language, age, gender, role at the community, or religion). The acompañante was available to respond to questions about her activities, including resources, and to bring support, within her possibilities, to any communal initiative. Regional university’s research, post-graduate, environmental and agricultural faculties were contacted to gain access to

19 Traditionally organized Andean communities call themselves Comunidad Campesina (CC or Peasant Community). See Ley General de Comunidades Campesinas, Ley No. 24656 (título I: art. 1-3). In this document ‘traditional community’ (TC) is also used for these traditionally organized communities. 97

the students. They contributed to the data gathering through observations on sustainability expressions in a westernizing community. Study’s activities undertaken within the community, resources required, and calendars, were proposed to and agreed upon with the community leaders and participants. The working period in the community was a total of ten months. During this time, the community-based collaboration activities were grouped within the following six steps (summarized in Table 4.1) (i) getting to know each other (CBC-Gtk); (ii) learning and teaching in and out the community (CBC-Lt); (iii) continuing working together (CBC-Cwt); (iv) conversing in Runasimi and in Spanish (CBC-Crs); (v) analyzing and concluding together (CBC-Act); and (vi) closing, farewell, and future tinku (CBC-Fpt). Getting to know each other (CBC-Gtk). This step included my in-person introduction to the community leaders by the liaison person; meeting my potential host family previously identified by the liaison person; meeting the community leaders’ team to provide information on my background, purposes, and potential contribution to the community; work plan elaboration; and community support activities initiation. Resources included transportation, translator, accommodation, and meeting place. All provided by the community and the acompañante with the collaboration of family members. Transportation included: international flights Canada-Lima-Canada; domestic flights: Lima-Jauja-Lima; bus/car transport Jauja-Huancayo- Huancavelica-Andabamba (Paucara). Translation and accommodation were arranged with members of the community. Meeting places were provided by the community in the community house and in the municipal building. The initial working activities included, establishment of an adult and senior literacy/reading program in Runasimi and Spanish. It was solicited by a group of grandmothers that were participating with me in an informal conversation after we arrived from the chakra (family/community cropping land). They wanted to be ready to read what I was going to write. I asked them “When do you want to start?” They responded: Kunanmanta “from now on.” In that moment, images of women involved in my literacy (mother, grandmother, teacher) came to me in the expecting faces of these women. I answered: “yes, let’s do it.” My sister, who was accompanying me that day, was so impressed that she volunteered two weeks of her time to

support the program. The class started with the word ATOQ (fox) written in the air by our chakra’s hands of daughters of the Pachamama. It was necessary to find a literacy method for bilingual students. It came to me as a gift from a retired professor from Cuba when in February 2018 I brought a paper to a conference in La Habana, Cuba. The literacy meetings were every other day during a two- to two-and-a-half- hour period wherein we learnt from/taught each other about literacy on more than one topic. In this and other smaller or larger groups, good humor and laughing are a common element in the Andean communal activities. The other activity that started in this phase was the Children’s Quechua/English/Spanish meetings where we conversed and exchanged phrases, sentences, and songs in the three languages within a theme they could choose one week ahead from a menu I offered them. That allowed me to interact with children twice a week for 60 to 90 minutes with two intervals in each session. Learning and teaching in and out the community (CBC-Lt). This step included the continuation of the activities started in the previous step and the following additional activities: visits to the primary, secondary schools at the community and to the regional university in Huancavelica the district capital of the region; workshops on maternal health, physical rehabilitation, and nutrition and industrial products; and host family activities at close and distant chackra locations and family and friends meetings to remember wool cutting, washing, spinning and plying. During the visits at the above educational institutions, I was invited to participate in their programmed educational activities. I accepted the invitation. My contribution was delivering and discussing themes of nutrition and waste management (primary), traditional and scientific education (secondary) and university education and Andean worldview at the university. These experiences gave me the opportunity of exchanging ideas with students, teachers and professors and identifying through their expressions, ideas and practices of sustainability in the two contexts the traditional community and the urban-westernizing context. The workshops themes were requested by leaders and members of the community. The workshops were delivered by professionals working in their fields for more than 15 years. The

coordination and organizations were my responsibility. The meeting places and the translators were provided by the community. Transport, time, and professional service were donated by the invited professionals (a midwife, a physical rehabilitation technologist and a chemist/environmental post-secondary teacher/instructor). Guide accommodation and food was provided by my close relatives and the welcome and celebration by my community host family. The activities of my host family, where I was invited to take part, were potato harvesting in two different locations. Each in a different ecosystem and distinctive relief. During these activities I could learn several expressions of cultural sustainability and life sustainability facts through relations among participants including landscape elements, weather and domestic animals. The activities that involved producing wool thread to weave material for sewing traditional Andean clothing included enjoyable procedures that also allowed me to listen and learn more Runasimi expressions. These activities and oral expressions reflect on several aspects of sustainability in the Andes contributed this time by women in a unique environment for a learning-by-doing process. After this second step I returned to Canada for 2 months to answer questions of the university Ethics committee and request an extension of my work in Peru. It was May 19, 2018. In August 13, 2018, I went back to Peru. It was past the time of the michqa (early mid- July), the early planting/sowing of three that the community has to assure food for life. I was unable to attend the “Santiago” that is an animal’s celebration in July 24th and the Viga Wantuy in August the 7th. They came, however, in my conversations with the community members. Continuing working together (CBC-Cwt). When I arrived in the community, I noticed that some community members were surprised that I was back. Children were the happiest and I was like them. The community leaders’ team was informed of my activities in Canada. I met the community leaders and presented a calendar of the remaining activities. I included purposes of these activities, purposes of the study, and a request to allow me to invite the community members interested in participating in them (see the Appendices for copies of documents designed for these research activities, including permission requests, invitations, and detailed explanation in English and in Spanish). I also solicited permission to continue participating in

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activities within the community, through informal, individual or group conversations; following community calendar communal work and participating in family and extended family (ayllu) activities. The team of leaders were very pleased to have me back in the community and asked me to request any needed support required to undertake the programmed activities. Following the description of the community-based research steps and activities, a detailed description of the other methods will be presented. During the CBC-Cwt step, I realized how difficult it was to set up a meeting with a large group of community members to ask them for a feedback or validation on my observations (trying to organize “focus groups”). This realization made me appreciate more the time they devoted to talk with me. The only opportunities of having them together is during celebrations and community general meetings – but at that time they already have tasks to accomplish. Community members work all day in the field, arrive before the sunset, prepare their last meal and rest for the next day’s journey. Any extra activity implies too much effort at the expense of not accomplishing duties to their families, animals or fields. Informal conversations happen while walking to work or to the close town or while they (especially women and children) are grazing their animals or working in the chakra. This was when I got their opinions and with their support, developed a rationale to elaborate an appropriate semi-structured interview on topics that could guide us to the identification of the sustainability metaphors. Programed conversations and interviews occur very early in the morning, at night during after the last meal or in time intervals during working hours. School teachers planned conversations during recess although only one of them was a community member. Family celebrations are an opportunity to interact, share activities and develop knowledge and understanding within the community. My host family celebrated a wasikatay (house building culmination), the culmination of a house construction for their daughter. The house was built by the father concluding the roofing in ayni (reciprocal support). The building process and the celebration were a source of expressions of sustainability that will later be analyzed.

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Relevant communal activities starting at early September included preparations for the celebrations of the Day of the Dead (Nov. 1-2) that required minka (unpaid communal work for common benefit undertaken mostly on Saturday. Preparations included the setting of committees to be in charge of competitions of traditional activities (spinning and bread-making), sports and dance, cemetery and roads cleaning, and conditioning of a scenario for the shows to be performed in front of the cemetery. My participation in the last activity (minka) showed me the collaborative men-women work, the level of organization and the joyful attitude characterizing the work in communal tasks. We all enjoyed following all the steps to prepare the tanta (bread) wawa (infant, baby) that have the shape of babies or animals (doves, llamas, horses, dogs). Figure 4.1 Tantawawa (Bread baby) photo and sketch

Source: researcher’s field notes, 2018.

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Family and friends (ayllu) celebrations for the Day of the Death also were prepared for the celebration on early November. These preparations included choosing and cleaning grains for bread making, preparing food for the dead’s spirits and other offering elements to keep them content as they visit at the beginning of November. Conversing in Runasimi and Spanish (CBC-Crs). This step included the following activities: planning the semi-structured face-to-face IPA interviews included topics on daily life activities, celebrations, traditional clothing, and runa- Pachamama (environment/landscape) interaction; organizing and undertaking their application; storing new, additional, or confirmative ideas or information within activities; planning meetings for conversations on sustainability; coordinating observation and registry (photos) of and conversation about visual expressions on textiles of traditional clothing. Time to undertake the above activities took in total six weeks. Some of them were done continuously while others as the conditions and/or participants were available. Arrangements with the university were done by phone and personally requiring a 6-8 hours bus or car round trip. IPA interviews were done in Runasimi and Spanish depending on the interviewee. I was supported by youth or adults from the community when translations were required. Interviews and conversations at night became more rewarding if it was a clean sky night because we could talk about stars black spaces and agriculture. Members of the community who participated in conversations about traditional clothing generously showed me their personal and family clothing accompanying valuable comments and answering my questions with patience and respect. Regional University of Huancavelica’s authorities and students from the faculties of environmental engineering and agrarian sciences collaborated with ideas about the definition/meaning of sustainability (SU). Their answers are a referent of comparison for answers gathered at the traditional community. University students and professors allowed me to answer their questions about other post-secondary education systems, Andean culture and their role in addressing the multiple problems they perceive.

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At the end of this step (last week of November) Children’s activities were closed. Children were taking or getting ready for exams at school. Fathers, grandmothers and mothers had completed last planting/sowing at the chakra. The dry season was on.

Analyzing and concluding together (CBC-Act). This step took 3 weeks to be completed. Meetings on sustainability were proposed in the plan, originally to conduct a big group meeting and/or small conversations group. The first option was not possible for reasons I explained in the CBC-Cwt step. Instead, several conversations and interactions were undertaken before and during this step. For instance, IPA interviews due to their detailed and deep nature, already provided a source of validation for themes approached in previous interactions. They included topics such as: community activities to sustain life; ancestors’ teachings about sustaining (nurturing) life; other communities (human and non-human) helping to sustain life; communication about sustaining life (example: meanings of textile icons/patterns); all focused on the research objectives. All interviews and some conversations were recorded. Recordings were kept at the researcher’s computer memory, copied to discs as a backup, which were kept locked in a secure location. Translations from Runasimi to Spanish were done with the support of translators. Translations from Spanish to English were done by the researcher. Transcripts in English were done in Canada because of time and computer constrains. Comments/observations about the meaning of sustainability were discussed at the Huancavelica University [in two faculties: environmental engineering (31 persons) and agricultural sciences (31 persons)] and among youth and young adults from Huancapite (20 persons).

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Table 4.1 CBC steps, activities, and resource providers

STEP Resources CODE A C T I V I T I E S providers Time duration CBC-Gtk Introductions Initial Activities Plan Community Community 8 weeks conversations. Preparation. Service Researcher Family Registration. Activities activities. Starting. CBC-Lt l/t Visit + lessons Family Community Community 12 weeks Runasimi University Agriculture service (cont.) Researcher Spanish High school Spinning, plying Volunteers English P. school Edu. Inst. CBC-Cwt Introduction, Info on and Family Ayni Community Community 08 weeks & invitation to registry for agriculture. Activities. Researcher research IPA interviews Validity Minka. activities. observations. Meetings. CBC-Crs IPA Meetings Prep. Family All Saints c. Community 06 weeks interviews. for Activities + c Children’s Researcher conversations D. of the Dead. group closure. on SU. Wasikatay. on T. clothing. CBC-Act Meetings on Meetings on Thanks family Closing Community 03 weeks sustainability sustainability and friends. community Researcher observations meanings Answering support applications Pomabamba questions activities. Huancavelica Huancapite. CBC-Fpt Thanks to Thanks to Farewell meeting Departure. Community 02 Days leaders. Participants. with School Report in 03 dates for schoolteachers. Researcher Spanish next tinku. agreed.

The faculty of agricultural science of the regional university was relatively close to my host community. It was located in Acobamba at 30 min walking and 1 hour driving distance from Huancapite. The students and professors were very eager to talk about sustainability and

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environmental topics related with their profession. I was invited by two of their professors to participate in their class about food industry based on processing regional crops. Students confront challenges understanding what they are told about “development” and sustainability and the social and economic facts they experience and observe around them. In brief meetings with the community leaders and research participants, I expressed my gratitude and offered to prepare a summary of the study in Spanish to be included in the municipal library of Huancapite. Previously I did the same in a general community meeting. On Dec 7th I was requested for another conversation with secondary students to respond to their questions about traditional knowledge and scientific (chemistry) topics. I could not refuse. The last week of this step support to the community activities were closed. Closing, farewell, and a future tinkuy (CBC-Fpt). This was the last step in my shared experience accompanying the community. At this point the tinku (confluence of two rivers) could have generated a new river. Because “if two rivers (the community’s life and my life) meet effectively, they flow together becoming a new river”. This image is an application of the Yanantin Andean principle of parity or complementary duality (Lajo, 2005). Primary school teachers cooked a meal for us to share food, thanks, and hope. Activities included closing gift meetings for the participants in the research, including the grandmothers and children. Some present and former leaders asked me when will be the future tinkuy (encountering, convergence). I suggested that, when I finished the summary in Spanish, it could be given to their municipal community library. They suggested two more dates. Finally, a mother said, “three is a good number” meaning that three is wider than two. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) This method includes a semistructured face-to face-interview that was designed, planned, and applied within the CBC process. In this study the research design included activities undertaken in Canada in coordination with the research committee and the university ethics committee members and in Peru in coordination with the community leaders and participant members. The collecting data activities were undertaken in Peru within the TC and they were supported by and often combined with the activities of the other applied methods specially the community based collaboration (see Table 4.1), the interviews translation and transcription were

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completed in Canada since time and resources were a constraint at the community. Initial analysis was done at the community. Relevant observations and initial conclusions were obtained in the triangulation by linking observations done during the semi-structured face-to-face interview to the conversations with none participant (in the interview) members of the community. These outcomes supported later IPA steps and metaphor analysis method application. An important outcome of this triangulation was the confirmation of the concept of Sustainability as Sustainability of Life in the community of Huancapite. The analysis of the collected data in the IPA method was completed in Canada applying the five analysis steps to each of the six interviews. This document includes a report of the analysis of one of the participants’ interview indicating the analysis process step by step. After the above, the sixth step – looking at the patterns across participants – was undertaken. I obtained a master table of themes and focusses from the group and from each participant. This master table is reported in this document. To identify expressions related to sustainability at the collaborating community, the outcoming themes and focuses of the group are taken to a deeper level of interpretation and discussion with the support of scholars from the emerged themes and/or focusses. Face-to-face interviews. Participants and time. Six voluntary participants were involved in its activity. All were fully informed. Special relevance was given to the participation of different age groups. Semi- structured format: included questions in the interview in addition to open-ended follow-up questions, to clarify the responses and make sure a full and comprehensive understanding of each of the participant’s experiences. Questions were delivered in advance to allow time to prepare responses. Time of interview was 45 min to 90 min. The initial questions in interviews to each of the 7 different persons included themes on community landscape and daily life. One of the participants did not conclude the activity as this person was called to attend an emergency in the field, and later decided to stop his participation. Guiding questions. The interview on community landscape and daily life, contained the following guiding questions: • How do you feel for and interact with surrounding landscape, human and non-human communities?

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• Please could you tell me about relevant teachings you have received from your ancestors and/or gained experiences about: o knowing and dealing with weather and other natural events o work organization and techniques for daily agricultural, weaving, and building activities looking after and using animals and plants • Could you tell me about community festivities of your preference? • Do you or your family take part in the making of traditional clothing? • Could you tell me the meaning of the patterns in your lliclla, chumpi, chullu, and/or manta? (pieces if the traditional Andean clothing having distinctive colors and patterns that inform about region, community, and family of the users) Interviewees, locations, and pseudonyms. The interview began reviewing the condition of voluntary basis of participation (orally/written) (see Appendix E for forms participants signed). Participants were invited to formulate any clarifying question(s) before the interview started. The interview was conducted when, where, and at the time the participant preferred. Some were done at their homes while others were at my host family’s home. Mostly after 6pm. They were recorded with the previous consent of the participant. The form they signed included a section on this matter. All the forms and levels of detail of information provided to the participants are in agreement with the Ethics committee of the University of Calgary regulations and conditions (see Appendix E for a copy of related documentation). Table 4.2 Participants’ pseudonyms, date of interview, time and code

Pseudonym/meaning Date Starting time Code

WAYTA/flower September 06, 2018 6:00 pm. WT0013

QUILLA/moon November 19, 7:15 pm. QI0034

YURAQ WAYTA/white flower October 17, 2018 8:00 am. YW0014

ANKAS WAYTA/blue flower October 17, 2018 5:30 pm. AW0015

CHAFLE/axe October 18, 2018 5:00 pm. CH0017

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JCPW/jcpw November 18, 2018 5:15 pm. JP0031

Note. The two words names were simplified after, by using the first word only. Languages of interview. Wayta’s and Quilla’s interview were in Runasimi with the support of a translator from the community. The other participants are bilingual. Interviews in all cases lasted more than 60 minutes. Transcriptions were done in Spanish first with the support of the translator for the recordings in Runasimi (Quechua)20 . Considering that in this chapter several terms in the Runasimi from the Huancavelica region will be introduced, a Chanka Qichwa- English glossary is provided in the Appendices (see appendix D1). The transcripts in Spanish were translated to English to be analyzed. All the participants were interviewed in their homes except Wayta who came to my host family’s home. Day and time for the interview were pre-established 2-3 weeks in advance. One week before and oral remainder was done while providing the questionnaire of the interview for each of them. One day before the interview another oral reminder was communicated, making a total of three invitations. Analysis. The analysis process started with a single participant. Because the IPA’s idiographic assurance, the first case is analyzed in detail. Then, the second, then the third, and so on. I started with the first participant’s interview that coincidentally was one of the most detailed although all of them were equally engaging. Step 1: Reading and re-reading. In this first step of IPA analysis of the first interview, I submerged myself in the transcripts of the semi-structured interview to Wayta. It is about daily life and surrounding landscape in the CC of Huancapite (Huancavelica, Peru). This interview was undertaken in Runasimi, translated to Spanish, transcribed, and translated to English. I read the first impressions registered in my journal notes. Becoming conscious of the first impressions

20 Quechua is the Spanish name for the Andean Language Qichwa. It has several variations. In Huancapite, the community where part of this study was undertaken, it is spoken the Chanka-Qichwa. Branch: Southern Qichwa; variety under DIGEIBIR: Chanka-Qichwa (Peru MINEDU, 2013). In this document Runasimi (human language) or Chanka Qichwa will be indistinctly used.

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and other of my ideas I could bracket them (for a while). I listened to the recorded individual interview while I was reading the transcript. Each interview was recorded after (a) informing the participant on the way the recordings were going to be used and accessed and the need for signing a form of informed acceptance to be recorded; (b) getting the form read for/by each of the participants and signed by her/him and me; and (c) the participant received one of the signed copies and the other went to the study’s file. There were no other sound recordings within the study, apart from the interviews. Listening to Wayta’s voice brought me back to the context of the interview, and vividly remembered details of Wayta’s answers, questions, and facial expressions. And the smiles and laughter that accompanied them. Imagining the voice is recommended for the participant during following readings of the transcript to get a more complete analysis (J. Smith et al., 2012).The purpose of this first step includes making sure that the participant turns out to be the focus of the analysis. Entering into the world of the participant by repeatedly reading the interview’s transcript, as J. Smith et al. (2012) suggest, I understood accounts binding together sections of the interview; and the importance of personal life stories linking the general to the particular. As Smith et al. (2012) argues, by reading and re-reading the transcript I appreciated how trust could be built in an interview, the identification of richer sections, and perhaps of contradictions. The flow of the interview was captured in the transcript showing a panoramic view at the beginning, more detail at the middle and a sort of synthesis at the end of the interview (J. Smith et al., 2012). Step 2: Initial noting. This step required considerable detail and time because of its level of analysis. Here, on a very exploratory level, examination of semantic content and language use were done. The demand for attention to find anything of interest in the transcript was constant, allowing me to understand how the participant thought and talked about issues presented to her (J. Smith et al., 2012). To start the noting process, I read the transcript directly in the computer’s screen, locating the notes at the side of the participant’s explicit meanings registered in the transcript. The initial descriptive notes (descriptive comments) are of objects of concern for the participant, “such as: relationships processes, places, events values and principles and the meaning of those things for the participant (what those relationships, processes, places, etc. are

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like for the participant)” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 83). The following notes (linguistic comments) will be better in interpreting the participant’s expressions to find the reasons of her/his concerns (how and why). This type of noting “includes: looking at the language she uses; thinking on the context of her concerns (lived world)” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 83); and the third type of noting identifies more abstract concepts (conceptual comments) that can assist me “to make sense of the patterns of meaning in her report” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 83). The above described exploratory commenting includes three discrete processes suggested by Smith et.al. (2012): the descriptive, linguistic and conceptual aspects of the expression described. As Smith (2012) lays out, the (a)… descriptive comments intended to describe the content of what the participant has said, the subject of the talk within the transcript (in normal text); (b) linguistic comments focused upon exploring the specific use of language by the participant (in italic); and (c) conceptual comments focused on a more interrogative and conceptual level (underlined). (p. 84) Although not prescriptive the proposed procedures helped me in the analysis process. I conducted the exploratory commenting in my computer. I inserted a table divided in three columns, setting the transcript at the central column, the comments at the right column and keeping the left column for the emergent themes from the next step in the analysis. The following is an excerpt of the Wayta IPA analysis initial comments. Table 4.3 Excerpt of WAYTA (WT) IPA Analysis Initial Comments Original Transcript Exploratory comments Int. Please tell me how you feel about the landscape that surrounds us, about what happens WT’s priority in the Andes: rain. now Seasonal changes affect WT, plants, animals, all. WT: In August, there is not water because it does Rain brings water, growth, life. not rain. Plants need to be watered to grow. The Dry landscape concerns WT. other months there is water for plants, but now People are called to protect plants and animals. there is not. There is not grass. Animals eat straw that we kept for them for August and September. Do mountains (hills) give WT a sense of protection, for recovering health by pagapu? We are surrounded by mountains. They are important because when a person is sick, she/he WT knows about Pagapu details.

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brings two types of corn, two types of llampu (ritual limestone), white sugar, white corn. Thus, Is health a response to offerings? Is there a they get healed when you pay with coca. Giving reciprocal relationship human vs hill? Pagapu (offering) to get healed.

Int. Is there another event happening in the Politicians need support from mountains too. mountains? Pagapu: pays success or comfort.

WT: Political candidates also make their pagapu Chacho=Qapiparunchiki: more than physical (offering) with llampu to win. If they do not win to sickness console themselves. People go to heal others with chacho (slang for a Is divination required for mountains healing? It type of sickness) or Qapiparunchiki in Runasimi includes Women, Coca, Corn, Cards (pause)

Then you go to a woman who sees in coca, in For WT the order Rain>river>sign. Means no corn, in cards, and finds where they got river, no way to know about rain Qapiparunchiki. The ones who know they see. Int. Please tell me about rivers, sky, clouds Do Andeans require signs for agriculture? Is WT: ‘Manam para, manam mayu’: When there is there anxiety if they do not have them? not rain, there is not river. When there is not river we cannot see if it is going to rain.

The above excerpt contains the transcript of Wayta’s interview translated from Runasimi (Chanka Qichwa)21 to Spanish to English. The transcript is in the central column, at its right side is the column to write the exploratory comments that will be used to identify the emergent themes that will be written at the left column of the table. It looks narrow because the complete table has been worked with the page on landscape orientation to have more room and a better view. In the transcript excerpt the first question is about Wayta’s feelings for the landscape in that moment, (Int.= interviewer; WT = Wayta) Int. Please tell me how you feel about the landscape that surrounds us, about what happens now

21 Chanka Qichwa spoken in the study area, belongs to the Southern Qichwa group from Peru (Sullón et al., 2013). 112

WT: In August, there is not water because it does not rain. Plants need to be watered to grow. The other months there is water for plants, but now there is not. There is not grass. Animals eat straw that we kept for them for August and September. Her answer was of deep concern and her expression of sadness. One of the big concerns from the Andes comes up through her words “there is not water;” “it does not rain.” The first descriptive comment describes key elements in WT’s lifeworld: [WT’s priority in the Andes: rain]. The second descriptive comment includes more elements from the lifeworld of Wayta affected by the scarcity of water. She knows it is because of natural changes “in August;” “for August and September,” however, she is affected: [Seasonal changes affect WT, plants, animals, all]. After these descriptive comments I analyzed the words used by Wayta: “there is not water because it does not rain,” “watered to grow,” “water for plants,” “animals eat straw.” They allowed me to write a linguistic comment using her words and their meaning [Rain brings water, growth, life]. Another linguistic-descriptive comment as a corollary from the previous ones was [Dry landscape concerns WT]. Now my attention goes to “plants need to be watered to grow,” related to “animals eat straw we kept for them” because there are humans involved in both actions ‘watered’ and ‘kept’. At the same time, the relevance of human actions in sustainability of life in the planet in general and in the Andes in particular, require the cognitive comments capturing these elements at the conceptual level. Since conceptual coding often takes the form of a question the cognitive comment comes as: [Are people called to protect plants and animals?]. There is an additional observation I would like to present. It is related to the close relationship between matters discussed in different moments of the interview (different sections of the transcript) and how they help to strengthen or clarify what was addressed before. In the last section of Table 4.5, when following the question of coca leaves as an indicator, I asked about rivers, sky and clouds as indicators of atmospheric events. Wayta almost with surprise and/or incredulity answers: ‘Manam para, manam mayu,’ meaning: ‘No rain, no river,’ ‘how could I know about rain if I do not have a river to tell me?’ All the landscape was dry including rivers, lakes and puquios (springs). At the right of her answers and comments you can see a

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descriptive comment, a literal comment, and a conceptual comment that it is one of the determinant factors of their agricultural practices essential in sustaining life in the Andes. This third level of comments (conceptual comments) since we are at an initial stage in the analysis process, could generate many questions motivated by each interesting feature in the data. Some of these questions led nowhere, others led back to the data, finding more interesting features to ask about, or others led to work on a more abstract level. Which was important to remember was that I needed to keep close to the words of the participant and to use abstraction based on the participant expressions and meanings. Taking short breaks was important. After the above analysis and following the same principles and procedure I analyzed the rest of the interview transcript of Wayta, obtaining the exploratory comments. The Wayta Table of initial exploratory comments, including her original transcript, filled around five more additional pages. The time and attention devoted to this step (2) are justified, considering the outcomes obtained. Step 3: Developing the identification of emergent themes. After Step 2, the initial data (interview transcript) have grown and now will be used to develop the emergent themes. By working with the initial notes (derived from the transcripts) the exploration of their interrelationships, connections, and patterns between them, the emergent themes will be identified. “If the exploratory commenting has been done widely it will be strictly tight to the original transcript” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 91). To identify emergent themes, attention will be paid to the comments of transcript’s fragments. The apparent fragmentation of the participant’s experiences is a transitory part of the interpretative circle. When the analysis is done all the partial outcomes will integrate a new whole. Although this whole results from the analyst’s interpretative work, this analyst got to know the participant’s experiences well enough for the outcome to result from a cooperative work. The task becomes bringing comments to a statement linked to a piece of the participant’s transcript. Themes are expressed as phrases which speak to the subject’s (psychological, social, cultural, ethnographic, environmental) essence of the piece (fragment of the transcript) “with

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enough discrimination to be grounded and enough abstraction to be conceptual” (J. Smith et al., 2012, p. 92). The priority is attending what is relevant at this point in the text though the analyst is influenced by the text as a whole. “The hermeneutic circle proposes that the part is interpreted in relation to the whole; and the whole is interpreted in relation to the part” (J. Smith et al., 2012, 92) .Table 4.4 includes the themes that emerged from the comments based on Wayta’s interview transcript. Table 4.4 WAYTA IPA ANALYSIS developing emergent themes

Emergent Themes Original Transcript Exploratory comments

Int. Please tell me how you feel about the landscape that Rain and water for life surrounds us, about what happens now Water and seasonal changes WT: In August, there is not WT’s priority in the Andes: rain. water because it does not Protection of plants and rain. Plants need to be Seasonal Changes affect WT, plants, animals watered to grow. The other animals, all. months there is water for Rain brings water, growth, life. plants, but now there is not. There is not grass. Animals Dry landscape concerns WT. eat manger that we kept for them for August and People are called to protect plants September. and animals.

The first emergent theme, rain and water for life, apprehends my initial exploratory notes related to Wayta’s priority – rain and water – within her Andean context in this particular seasonal moment. Wayta’s concerns that originated the comments being analyzed, are interrelated with sustainability of life, general theme of this study. Thus, the concerns of the participant and the ones of the analyst come together. Initial notes about Wayta’s answers are on absence of rain and water and effects on plants and animals. Rain determines agriculture which provides food to sustain life. Sustainability of life (analyst’s interest) gets related to agriculture, to rain, to water (Wayta’s interest). The emergent theme: rain and water for life integrates our interests. 115

The second emergent theme, water and seasonal changes, are based on the exploratory comments relating the effects of scarcity of water described by Wayta and her awareness of seasonal changes. These effects and the seasonal changes implicit in the comments are related to sustainability of life in the Andes. The third emergent theme, protection of plant and animals, is based on comments on the implicit need for active participation of people protecting plants and animals during seasonal changes. The participant comments motivating the above comments again, are directly related with sustainability since life of Andean communities of people, plants, and animals are interdependent. The emergent themes found completed the developing emergent themes table for Wayta. The following step is finding how the themes fit together. Step 4: Searching for connections among emergent themes. This step is also not prescriptive. The analyst can find the way to better organize the analysis. Not all the emergent themes are incorporated into the analysis at this point. Themes that are not within the research question and its scope are not included, however always one can revisit them. To look for the connection of the themes found within a participant’s relation are two suggestions (J. Smith et al., 2012): (a) extract the chronological list of the themes, and move themes throughout to form clusters of associated themes; (b) print the list of themes and cut out and lay each theme on a separated piece of paper. Set the pieces on a surface to allow moving them to form the clusters of associated themes. This spatial view helps to gather similar themes and separate themes that are opposed or different. After setting a cluster it is possible to arrange the themes related under criteria of importance, relatedness etc. Generating a cluster is a result of abstraction. It allows identifying patterns between emergent themes and developing a sense of a “super-ordinate” theme. It includes developing a new name for the cluster (see Box 4.1). In this case the cluster formed by related emergent themes (life and death and the spiritual belief that death is not the end of relation with love ones) and natural cycles, family feelings alive beyond this dimension (the spiritual belief that feelings go beyond this life), plants heal (belief: plants heal spiritual conditions), reciprocity is also interdimensional (offerings are done by people from this dimension to deities from spiritual

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dimensions), more than physical sicknesses are treated with more than physical procedures, the above beliefs are common, they keep the community united (same as religious membership does). Thus, the superordinate theme that emerges is Andean unity and spirituality. Box.4.1 Abstraction leading to the development of a super-ordinate theme Superordinate theme: Andean unity and spirituality Beliefs that keep the community united: § Celebration of life and death as acceptance of natural cycles § Family feelings, in and beyond this dimension § Plants: physical, emotional, and spiritual dimension healers § Reciprocity in, intra, inter communities and inter-dimensional relation § Chacho/Qapiparunchiki: more than physical sickness § Religious group membership and Andean unity relation

Subsumption is an analytical process similar to abstraction. It functions where an emergent theme itself acquires a super-ordinate rank while it brings together a group of related themes. Box 4.2 Subsumption leading to the development of a super-ordinate theme § Rain and water for life § Rain § Water § Water and seasonal change § Andean weather signs and response § Climate change

Other ways of looking for patterns and connections between emergent themes include polarization (oppositional relationship), contextualization (in terms of temporal moment where they are located), numeration (frequency of appearance), and function (themes can be examined by their function within the transcript). The strategies are not mutually exclusive. Their application depends on the material to be analyzed (J. Smith et al., 2012).

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After searching for connections across emergent themes from Wayta’s interview, eleven superordinate themes were developed with the themes under each one. The gestalt that emerged from the analysis was organized in a table including the superordinate themes (eleven), the themes under each one, the page/line where it is located and keywords from the participant, to remember the source of the theme. Following, an excerpt of that table is shown. The diversity of themes related to sustainability in the Andes required exploration by interviewing more than three members of the community participating in the study. Some of them participated in more than one activity. The described analysis applied to the first participant’s interview transcript was applied to the five more participants’ transcripts too. Table 4.5 Excerpt from table of super-ordinate themes and themes from Wayta in the sustainability metaphors research

Themes Page/line Key words

Andean Spirituality Celebrations of death and life as acceptance of natural cycles Family feelings: beyond this dimension 4.24-25 wawawañuy Plants, physical, emotional, and spiritual realms healers 2.41 grandparents Reciprocity in intra, inter communities, and inter dimensional relations 2.21 plants heal

Chacho/qapiparunchiki, more than physical sickness 2.40 spirits

Religious group membership and Andean unity 1.22 divination

3.26 “hermanos”

Step 5: Moving to the next case. This step involves repeating the process with the transcript of the following participant. For this purpose, it is necessary to start the process in the terms of this new participant considering her/his own individuality. This implies bracketing the ideas that emerged in the previous analysis. It is also keeping the obligation to IPA’s ideographic

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character. Although the influence of the previous case was present, the IPA’s ability allows for new themes to arise with each case. After the second participant transcript was analyzed, the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth participant’s transcript individual analysis followed. Tables of super-ordinate themes and themes from each participant were elaborated. The next stage was about looking for patterns across cases. Step 6: Looking for patterns across participants. This step was done comparing each table of super-ordinate themes and themes from each participant to the table of the other participants in the IPA. The comparison was done to find connections across participants. To identify a theme from one participant helping to illuminate another participant’s theme. To find which themes were stronger in their relation to the research theme. Some relabelling of themes was done at the time that the analysis was moved to a more theoretical level. In doing it, groups of super- ordinated themes with their correspondent themes were put together under a specific focus. The outcome of this process yielded five focuses: on relationships, on agriculture for life, on landscape, on weather, and on cultural expressions. The final result of this process has been presented in the form of a table of themes for the group (the six participants), showing how themes are layered within super-ordinate themes and illustrating the theme for each participant (see Appendix E). The following is an excerpt of the master table illustrating the answers of Wayta within each theme. Table 4.6 Excerpt from the master table of themes for the group (illustrating Wayta’s answers in each theme)

A. Focus on relationships Andean spirituality: Wamani and Runa page. lines Wayta: I also like to sing and dance at Wawawañuy (death of a baby) 4. 24-25 Pachamama and runa relationship: Wamani, Sallka, and Runa Wayta: I have learned… working. About cold, heat, frost, hail, how 3. 1-2 to protect animals, people and plantations. We look after animals in the cold in the rain, with dogs, children or women work…in the field. Animals and people Wayta: Yes, Grandmother how couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries? 2. 12-13 In spite that kukuli eats michqa.

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B. Focus on agriculture for life Agriculture to nurture life Wayta: Michqa grows from the first seeds we plant. They grow with 2. 13-14 lots of effort and care, even watering if there is not rain. Rain for life Wayta: In August, there is not water because it does not rain. Plants 1. 10-11 need to be watered to grow. It is sad to see them thirsty and small Stars: messengers for agricultural calendar Wayta: Star at Tutapuri Killa (late night with full moon), 1. 31-34 it is at the sunset too. She tells you when to sow/plant… The moon, and stars advise you… They are messengers from Pachamama, and they are alive.

C. Focus on landscape Hills (Mountains) and people Wayta: …they get healed when you pay with coca to the hill. Giving 1. 16-17 pagapu (offering) to get healed Trees and people

D. Focus on weather Forecast of and response to frost and hail Wayta: Clean sky says is going to frost. Authorities organize qayaku… 2. 4-6 we burn rastrojo for smoke, put water in containers close to potato plants burn fireworks for noise. Water protects us when frost is coming.

E. Focus on cultural expressions Traditional clothing as cultural sustainability Wayta: I only spin and ply with my puchka with sheep and alpaca wool 2. 5-6 and an awaq (weaver) weaves my thread for me in a loom Runasimi’s tender description of Pachamama Wayta: Women…, measure distances with naked feet, and carefully 3. 20-21 put the murucha in the furrow Andean traditional organization sustaining life Wayta: Sowing and harvesting is by ayni, if chakra is big there is no 3. 13-15 other way. If it is ordered by community authority is done by minka Economic independence Wayta: There are much more people at the community that 4. 9-11 know weaving, but they only weave for their spouse or her/his other families. Andean knowledge and teaching (yachay) Wayta: The Mayu is visible then you know. Also, animals and 1. 42-43 plants bring you willakun and yachachin (messages and teachings).

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Discussion of IPA Outcomes The purpose of this study is to learn about the way’s sustainability is achieved in the community of Huancapite. The groups of super-ordinate themes under the defined focuses will organize the analysis and, at the same time, will help to identify the principal roots of the community’s sustainability tree of life, or their spiritual roads in their Capac Ñan.22 The expressions of the interviewees about the communities conforming to the landscape show a close relationship with them. For the interviewed and other members of the community, these visible (people, mountains, springs, river, plants, animals, wind, frost and so on) and invisible (deities) communities are equal and share the same characteristics. This is one of the foundations of the respect community members have for others; they generously shared with me what they were taught by their ancestors and what they learned during their life being part of this reality. This assurance makes community members’ interaction with surrounding elements horizontal but respectful. In the following discussion, expressions of the participants that are representative enough will be identified and numbered. They will be included in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 when searching for instances of sustainability related metaphors and metonymies in oral expressions (utterances). Focus on relationships. The culture of Andean communities, in different moments of their existence, have attracted the interest and curiosity of several scholars. Among the Spaniards were the priests of the imposed religion who wrote about the Andean culture focused on the Inkas. Examples are Bernabe Cobo, a Jesuit with a professional interest in the Incan beliefs (Rowe, 1990) and the mestizo Blas Valera, another Jesuit with pro-Incan views, who was incarcerated by the Jesuits themselves accused of a secretive crime (Hyland, 2011). It was observed that the ‘Incan history’ was based on chronicles written by Spanish authors whose preoccupations were to impose their doctrine in the new continent; to force the

22 The great Inka road, the spine of the Inka confederation, integrates what currently are called Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Argentina and Chile. It is thought to be “the road with more possibilities for the desarrollo sostenible” (Guijarro & Cardelus, 2009). It is considered that this road was not design for horses and wheels used by the Spaniard invaders. The Capac Ñan passes through Paucará limiting with Huancapite. Every time members of this community go to Paucará walk part of this remnant expression of the Andean history. 121

use of their language; to find European cultural patterns in a context that was not European, claiming “secret intentions of their god”; and to demonstrate the right of the Spanish crown to the called American lands (Rostworowski, 1983). This author includes the study of minor gods within smaller regional territories compared with the big divinities. Her sources are regional testimonies and documents of the extirpation of idolatries at the Andes23. The relationships that participants in this study more frequently underlined were between runa and Wamani (Apu), Pachamama, and animals. Beliefs in the existence of other worlds after this (kay Pacha) underpin the celebration of death manifested by Wayta words: “I like to sing and dance in wawa wañuy” (1) because, for her, a child’s death is not a loss but a gain; her family’s pantheon of spirits will have one more member to protect and console them. Yuraqwayta also describes her experience of hearing the voice of the abuelos (grandparents) while resting on the floor and feeling their love. The belief of ancestor’s spirits protection is extended from Andean highlands to the valleys (Mallma, 2018). Wamani-runa relationship. The following level in of the world of Andean protective spirits is the communal. Here are the Wamanis referred in the study by all the participants in this study interviewed or not. Scholars denoted them as spirits inhabiting mountains, surrounding human communities. In spite of the Christian evangelization, they persist today in the Andes with other deities like the Pachamama; are called Apus (lords) in Cuzco, Wamanis in Ayacucho, and Achachilas in Aymara communities (Sanchez, 2006). These spirits are also called Wamanis in Huancavelica (Aliaga, 1985; Henri Favre, 1967; Fuenzalida, 1965; Salazar-Soler, 1987). The participants taught me about the need for a communication intermediary between themselves and Wamani people and that this ability is a legacy passed between generations (Quilla). These intermediaries are the ones knowing how to prepare and present the pagapu (offering, Pago:

23 The term extirpation is related to the Catholic Church's project to eradicate traditional religious practices in the Americas after the Spanish invasion. https://science.jrank.org/pages/7689/Extirpation.html See also, Shah, Priya (Priya, 2018) "Language, Discipline, and Power: The Extirpation of Idolatry in Colonial Peru and Indigenous Resistance," Voces Novae: Vol. 5 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/vocesnovae/vol5/iss1/7

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payment) to the Wamani when asking for something from them. Yuraqwayta implied that Wamani is inside of the mountains (Huancapite is built on a mountain slope). They also affirmed that Wamanis are good and bad with people. Chafle was quite clear explaining that apart from chakra and animals issues these days Wamanis are more helpful dealing with legal problems, trials and so on. Wayta assured that the politicians were making pagapu to the Wamani seeking for success or for comfort if they lose. Among the features described by the participants are that there are male Wamani and female Wamani. That Wamani has a couple and friends, that they often meet in different parts of Peru and even other countries. The Wamanis are divinities that inhabit in the mountains. And they may be the mountains themselves (Salazar-Soler, 1987). They were interested in the mountains where I live and work, in our conversations we exchanged names and descriptions of our mountains. The majority of participants agreed that, in their community, the most important and powerful mountain is a female Wamani. That, in spite of been not so close, is the most loved and feared. She is Sacsalla the beautiful brown elegant protector lady. They assured me that even if she is in a meeting using her disguised human appearance and secret name, I will recognize her, and she will recognize me. They also agree on the rejection this protective Wamani has for the gold seekers. JCPW gave an account of Sacsalla’s behaviour with a couple of his relatives who, finding Sacsalla’s door unlocked, entered inside of her mountain and found a lake at the entrance and realized it was a trap. Before the door was closed, they escaped, terrified, to never go back again. He also remembered that, of two foreigners that came to undertake mining explorations for gold, one got lost and the other was found dead close to Sacsalla’s door. M. Rostworowski (1983) considers feminine deities to be related to food for humans through agriculture and fishing. She affirms that the feminine element represents the mother. This is why the Earth is called Pachamama, the sea Mamacocha, and the moon Mama Quilla. Similarly, plants that feed humans are venerated under the name of Mama Sara (corn), Mama acxo (potatoe), Mama coca, and so on (Rostworowski, 1983). Some scholars claimed that Wamani in Huancavelica are considered the owners of territory, cattle, money, and minerals from the community, and related to agriculture, health and wellbeing of the community members (Henri Favre, 1967; Salazar, 1984).

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Chafle explained to me the ways of preparing a pagapu, which includes, (a) some variables depending on the specific purpose of the offering; (b) constants such as the hour to be presented, the inclusion of female and male components, dark and light colors; and (c) regular elements such as coca leaves and llampu (limestone). Ankas gave a detailed account of a Wamani visiting her uncle and other persons after he prepared a pagapu for him when his wife was sick. This account includes the following features of Wamani: he was male, spoke loudly, crossed the wall, acquired the shape of more than one animal, was playful at times, he tried some of the elements of the pagapu, and he responded to questions but also asked questions. Pachamama-runa relationship. Pachamama (the Earth) is considered female in the Quechua cosmological representation (Gow, 1976; Isbell, 1976; Urton, 1981; Wagner, 1978). The Pachamama, one of multiple deities in her ground and her underground forms, is invocated like the owner of all that exists, for her to bless and fertilize all what is in her (Salazar-Soler, 1987). One of the participants (Quilla) concerned with the need for rain in this planting time, recommends observing the moon. She links a feature around the moon (killaquchan: aqueous halo around the moon), to para (rain). The same feature (intiquchan) around the sun announces usiamuchqan (drought). (2) When the crops are inside the Pachamama, they are in the realm of Mama Killa, this coincides with the rainy season, time of growth of plants (Urton, 1981) at the chakra. All the participants agreed on the importance of observing the moon before planting. Urton (1981) reports that in Kuyo Grande the Virgen Mary is identified with Pachamama. In the same community, Pachamama’s twin sister, Pachatierra is classified as female and is considered malevolent (Casaverde, 1970). Yuraq and JCPW recommend being grateful with Pachamama. For Yuraqwayta it is important to respect our Mother Earth and to take after asking or giving a pagapu to Wamani or puquio. She shared an experience with a puquio that because she did not ask for permission to drink water, her face got swollen. She went to consult with a healer and made the arrangements for a pagapu asking for forgiveness and asking for health. As soon as she presented her pagapu she felt better. During the next days she healed.

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JCPW considers the Creator and Pachamama the givers of all and the ones who guide us through the signals sent through the stars and the sky to organize our activities. Chafle remembers how his father taught him observing the moon and the stars at night and the other signals in the sky and around us at day before planting and sowing. He says that Pachamama is always looking after us because we are her children, together with all what exists. He gave the example of Pachamama’s birds giving us good and bad luck to be prepared. To approximate the meaning that Pachamama has for Andean people it is relevant to emphasize the level of respect that children, youth, and adults, have for their parents. As they age, this respect, gratitude, and admiration grows. They preside over meetings and ceremonies and are consulted in different matters at family and community level. The relationship between spouses and of them towards children are different than the ones developed under the influence of urban social conditions. The demands and harsh working conditions do not allow for a big population of elders in the communities. The few existing in the community are respected loved and looked after. Community leaders include specific duties to look after seniors. They have a special program of entertainment activities for elders. They are not called to work in communal tasks. Grandmothers are loved and respected unconditionally. At the community it is very common to be greeted by each child and youth going to or coming from school. It did not happen at the close town where there are many commercial activities and constant transit of vehicles arriving from and going to Huancayo, Huancavelica (the regional capital district), Acobamba and Andabamba via Huancapite. Runa-animals relationship. There is not a marked delimitation among the relationships of the Andean person/community and other communities (animals, plants, rivers, lakes, rain, frost and so on), largely because everything belongs to Pachamama as each of the participants explained. We runa also belong to Pachamama (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1997). Non-domesticated animals belong to the sallka (wild) communities. All animals (and plants) are constantly interacting with runa (people). Domestic animals like allku (dog) quwi (guinea pig) and mishi (cat) are part of every household. I saw and heard how the quwikuna of Quilla know her voice and as soon as she is arriving, they request for food, she smiles and replies “they check on me”. Repeatedly I was told that animals and plants and all that surrounds us nurture people as we people nurture them, and not only physical nurturance. As Grimaldo Rengifo (1998) affirms,

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“Nurturance is lived as an activity which commits one to nurture and let oneself be nurtured, and in this runas, wacas24, and sallka find themselves in an equivalent plane.” As Wayta says “I learned about weather working in the field helped by my dog looking after my animals…” “women, children, and dogs mostly look after animals, in the rain, in cold, in wind, in frost…” (3); and Yuraq tells us about her sheep Pallacha who knew her name and was the leader of the other animals, making her life as a working child easier. During our shared activities with children I was often told about their duties looking after their animals in the field and finding multiple opportunities for playing and taking turns in the task, since mostly they go in little groups. Yuraq told us that goldfinches are particularly useful to look after other little animals, because as soon as they spot a hawk or an eagle, they call for attention screaming in a very distinctive way. Quilla loves her animals and is an enthusiast of the Santiago25 celebration. She shared with us some songs and rituals of this celebration including, games, symbolic marriages prepared and led by her for her animals, gifts prepared for and given to them, dances, drinks and qallpa (sharing coca leaves). During her description she did not allude to catholic ceremonies or meanings and her songs were about her animals and the time spent with them in the field. She also said that the pagapu for increasing her animals has to be done by a person who knows how. It seems like the name they use Tayta (Mr, lord) Shanti (warm form of Santiago name) is disconnected with the “original” Saint imposed during the colony or remains only as a label for the community members’ own spiritual means. Anqas focused on the importance of birds as messengers of bad and good news and meanings. There are certain birds announcing good luck and others announcing bad luck. For instance, a bad luck messenger is the owl announcing coming bad events. If he sings on the roof of one’s house a family member will die. A good luck bird is the quillincho, his dance announces success and happiness. I asked Anqas why some persons have owl images on their chullu (cap).

24 In Andean religiosity a waka is any material manifestation of the superhuman; it can be found in a mountain, spring, union of rivers, cave, rock, or any human made object. (Salomon, 1991) 25 Santiago is a Catholic saint festivity on July 24. In my host community it is focused on rituals to express love for and gratitude to the animals for their company and generosity. Some scholars have studied this celebration finding links of it to other Andean deities (Fuenzalida, 1965; Vimos, 2017) 126

She explained that it is because that person knows things that others don’t. She explained that animals know how to tell us about chackra activities too and other things that are important for us. Chafle’s remarks were about how animals in general help us and they are loyal to us and reminded me that even little wild animals help runa to heal when it is needed because they also practice ayni. JCPW remembered that animals also know if something bad will happen in a home. He said that pigeons and bees leave if there is not peace and harmony in a home or if somebody is going to die. The participants respond with certainty and based in personal experience or close observation of events. From the above teachings on relationships that community members have with Wamani, Pachamama and animals, it can be established that: 1. Pachamama and Wamani are members of their spiritual realm (waqa), which is also where the abuelos/ancestors’ protective spirits are. 2. Wamanis express themselves as mountains and other elements who belong to Pachamama including runa 3. extended family and community reciprocal relationships with the above spiritual waqa members is through pagapu, petitions, prayers and celebrations 4. Animals like birds can overcome the dimension time. Focus on agriculture for life. Everyday members of the community have tasks to accomplish in their agricultural plots or in the small chakra closer to their homes. Children get ready for school or for watering vegetables planted in the close chakra or for looking after the small animals under their care. Toddlers play or “help” and infants travel comfortably on their mom’s back while she accomplishes multiple tasks demanded by each new day. If one or more adults of the family are called to attend a communal leaders’ meeting, around 6:30 they will be back from that meeting. At 6 a.m. or before, men and women are going to the field to undertake the task of that day. Elderly stay at home helping in some easier tasks or grazing their smaller animals and spinning plying or knitting.

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Most houses are empty and “locked” with a small branch or twig; everybody knows that it means “we are at the field.” Locks are only used when the owners are absent for months or years. The Agricultural calendar includes activities all year round. There are ranges of weeks or even months to undertake activities at the field. Rigidity does not have a place in the Andean highlands because the multiple factors combined to guide the community members through the process to nurturing life by playing the role of assisting Pachamama the “delivering life mother” cannot be framed in rigid timelines. As presented in the Andean Paradigm of Work and Technology (49th Symposium of the Congress of Americanists, 1997), the self-definition of the Andean campesino would be: Hombre Partero, or ‘Midwife Man’ (translation added), “Uywaña.” And since human work includes the work of Sallqa (wild Nature), and of Wak’as (Andean divinities of Nature), Uywaña goes beyond Andean empirical-technical work. Andean technology is knowledge and is wisdom (van kessel & Larrain, 1998). The planting/sowing season starts with the arrival of the rain at the end of August or beginning of September. But the last year, as Yuraq said, the rain arrived at the beginning of August and they had even snow in that time. Wayta was concern that after early raining it stopped. She remembered, from past years, when birds were hungry and ate michqa, which are crops resulting from early planting that often take extra care to grow. People and animals specially birds were confused with the early rain and extreme cold and snow. I asked if she was sad when the kukuli cried, she looked at me surprised and asked back “how couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries”? (4) I realized I made a faux pas and she noticed my concern. Compassionately, she tried to make me feel better with humor, saying: “to whom could I go to complain?” Who will pay for my lost michqa? Only kukuli’s sweet voice will pay me, her song for my lost michqa. She laughed at that intensely, making us all to laugh with her. A grandma with a child’s laughing heart. Many times, while working in ayni at the chakra, or up in a Santa Rosa plot, at the weekly minka tasks, preparing food for wasikatay (completing a house construction) or making tantawawa (bread baby) for the Day of the Dead (Nov 1, 2), I experienced that laughing was a constant. It told me that communal work is still a source of joy in the Andes. Having each other’s

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company as members of an extended family (ayllu) is a meaningful possession, constantly fed by more working interaction. Figure 4.2 Community members at the Cemetery

Source: researcher’s photo (November 2, 2018).

Figure 4.3 129

Community members at the chakra

Source: researcher’s photo (March 2018). Because the motivation for nurturing (sustaining) life in the Andes is underpinned and required equally by waka, runa, and sallqa communities, it is still prominent. It surpasses indifference, curiosity, ambition, unsolicited help and labelling26. Quilla, when talking about the chakra, becomes serious and concerned about the invasion of poisons given to animals, soil and plants. She remembers, times when people knew to heal their animals with home-made

26 There are concerns of some scholars about labelling because of the unanticipated directions that technologies like barcoding can take in terms of the control it pursues over other species (Larson, 2011). This author underlines that this technology would not apply to humans because we all are members of one species. 130

medicines and had no need for chemicals, fertilizers and plague killers that make all weak and needy for more of this medicine. Yuraq taught me that at in the community, chakras need to rest at least one year after 3-4 years of work. She guided me through the cycle of growing food which is done in ayni (5). The other participants verified my learning without contradictions. Some of them like Anqas observed that learning about the chakra work starts early in their lives and how much they enjoyed nurturing life and working in ayni which I witness in more than one opportunity. Ayni, as Grimaldo Rengifo (1998) explains, is one of the expressions of the “pleasure of giving” tokens of “solidarity and cooperation” between runas, nature and wakas; in it the conversation of participants emerges as ayni. “Since life is equally important and interdependent with ayni, the ayni has to be re-created daily in order for life to regenerate itself” (Rengifo, 1998, p. 107). The process of growing food, starting with the resting of soil, is followed by grazing cattle. It allows for soil enrichment with manure, although gets compacted at the same time. Then, the following tasks are performed mostly in ayni. The chakma (loosening up the rested soil) undertaken by men using the chaki taklla (foot plough)27 which is the best tool for this task since the slopes do not permit other existing options. Following this, the terroneo (breaking up of clods) is done with the chiwaku (small hoe with a leaf shaped metal part). The opening of furrows is undertaken by men using the chiwaku. Women put the manure in the furrows followed by the seeds that in the case of tubers require carefully bringing using a manta tied, at their front. The spacing between seeds in the furrows is measured by women, using their naked feet as a measurement unit and advancing harmoniously while depositing the seed to be cared by Pachamama until life is born again. Men then cover the seeds. Ayni participants include family (biological and spiritual) extended members, and friends (ayllu). At the beginning and end of tasks, ceremonies like qallpa could be performed at resting times. The following steps include hilling, weeding, and harvesting depending on the specific crop and needs of each chakra, in

27 Described in detailed by Vargas (1936) and demonstrated to be used in pre-Inca times (Salaman, 2000). 131

agreement with the atmospheric changes or events. These are carefully followed with the guide of Pachamama’s communities including stars, moon, and sky. Figure 4.4 Community’s member harvesting potatoes

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Source: researcher’s photo (March 2018). For the participants it is clear the role of rain is for the life of all as Yuraq expresses “it is sacred and important for ñuqanchik28”. (6) Their concern for her absence when plants are growing is also eloquent. At the same time, they shared examples of rain message that would be called “indicators” by western science. The alternatives developed and sustained under the uncertain rain, are shown by Andean knowledge of signals to observe, interpret, and follow. Thus, the sacredness of rain, of its source the Pachamama, and of the other communities of waka, intertwined with runa and sallka communities can be the “sampa” (braid) of life. Anqas’ words on the joy of rivers, metonymizes the feelings of the Andean ñuqanchik at the arrival of the first rain29: “when it rains, the rivers travel drank of happiness”. (7) Stars and the moon phases are a recurrent theme during the planting season at the community. They, together with other elements of Pachamama, are in charge of indicating when to sow/plant. Since the community have access to two altitude lands, the observation of the required signals becomes an imperative to undertake agricultural activities in both altitudes. Stars observation is not done for harvesting (Urton, 1981), although signals through other “messengers” were observed for that activity. One of the participants indicated that the zorzal (Turdus fuscater) sings in a particular way after eating tuna (Opuntia ficus-índica). At the lowlands, it goes up to the highlands and sings. This means that it is time to go down and harvest corn at the lowlands. The observation of stars is practiced at the community especially by adults and seniors although the last group complained about their memory. All the interviewed participants provided names of and times to observe constellations related with the best conditions to plant/sow. There is a similitude between the constellations and the spaces between them known, named, and located in this community with some of the constellations and dark shapes, names,

28 In Qichwa-chanka there are two personal pronouns for the plural of the first person (we). One is exclusive: Ñuqayku (I+ the ones that are with me) and the other is inclusive: Ñuqanchik: Ñuqayku+the ones that are not with us. 29 In Huaraz, the first rain is called Puspa. It is a Northern Qichwa feminine name learnt while the author was working there at the local University. 133

and location, reported by Urton (1981) from his experience in another community of the Central Andes. Focus on Landscape. Urqu (hill, mountain) describes the most frequent and visible feature in the Andean landscape. Its plural urqukuna, implies members of a community that has a constant physical and spiritual interaction with other existing communities in the Pachamama including runa communities. My host community, which is located on the slope of a mountain at more than 4000 m. above the sea level, is surrounded by natural and man-made landscape elements. Close hills, more distant hills, behind the first ones and further others covered by clouds. On and in between hills samples of runa’s working hands products: sinuous or zig-zag roads (qinqu) linking human communities, concerts of chakras patching the hills in places that look inaccessible. At more than 4000 m of altitude the natural landscape elements are unique because of existing particular conditions. This also makes their ecosystems balance considerably sensitive to activities motivated for different purposes than nurturing life of Pachamama components under the certainty that everything is alive. Participants have shared experiences about their relationship with hills. Common experience is about health provided by the hill spirit after requesting through pagapu and prayer. Medicinal plants provided by the hill also help people and animals to recover health. Another common expression is about familial feelings awakened in them by the hills creating a close relationship between them and the hills.

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Figure 4.5 Children walking with a grandmother in fields of the community

Source: researcher’s photo (October 2018). Anqas and Chafle expressed how much they missed the hills when they were away, and their joy at coming back to them. Ankas eloquent words:” I love the hills; they inspire me to call them urqucha” (8) will be analyzed in the section on diminutive expressions in Runasimi. They also talked about building a saiwa (refuge) as teenagers gathered together among friends up at the hills. Then, several activities took place at the same time while they looked after their animals. One of them was a friendly competition of balance and strength called kuchuscha

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(stand up back to back pushing the other only with elbows) performed by two male friends while girls sang and played musical instruments. JCPW expression: “saiwa is a tinku for kuchuscha” (9) summarizes more than one meaning of saiwa for them. It will be analyzed in the section of metaphorical expressions and metaphors. Equally the comment of Chafle on the importance and meaning of viewing a dawn from the hills (10). The role of hills and mountains in the process of nurturing (sustaining) life in the Andes is pre-eminent. They are a constant presence not only physical but spiritual and emotional for the community members. The interaction between hills and runa is particularly close and the way participants in the study talk about them is not imaginary or rhetorical it is a clear and simple reality. In spite of its altitude (4,092 meters above the sea level), Huancapite’s community has established some native tree species from the Buddleja, Polilepis, and Senna Genus. They grow in areas not used for agriculture or as protection around the chakras. The Buddleja coriacea (colle) is appreciated because of its hard wood (Gade, 1999). Chafle used it for making agricultural tools and Wayta used its flowers instead of Curcuma for cooking. Gade (1999) reports the use of these flowers instead of saffron. Few trees of B. incana (quiswar) have been observed in the lowlands of my host community by one of my translators during her searching for firewood. The most abundant non-native species is the Eucalyptus globulus as it is in most Central Andean locations. Introduced one century ago, only became abundant at the mid twentieth century. Then, was sponsored as material to build mine support systems30 by the USAID-funded forestation programs in early 1960s, (Dickinson, 1967, 1969). The negative effects of this genus include excessive water and soil nutrient demand, toxic compound emissions, and monoculture (Gade, 1999). The above effects of the E. globulus have been noticed by the participants and community authorities. For this reason, they welcomed reforestation programs with two species of Polilepis, the racemose and the incana.

30 E. globulus is used to build square sets of support and protection inside of mine galleries (oral information provided by a Geologist Eng., Feb 6, 2020) 136

Figure 4.6 Mutuy growing in small chakras close to the community’s houses

Source: researcher’s photo (March 2018). The mutuy (Senna birostris) is well adapted to local conditions and the most accepted tree at the community. With its yellow flowers it decorates each street and road in Huancapite and its surroundings. Apart of decoration, it is used as firewood when dry. Chafle had observed the adaptation of mutuy to dryness and to stony and poor soils, features known by professionals involved in forestation (Reynel & Marcelo J., 2009). When talking about the celebration of Viga Wuantuy a communal celebration including rituals, songs, and minka carrying a heavy tree from the lowland to the community through a difficult path, to be eventually used for communal benefit, JCPW considers that it is a continuation of their ancestor’s rituals to honor the tree spirit with offerings music and songs. Yuraq, Wayta, Anqas and Quilla agree that trees have a spiritual side; they communicate in their own way and are afraid when somebody is going to cut them. Viga Wantuy includes a request and offerings before the tree is cut.

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In the participant’s relationship with trees there is a spiritual component – respect, reciprocity, and caring attitude towards them – although a concern about their effect on surrounding plants was expressed. They are aware of E. globulus’ excessive consumption of water and will support reforestation with other Genus species. The conversation about puquios (springs) showed that all the participants feel respect for them; the need for establishing close relationships with these elements of Pachamama and to follow the teachings they received from their parents on how to behave with the puquios. They affirm that: (a) they have a spirit and that it is imperative to talk with them with respect and /or give them offerings or pagapu; (b) they could be harmful because they have “qipu” (poison) and could produce “chachu” (sickness); (c) teachings include avoiding visiting puquios at night and chewing coca to be protected; (d) if during the day a chirapa (rainbow) comes up from springs, it is a warning for avoiding getting close to them, especially if it is sunny and raining at the same time, or else (e) chirapa adopts a fox head shape or sounds like a drum. Chafle listed several puquios from the community and described the route of the river of Huancapite that joins the Paucará river adopting its name. It passes other locations until “It finds another river at Manyac at a tinku” (10). Tinku, tingo, or tinkuy implies coming together or meeting. Scholars have attributed them warlike or religious-ritualist purposes. Examples include: human sacrifices (Donnan, 2004), marriage celebrations (tinkunakuspa), and rites of sins expiation (Valcárcel, 1964). Tinkuy is also defined as the confluence of rivers, the encountering of persons (Isbell, 1979) and the harmonious meeting of opposite forces (Isbell, 1979; Mayer, 1977). Several ceremonial centers and llaqtas (towns) were built at tinkunas: proximities of the convergence or encountering of two rivers (Mallma, 2018).

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Figure 4.7 Rainbow after a rainy afternoon, and remaining fog in the community

Source: photo taken by the researcher (February 2018). Focus on Weather. Some sources locate Huancapite at the Suni region altitude, others in the Puna or Andean plateau. Found vegetation and temperatures variation correspond to Puna (starting at 4000 m.a.s.l) besides this community does not have a uniform altitude and some of their plots are located higher altitude than 4000 m.a.s.l. Considering that agriculture is the most important activity for the community members, climatic events such as frost, hail and scarcity of rain in the required time, put agricultural production under risk creating tension and uncertainty among the population. 139

The participants shared how they forecast hail and frost. They consider that hail is more difficult to deal with compared with frost. They all affirm that a clean (without clouds) sky is a signal for frost which for them is good in June to make chuño (frozen and sun-dried potato)31 that, when dried, can be stored for months without changing. It keeps its sun-dried chuño properties. It, together with the papa seca (slightly boiled and dried potato), are ways to store potatoes. Frost in January or February is bad because it will kill the plants. Yuraq and JCPW found that the sky gets dark before hail. Yuraq added that thunder sounds different when hail is coming. They agreed on the importance of working together to avoid frost and hail or at least minimize their effect on plants. For that purpose, community leaders organize Qayaku, a general calling at any time at night to awakening all the community members and together produce as much smoke and noise as possible. They burn rastrojo (dried plants) and fireworks, making children scream and dogs bark. One of those Qayaku nights I saw fires not only in our community but also in some communities at the other side of the river up on the Chopqa communities. Quilla and Wayta told me that they also place recipients of water among plants to reduce the effects of frost. As a corollary Anqas told me “Grandmother, it is said that frost comes like donkeys without ears, eyes, and legs” (11). For Chafle “hail is a very bad family, they come well dressed, and go out with their clothes all broken because of our fireworks and our dogs’ attack” (12). For JCPW “the sound will push the hail away” (13). Quilla final remarks on this issue were about the bad behaviour of people causing Pachamama to get upset and send hail and frost for us to change. Two grandmothers who used to spin with me agreed with Quilla’s comment. Participants’ interest in talking about this issue confirms its relevance for them. At the same time the ways they have learned to forecast these events and the alternatives they have

31 Various Solanum species (potatoes) were analyzed before, during, and after the freezing and sun-drying to get chuños. It was found that antioxidant capacity and content of individual phenolics are decreased during the process but are not eliminated. In consequence, chuño still can be considered a relevant source of antioxidants in the diet (Peñarrieta et al., 2011). The chuño light powder can be stored for up to four years (Pomerville, 2013, 870). 140

developed to deal with them teaches us more about their communal work, readiness, discipline, and support to respond the calling of their traditional leaders. The above is one more foundation of sustaining (nurturing) life in this community. Focus on cultural expressions. Although themes analyzed above include cultural expressions, here some additional themes identified by the participants will be considered such as traditional clothing, some Runasimi’s expressions describing Pachamama, work organization, economic independence, and types of knowledge at the community. Traditional clothing. Traditional clothing as cultural expression is difficult to ignore in the Andes. It is so immersed in the landscape’s colors, shapes, textures, and light that its sensorial experience becomes experiencing the landscape itself. Women are the best keepers of traditional clothing in this region, even at the lowlands. Although the Chopqa nation’s men had proudly kept their traditional clothing better than others. One of the positive outcomes of a Sunday in Paucará it is the opportunity of enjoying the multicolor view of women and men walking with their traditional clothing that shows distinctive colors and patterns belonging to their community. Every piece of traditional clothing has a function apart of the basic function of protection. The colors and icons represented in some of these pieces tell us about Pachamama and her creatures, and about the outcome of runa’s work and symbols.

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Figure 4.8 Embroidered, woven, and growing flowers in the community

Source: researcher’s photo (February 2018). Participants were pleased to talk about traditional clothing because women and men remembered how they were taught to spin, knit, and weave by their mother, father or grandparents. In the community, young women mostly knit, older women spin and knit, and men weave and some of them knit. Unfortunately, youth prefer western clothing for daily use, keeping traditional clothing for festive occasions. Adult women wear more traditional clothes or

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a combination of traditional and western pieces. Men mostly dress traditionally in festive occasions. All the women participants wear traditional clothing. Participant women and men wear traditional hat and chullu (traditional tuque). Wayta describes the name of the patterns in her wali (embroidered skirt). Quilla described every icon in her chumpi (traditional belt) and her words: “I always wear my chumpi for strength from Pachamama” (14) … “It is cochacha, sachacha, and qinku” (15) will be explained in more detail in the correspondent section. She also listed and described the pieces of the traditional clothing with the detail that only somebody that have made them from scratch can know. Chafle was almost apologetic for not remembering more, shared with me memories of his mother and meanings that are dear for him. “Her manta for me only has qinqu” (16) “her lliclla had wayta, chakana, and yaku” (17). JCPW shared meanings of pieces wore in the celebration and minka of Viga Wantuy. “Who wear an embellished luwicho (taruka: deer) skin is strong and knowledgeable” (18). The above meanings were supported by two more members of the community who I conversed with. These expressions will be described in more detail in Chapter 5. Runasimi and Nature. Runasimi (human language) is the generic word meaning any variation of Qichwa. This Andean language includes variations spoken along the territory that formerly was populated by the Inka confederation in South America. At Huancavelica, Runasimi (Chanka-Qichwa) uses tender and caring expressions for talking about Pachamama and her children. As Anqas says, “I feel love for the hills they inspire me to call them urqucha.” She shares how she feels when she climbs a hill: ‘urqu’ by adding the affix ‘-cha’ to the name. Quilla uses the affix -cha also when she describes the icons from her belt. Participants share these feelings through the diminutive ways of Runasimi. Children at the community are particularly sweet when they talk in Runasimi about birds and their favourite domestic animals. During my visits to and interaction at the primary and secondary schools I could observe that students and some teachers speak Runasimi all the moments they are not in class. If in class, they want to share something they also do it in Runasimi. Their jokes are definitely in Runasimi. Schools give the Primary students some books in Runasimi provided by the National Government. The majority of parents (more than 50%) use more Runasimi than Spanish at home. All the children sharing activities with us (grand-mothers, and mothers) were bilingual and they

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always volunteered to make sure I understood the conversations fully. Although they were not very happy when somebody laughed about my mistakes or “good expressions”. At the schools in Paucará students also talk in Runasimi at recess time and in between classes, although teachers do not. At the University in Huancavelica (UNH), in the capital city of the region, students of the environmental engineering program rarely speak Runasimi at campus, although almost half of a class do speak it at home. They did not know where my host community was located, and they were puzzled because of my decision of living in a TC. In a Huancavelica technological Institute however, students mostly speak Runasimi except in class hours. In both post-secondary institutions English is mandatory. At the University Runasimi is mandatory for some programs not for all. The UNH has a Language Center where delivers Quechua courses among others. Currently is offering a Master Program in Sciences of Education focused on Quechua Linguistics and Intercultural Education. The above observations resume the westernizing environment existing at the university education in the Huancavelica region which is not too different from the tendency existing at national level. The Andean cultural expressions and rural needs are not totally forgotten, but foreign interests such as international languages are priority compared to the surviving local Runasimi. Among causes of this reality are the fact that Runasimi is basically an oral language competing for attention with other indigenous languages belonging to other families of Qichwa and others from the several Amazonian groups (Sullón et al., 2013). This diverse culture requires a diverse education. It occurs within a context where formal education was historically designed for a homogeneous system to satisfy foreign interests and purposes and where currently the globalized westernizing wave is taking its turn. Here many pedagogical tendencies originated somewhere else were tested. Perhaps now that cultural diversity is one of the basis of the educational design (Sullón et al., 2013) the results will improve. Thus, the Andean and the other cultures will be recognized for their ability to sustain Pachamama’s life and their generosity to teach all, including the university.

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Community work organization. Community work organization is based on reciprocity (ayni) and solidarity and respect to the community principles (minka). This type of communal work organization is given to the community for purposes that benefit the whole community or when the leaders propose and is accepted to support a family or member in need. Minka does not include monetary payment. Each community establishes a minimum of hours of minka from each of its members. The outcome is the benefit that the whole community enjoy and the satisfaction of working together to support somebody in need. To ayni and minka in Huancapite it is added the qayaku that is undertaken for preventing or minimizing the effects of hail and frost. It is initiated and conducted by the community leaders who call, using a microphone, or sometimes just walking and raising their voice across all the community (up and down). At any time during the night, everybody wakes up and acts. Yuraq described a similar procedure for making it to rain together with all the surrounding communities. She assured me that it works. I witnessed the qayaku for preventing frost and hail and saw the celerity of all the community members to perform their best generating smoke and noise. Another way of nurturing life and being nurtured, is through the strength of a supporting community. During my conversations with women and men of the community to validate my observations I asked them how it feels to be part of a TC. Their answer was that they never felt alone but protected and supported, and if they were somewhere else for a while, they could feel the company of trees, water, rain or wind and a Wamani close or far. Chafle assures that ayni is a need because time can gain them if they do not act within the short period of time when conditions are done for each chakra activity. Concerning how they learn, JCPW explained that parents and grandparents teach by asking children to help them. While children help, they learn in real life, for example, about medicinal plants. Anqas remembers the tasks she accomplished at the chackra early in her life when playing was very important too and working was part of playing, leaving feelings of happiness. She said “… this is why we like to work glad and laughing.” More than once I was told that at the community there are not neighbours because all are relatives and ready to help each other. Reciprocity and solidarity with joy became factors of sustainability of life in Huancapite.

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Self-sufficiency. Wayta, Quilla and Chafle agreed on the need to be self-sufficient practicing what their parents and grandparents have taught them. They were also concerned about the amount of waste growing at the community because of the containers and packing of food that now are sold in Paucará. Quilla insisted on finding ways for people to remain in the community and about the ways to make their own clothing. Using real wool and not buying nicely colored synthetic yarn that they consider cold materials not good for their climate. Wayta knows that there are more people weaving just for their spouses but with no time for doing it for other people. It is because it takes too much time while the Chinese products at Paucará are not as good as the ones we can make but cost much less. The participants know that the quality and effect of industrial products is not the best but at the same time, the strategies of the market reducing cost (by using low quality materials) and offering bright colors that attract the attention and preference of people in this region, made them buy. Soon the low quality of the above materials turns them into waste that is difficult to degrade. Another negative effect of low-quality industrial products. Learning and teaching in an Andean traditional community. Learning and teaching in the Andes has its own demands due to two systems of knowledge available for all the community members including youth and children. To be considered an official member of the community the person needs to have a partner and/or to be 18 years old or more. Wayta explained about the messages willakun and the teachings yachachin that creatures of the Pachamama have for us. Quilla talked about the two types of knowledge that children and youth have available for them in the community (ishkay yachay). One is the traditional knowledge they are given since they are born at home by their parents and grandparents. The other is the knowledge (scientific) they receive at school. For her they both have the same value neither one is against the other. Both are a need for the kids’ development. She then asked me to tell the teachers to recommend the kids to pay attention to traditional teachings. She underlined the need for

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speaking Runasimi and other languages too. Because that helps people to live in peace and harmony. Yuraq affirmed that working together more than one community can make good changes. For us and for the Pachamama. Like the rain, we make fall down because we are together. The above teaches us that togetherness is another foundation for sustaining life. Anqas talked about avoiding the bad effects of puquios and chirapa saying” without watching the rainbow, we hide all the plastics to avoid being followed by the colored dogs from the rainbow… Then we escaped away” Finally, Chafle and JCPW talked about the importance of learning from their parents. Both describe their learning through experiencing, using their senses, doing more than writing, reading or just thinking. They and Anqas talk about their learning experiencing, acting on what was available from their surrounding world. Testing or Confirming Findings Testing or confirming findings will be done based on the Miles et al. standards’ (see pages 88-92 qualitative data analysis and validity, and pages 92-95 quality of conclusions). Representativeness. Participating community members in both the community-based collaboration activities in general and IPA semi-structured face-to-face interview in particular were accessible at and representative of the community. They were not accepted because of any exceptional behavioural feature or relevant role played in the community. Generalizations were made grounded on a continuous presence (ten months) within the community to avoid false inferences based on nonrepresentative events or activities. Research effects. Avoiding biases caused by researcher effects on the site. Since this is a field study, the researcher allowed enough time to become part of the local landscape. Although at the beginning there were questions, more gradually surfaced during the conversations we engaged in. I believe their acceptance grew after sincere answers asking why I was there, what I was studying, how the participation was, what I will do with the outcomes, and who was paying me for doing it. The conversations/interviews were not done in front of everybody but often in an isolated chakra (planting plot) because it is where community members spend most of the day.

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Avoiding biases caused by effects of the site on the researcher. Participants were representative of the community. Visits to other traditional and urban communities were undertaken to avoid co-optation and for contacting members of the community living in other locations. Triangulation was done by collecting data on other expressions of sustainability including textiles, traditional clothing and celebrations. Research questions were kept in mind. Conversations on experiences at the community and fieldwork notes were undertaken at the regional university to avoid being misled. Getting feedback from participants. Feedback from participants was received during the data collection and observations oriented to finding a meaning for sustainability in the community. Feedback was required considering that the majority of community members are not bilingual (Kichwa-Spanish) but only speak the regional Runasimi (Chanka Kichwa). This feedback was undertaken through interpersonal conversations or in small groups of persons (3-4) including children. Early feedback (August 2018) was also received in the final shaping of the open questions for the semi-structured face-to-face interview of the IPA method. Final outcomes of the IPA method could not be put under “member checking” because it is not part of the IPA protocol, and because the method was applied under strict conditions of anonymity for the participants. The last reason is also valid for the participants feedback of metaphor analysis since it used utterances of the participants in IPA. Theories transferability and findings testing. IPA’s grounding theories have shown their transferability because of their ability to support a method that allowed us to find pertinent outcomes in the sustainability and ethnographic fields. Although IPA is more widely applied in the health sciences field. We consider that IPA’s theories, phenomenology, hermeneutics, and ideography, are transferable to some cases. In these cases, should be an open approach for inquiry, the need or interest for interpreting data collecting process, and/or data collected. Also, if there is a need or interest in detail and in a specific experience, persons, and context. The cases where transferability is possible could include, inquiring on effectiveness of services perceived

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by users, effects of alternative medicine, dance, or other wholistic experiences perceived and expressed by persons involved in them. Testing of the outcomes of IPA applications to this study could be done under similar conditions as the ones existing in this study. In the following chapter, the enumerated oral expressions of the participants will be interpreted under the conceptual/neural metaphor theory, which will consider their cultural significance and meaning in relation to the sustainability concept.

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Chapter 5: Metaphor Analysis in Oral Expressions Our view of man will remain superficial so long as we fail to go back to that origin, so long as we fail to find, beneath the chatter of words, the primordial silence, and as long as we do not describe the action which breaks this silence. The spoken word is a gesture, and its meaning, a world. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception Introduction In this chapter, selected oral expressions (utterances) of participants in the (IPA), as reported in Chapter 4, will guide the exploration for and identification of their underlying sustainability related metaphors in Huancapite. The exploration and identification will be done based on the conceptual metaphor theory and its relationship with the neural theory of language. Moreover, outcomes from the IPA and learnings from shared experiences at the community will guide and complement this searching. From the 18 oral selected expressions, (1) to (12) and (18) will be included in this chapter. The expressions (14) to (17) will guide the analysis in Chapter 6 due to their relationship with visual expressions of sustainability. Significance and contribution. The analysis of oral expressions resulting from IPA application in search for sustainability related metaphors is a novel approach. It gives prevalent significance to the participants’ chosen themes. They, under their views and life experience, are the source of the meaning of nurturing (sustaining) life in the Andes. A fragile group of unique ecosystems that exist because of the loving relationship runa (humans) have with Pachamama (Mother Earth).

Metaphor Analysis Sharing everyday life with the Huancapite community members was a unique experience. My daily learning from my host extended family, the leaders, the other adults and children from the community, increased my interest for and understanding of this community. Interviewing face-to-face to the participants (Pp) was an opportunity to know them and the community even more. The IPA method did allow through its interpretative dimension, extracting from a rich world of oral expressions of the participants those that better bring up their priorities and concerns about the purpose of this study. It identifies their representative oral expressions (see

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Table 5.1) containing instances of sustainability related metaphors (SUrMp) and/or metonymies (SUr Mn), and metaphors of sustainability (SU Mp). Based on the epistemology, theoretical perspectives and methodologies supporting the methods applied in this study, the metaphor analysis (MA) will apply principles from: (a) Andean communication and worldview through notion of an alive world, equivalence, nurturance, agrocentrism and ayllu; (b) cognitive science of the embodied mind through the new view of the embodied mind, and on shaping reason; and (c) sustainability of life in the Andean highlands. Table 5.1 IPA Participants’ selected oral expressions

Pp Selected Oral Expression Runasimi to English (word(s) in italics) Wayta I like to sing and dance in wawa wañuy Mother’s baby death (1) Quilla Killaqucha means rain, Intiqucha Moon/sun aqueous halo drying out (2) means usiamuchqan. Wayta women, children, and dogs look after animals, in the (3) rain, in cold, in wind, in frost… Wayta how couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries”? Zenaida meloda, West Peruvian

(4) although kukuli eats michqa dove32 Early planting crop Yuraq (5) We all learn to cultivate early in Reciprocal help our life. Mostly we work in ayni Yuraq (6) Rain is sacred and important for ñuqanchik We (inclusive) Anqas (7) …when it rains, the rivers travel drank of happiness. Anqas I love the hills; they inspire me to call them urqucha” Little hill/mountain (8) JCPW Saiwa is a tinku for kuchuscha Refuge built up on a hill (9) A convergence’s site

32 The Z. meloda is in the IUCN red list of Threatened Species 2016 https://www.iucnredlist.org/species/22733372/95058517 151

Friendly physical competition Chafle Paucará river finds another river at Manyac at a Where two rivers converge to (10) tinku. form a new river Chafle it is said that frost comes like donkeys without ears, (11) eyes, and legs. JCPW …the sound will push the hail away” (12) Quilla “I always wear my chumpi for strength from Traditional belt (14) Pachamama” Quilla It is cochacha, sachacha, and qinqu Little lake, (15) Little tree, and Zigzag/sinuous path

Chafle Her manta for me only has qinqu… Mantle, (16) Zigzag path Chafle …her lliclla had wayta, chakana, and yaku. Women’s mantle, Flower, (17) Chakana, and Water.

JCPW Somebody wearing an embellished luwicho skin is Hippocamelus antisensis33 (18) strong and knowledgeable (taruka: deer)

Shaping the meaning of sustainability in Huancapite. Human beings as embodied entities are constantly interacting with their fluctuating environments. Those environments apart of physical, are social, economic, moral, political and spiritual. Consequently, experiencing life is both at once: bodily-mental, subjective-objective, embodied and emotional (Mark Johnson, 2017). The meaning of sustainability in Huancapite, as it is in any group of people, is summarized in their daily motivation to act. The ultimate purpose of their activities, interactions, organization, and so on.

33 Hippocamelus antisensis. The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species (Barrio et al., 2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.2305/IUCN.UK.2017-2.RLTS.T10053A22158621

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Participating in daily activities and several conversations with adults, grandmothers, and children in the community, I realized that all and each of them were concerned with nurturing life in the chakra. What the community sustains is life itself. All its members’ actions are oriented to nurturing life in all its forms and to be nurtured by this life. The Runasimi word for nurturing is uyway that could mean criar: raising, but with a meaning going beyond the physical dimension. For this reason the best translation for “uyway” is to “nurture” and this nurturance is mutual including to/from all the members of the community: animals, plants, people, rivers, springs, winds etc. (Grimaldo Rengifo, 1998). Because their most important activity is agriculture which for them is to help Pachamama to deliver life to the chakra (small gardens close to the house and /or farther bigger plots) they do not have opportunities to get distracted or forget their ultimate purpose. Their life is devoted to help to deliver life. Every activity of adult man or women is focused on the chakra events and needs. Conversations flow around agricultural calendars, observation of signals to decide an immediate activity that can be changed or pushed to change depending on their interpretation of these signals. The families with which I interacted the most, only produced enough for their family members’ consumption. They carefully select the best seeds first and keep them to be exchanged, sowed/planted. Following this, they classify the crops, send parcels to family members living in other locations (Huancayo, Lima, or somewhere else) and store the rest for the consumption until the next harvest. Small animals like quwi (guinea pig), and hens are for sporadic consumption. Bigger animals include cows, donkeys, pigs and sheep. Other surrounding communities have South American camelids but Huancapite is devoted to agriculture. During harvest, sowing/planting, and building of houses the work is done in ayni because favorable conditions to assure success last too little time. Together family and friends (ayllu) work in the lands of each of them. During the growing of plants, they are sustained by their faith, hope, and work. Faith in the support and love of Pachamama the deliverer of life, hope for the best atmospheric conditions signaled and delivered by Pachamama and the other deities from the

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spiritual dimension (waka), and hard and disciplined but joyful communal and familial work to act at the rhythm of Pachamama. There are no theoretical discussions about projections or long-term planning because the number of unmanageable variables of these complex natural systems have shaped abilities to go with them instead of trying to manage them (van der Ploeg, 1989). Life is their goal and it is life that they try to sustain. Sustainability for them is SUSTAINABILITY OF LIFE. Expressions of sustainability through selected utterances. A general principle in cognitive science establishes that there are meta imaginative structures (metonymies, image- schemas, primary metaphors, complex metaphors, action-schemas, and so on) that give raise to thought and language. Included in the philosophical (experiential realism) and theoretical basis of MA (Mp theory, NTL, metaphorical language, Mn, and I-s) of Chapter 3 of this document. The above imaginative structures make it possible for us to understand abstract concepts and to reason about them using the spatial logics of various body-based source domains. The selected representative oral expressions (utterances) (Table 5.1) resulting from the discussion of the IPA outcomes will guide the MA. It will imply the search for instances of sustainability related (SUr) metaphors and/or metonymies, followed by the identification of these SUr cognitive/imaginative structures. The MA will include the application of theoretical realism, MA theoretical basis, and method. All of these taking into account the Andean worldview (second chapter), the learnings from CBC and IPA and visits to urban Huancavelica, Andabamba, and Pomabamba. Searching for imaginative mechanisms. Meaning is built in our sensory-motor and emotional experience. These embodied meanings are extended-via imaginative mechanisms such as conceptual metaphors, metonymy, images, schemas, and others, to shape abstract thinking (Mark Johnson, 2017). The search for embodied meanings supporting the sustainability of Life experienced in my host community will be undertaken guided by their representative oral expressions and the following steps:

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Experienced context description and sustainability. Describing and interpreting the cultural, biophysical, temporal and emotional factors related with each selected utterance comprising sustainability: this will be done applying the living experience at the community and the outcomes from the already applied methods, CBC, (PO), and (IPA) focused on unveiling sustainability in the community. Conceptualization. Examining each selected oral expression (utterance), to identify in it, instances of mostly known imaginative mechanisms: Mp, Mn, and their image-schemata (I-s). These in this case became sustainability related imaginative mechanisms (SUr Mp, SUr Mn and I-s) because they project basic level structures and kinesthetic image-schematic structures to abstract domains and superordinate/subordinate categories related with sustainability of life in the community. Then, identifying the SU Mp, SU Mn and I-s themselves. Constantly considering the contextual features. Conclusions. Confirming the relationship between the oral expressions, the outcoming SUr imaginative mechanisms, and the sustainability (SU) of life in the community. Participants representative oral expressions. The following utterance was provided by Wayta (originally in the Runasimi: -Chanka-Kichwa spoken in Huancavelica, Ayacucho, and part of Apurimac region) I like to sing and dance in wawa wañuy I like to sing and dance in the baby’s death celebration

Experienced context description and sustainability. This is an expression of the Andean beliefs about the life after this life34. It provides a reference on a unique attitude facing death, underpinning attitudes, activities, and actions of celebration. The experience of a baby’s passing away from Kay Pacha (this world) to where the babies go is celebrated because they become sweet protector spirits of the family they will always love (see appendix for the wawa wañuy story).

34 There are earlier manuscript sources of this subject. One of them is Bernabe Cobo (1609) whose source in Inca religion was the manuscript of Polo de Ondegardo (1559) lawyer from the Spanish administration (Roland Hamilton, 2006). 155

Some forms of life like some birds (sallqa realm) can transit between the runa realm (runa, Kay Pacha: humans, this world) and the spiritual realm (waka, Hanan Pacha) when it is necessary. The spiritual beliefs of the community inspire members to recover from undesired events. They confirm that pairing with the changing environment at the Andean highlands, can shape collaboration for survival, with all forms of life. As Wayta commented within the interview “the celebration is in my ayllu”. Celebrations are supported and crafted with the participation of blood and spiritual relatives and friends (ayllu) to prepare (washing, cooking, and so on) and to enjoy (singing, dancing and the like) allowing cultural sustainability contributing to sustaining life. Wayta’s expression comprises attitude of celebration, joy, participation, emotional support, and collaborative work in a traditional organization within the community Conceptualization. The Wayta’s oral expression in Runasimi wawawañuy-pi: “in” wawawañuy and the description of the specific context of the experience includes “within” a traditional organization (ayllu-y-pi: in my ayllu) these words in English and the correspondent spatial relations system in Runasimi35 suggest container image- schemas underlying Wayta’s expression. The container schema in English occurs at the central part of the meaning of the words like in and out. The container schema has three parts an interior, a boundary, and an exterior. The Wayta undertaken actions of dancing and singing occur inside of a container that is the celebration (container A) the ayllu members (relatives and friends) and Wayta are in the celebration. The celebration is being organized by and undertaken in the Wayta’s ayllu (container B). Because the ayllu is one of the parts of the organized community, the community becomes the container C.

35 Runasimi is an agglutinant language. Its expressions are built by adding prefixes and/or suffixes to the root of the words. In this case the suffix -pi gives to the words the condition of container. The suffix -y added to ayllu makes the word a possession. 156

Figure 5.1 Container image-schemata

The container image-schema is conceptual because it is a provider of a bridge between language and reasoning and it is perceptual because provides an image to perceive. This schema is a structure that forms a gestalt because its parts make no sense without the whole. This allows us to conceptualize the meaning of the celebration not only for members like Wayta but especially for the whole ayllu and the whole community. This image schema shows us the communal embodied experience characterized by the sense of protection and close collaboration as a whole within the boundaries of their community and their ayllu. It also helps as to appreciate the importance of cultural alternatives they have developed and maintained to face death, honouring beliefs they inherited from their ancestors. Wayta’s deep satisfaction in supporting her relatives in moments like these and her active participation in the celebration showed that Wawawañuy makes sense. The effects of wawawañuy: Wawawañuy brings hope and joy to the participants. These emotions and feelings are closely related to what they repeatedly experience when going back home or developing any other activity, they walk up to the hills. Based on these considerations and on several comments such as, “I like to feel the wind at the up side of the mountains,” “I enjoy flying my kite up in the mountain,” “Up at the mountains nothing covers the view,” “Up at the mountains the wind is cool but awakens my happiness,” “Bringing my baby up on my back makes me feel tranquil,” “Up at the highlands I feel protected by the mountains.”

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The metaphor that is the foundation of (underlying) the above metaphorical expressions is:

• 36HAPPY IS UP - Subjective Judgement: Happiness - Sensory motor Domain: Bodily orientation - Example: Up at the mountains the wind is cool but awakens my happiness - Primary experience: growing up at the highlands and playing with friends and family. This is a primary metaphor proposed by Grady (J. Grady, 1997) based on everyday sensorimotor experiences and the theory of conflation proposed by Johnson. Grady argues that primary metaphors are components of complex metaphors in which primary metaphors via conventional conceptual blending fit together as pieces into larger wholes (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Here the dynamic flow of the experience and thought is structured by the VERTICALITY image schema. Moreover, since wawawañuy is a celebration (event) “in” which Wayta sings and dances. Her body language, when she dances, and the lyrics of her songs are her feelings and meanings (possessions). She can transfer these meanings to the person(s) who see her and listen to her. The above is an example of the metaphors:

• Meaning is transferred from one person to another via communication TRANSMISSION OF

ENERGY IS TRANSFER, and

• FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS (Grady, 1998, p. 217) In addition, because of the support of the community/ayllu through ayni the following metaphor is proposed,

• RECIPROCITY IS AYNI (in Ayllu/Community)

36 In each utterance/textile analysis: the identified metonymies and metaphors will be listed together using lower case letters a), b), c) and so on. These letters will be associated to the corresponding schemata listed at the end of each analyzed case before conclusions. These letters, when brought to the summary table containing metonymies, metaphors image schemata and participants/textile, will be converted into numbers as a) =1. b) =2. c) =3. and so on. 158

Because wawawañuy is a distinct cultural feature of the Andes, that expresses joy and hope when an infant has died, inspiring dancing and singing of happiness, the following metonymies can be identified,

• WAWAWAÑUY FOR JOY AND HOPE • DANCING/SINGING FOR HAPPINESS The above sustainability (SU) related Metaphors (Mp) and Metonymies (Mn) are structured by the following image-schemata:

a) VERTICALITY, CONTACT; b) ENABLEMENT CONTACT; c) CONTAINER; d) MERGING, CONTAINER,

ENABLEMENT, CONTACT; e) CONTACT, ENABLEMENT, f) CONTAINER, CONTACT ENABLEMENT (Mark

Johnson, 1987, p. 126)37 Conclusions. Wayta’s utterance, the image-schemata (I-s) corresponding to her oral linguistic expression, and the sustainability related metaphors arising from the effects of the Wawawañuy where Wayta likes to sing and to dance shows us (a) the importance of cultural expressions in sustaining life at the community of Huancapite; (b) the meaning and relevance of ayllu and communal organization as the whole system (container) that provides continuity and sustains the community under good and bad circumstances; (c) the possibility of applying elements of spatial relations, proposed by cognitive linguistics as universal, to utterances originally in Runasimi; proving that these conceptual primitives called image schemas or schemas can be applied to other language different than English; (d) the primary metaphor HAPPY IS UP and the other SUr Mp and Mn are applicable in the Andean highlands and are meaningful for and are related to the sustainability of Life in the Andean communities. The following utterance is from Quilla (originally in the Runasimi from the region Huancavelica). (2) Killaquchan is rain, Intiquchan is usiamuchqan. An aqueous halo around the moon is rain, around the sun it is drought Experienced context description and sustainability. The rhythms of Pachamama are known and followed by her children. She converses with them through what they call signals.

37 The image-schemata mentioned in this document were found in the list of The Body In The Mind: The Bodily Basis of Meaning, Imagination, and Reason (Mark Johnson, 1987, 126). 159

When the sky shows “messages “or “symbols” they “listen and interpret”. From September to the end of February it is crucial to know about rain. It is then when observing the sky is a need. Moon at night and the sun during the day are constantly observed. The moon is female, and the rain too. This is why when the moon is on a bright aqueous round surface that shows the moon surrounded by this aqueous halo called killaquchan, it is a message for rain. When the same phenomenon happens to the sun it is a message that days of usiamuchqan (drought) await. The sun is male. Quilla’s words of knowledge that she generously shared one night with us is one of the many teachings given by grandparents to their children. They spend precious moments that stay when the natural cycle of life displays its following step. During the critical period of time indicated above rain means that plants will grow and the family (ayllu) will have food to store and/or to barter. Thus, rain in that period means security, nurturance, good, while usiamuchqan is drought meaning insecurity, hunger, bad. Conceptualization. From the utterance (2) we can get two sentences: Killaquchan is rain and Intiquchan is drought. Killaquchan and Intiquchan are features that the community members visually perceive. These images have an important meaning closely related to the sustainability of life in the community. We can consider them cultural symbols for their not only physical but spiritual, social, economic and environmental nurturance. Based on this premise, their metonymies are,

(a) KILLAQUCHAN FOR RAIN, and (b) INTIQUCHAN FOR DROUGHT These metonymies could be considered part of the “cultural and religious symbolism special cases of metonyms” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a). Both metonymies are grounded on cultural and religious considerations of the community. Because rain is considered a good event for agriculture while drought is bad for that purpose, the following primary metaphors structured by the VERTICALITY image-schema can be identified: c) GOOD IS UP and d) BAD IS DOWN Killaquchan image appears around the moon who is a feminine figure in the sky. Moon’s role is to let people know the best times for undertaking agricultural activities through its cyclical changes and through symbols/signals like Killaquchan. “The moon is one of the mothers we

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learn to respect and obey” is a common comment in the community. Even children call her “mama Killa” in their nocturnal games and songs (Personal observation in more than one place and time in the Andes). Intiquchan image appears around the sun which is masculine and lights the day informing the pass of time. His message about rain it is not a source of satisfaction, but it is important and generates comments like “Intikuchan changed my plans” (personal conversation with a community leader, 2018) The act of seeing (perceiving) the above features by the community members like Quilla is an example of the metaphor e) PERCEPTION IS RECEPTION

After perceiving the images from the sky, as an expression of the metaphor f) KNOWING IS

SEEING they interpret their meaning based on their experience and/or their beliefs which is an example of the metaphor g) MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS. If this interpretation is based on beliefs is an example of the h) BELIEFS ARE GUIDES metaphor. The image schemata that structured the identified sustainability related metaphors and metonymies are, a) and b) COUNTERFORCE, CYCLE; c) and d) VERTICALITY; e) CONTACT, CONTAINER; f) PATH; g) CONTAINER, CONTACT; h) CONTACT, OBJECT. Conclusions. From the Quilla’s utterance, the context explained and the metonymies and sustainability related metaphors we found we can conclude that, (a) cultural and religious symbols/signals in the Andes are a relevant way of communicating with and within the existing realms of the Andean worldview; (b) the observation and interpretation of these symbols/signals and the acting on them, are closely related to the nurturing of all aspects of the life at the community. It means its sustainability; (c) the inclusion and inquiry of cultural elements in the cognitive science contributes to its enrichment and completeness; and (d) it is possible to find and understand abstract concepts via metonymy and sustainability related metaphors that underly oral expressions. The following oral expression belongs to Wayta (it was originally in Runasimi. It was translated to and transcribed in Spanish to be finally translated to English). (3) (a)…women, children, and dogs look after animals in rain, in cold, in wind, in frost (b)…women, children, and dogs look after animals, in the rain, in cold, in wind, in frost… Experienced context description and sustainability. The utterance of Wayta is part of the answer to the question I formulated to her, about how she learned/developed her abilities. 161

Because Wayta’s answer was in Runasimi I have included (a) the literal meaning from Runasimi, and (b) the figurative meaning in English. Learning about nature through work, not in a playing scenario but in a real working situation, is a challenge that children have in the Andes. Wayta describes how she learned about nature through work, and experiencing landscape elements, and weather events. Memories were always put up front in conversations at the community. The past is still important for each member of the community and for the community as a whole. It is as important as it was in other moments of the history of the Andes. That explains the persistence of several cultural manifestations. Early work experiences and close interaction with natural landscape and natural events build up the knowledge and relationships that inform attitudes and actions in the Andes. They underpin the conversations between all the existing forms of life enabling them to sustain life in harmony. Women and children due to their limited physical strength undertake tasks that although important for their knowledge of nature, require less physical effort and give relative flexibility to engage in other parallel or sequential activities. These include domestic tasks (cooking and handcrafts) for women and playing and school tasks for children. Communal work organization underpins sustainability of life. The selected oral expression and its implications support that learning about nature is done/built through work. This work includes human interaction and/or collaboration (e.g., working, playing, searching, talking, laughing, sharing) life forms mutual nurturing (e.g., dogs- runa support, other animals-runa communication); feeling (seeing, listening, smelling, touching) landscape elements and experiencing atmospheric events. The above can give raise to image schemas and conceptual metaphors for the learning process, involving work and natural events implicit and/ or underpinning Wayta’s oral expression. Conceptualizing. In Wayta’s context all the atmospheric phenomena and the elements of the landscape including what for science are abiotic, are given the condition of living beings. Thus, women, children and dogs are partners equally valuable in Wayta’s oral expression. In Runasimi from the Huancavelica, Ayacucho, and part of Apurimac regions, the oral expression of Wayta included “in” (-pi )suffix added to the name of the atmospheric events: rain,

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wind, frost, and to the state cold, making them “places” where she and her partners learned by working. An image schema for each event and state described above is a container A (assuming that events were not happening simultaneously) (Ar, Aw, Af) or the cold state (Ac), the entities that are in each of them (when they occur) are women (x), children (y) and dogs (z) going through the process of learning and interacting. Figure 5.2 Container image-schemata

Ar Aww Af Ac

The literal meanings of Wayta’s utterance – Women, children, and dogs work in rain Women, children, and dogs work in wind Women, children, and dogs work in frost

– are instances of the (A) EVENTS ARE PLACES metaphor. CONTAINER is the image schema connecting the (B) RAIN/WIND/FROST IS A CONTAINER and (C) COLD IS A CONTAINER metaphors: RAIN IS A CONTAINER WIND IS A CONTAINER FROST IS A CONTAINER The utterance, ‘Women, children, and dogs work in cold,’ is an instance of the metaphor

(D) STATES ARE PLACES, and since in the Andes all is alive including atmospheric events, (E)

ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS metaphor also underlies the analyzed utterance. The above metaphors help us to understand the role played by atmospheric events fostering the learning process of the current and future community members and their close friends, the dogs. They also call our attention to the difficult conditions existing in regions at more than 4000m above the sea level.

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These metaphors are related with the ways the community have learned to think and act for sustaining life in the community and by extension outside of the community.

The image schemata that structured the above sustainability metaphors are (a) SURFACE;

(b) CONTAINER; (c) CONTAINER; (d) SURFACE; and (e) MATCHING Conclusions. The selected oral expression from Wayta, (a) shows us the value and richness of the Runasimi from the Huancavelica region to guide us in our learning about this region and its factors of sustainability; (b) tells us about the role played by Pachamama and work organization in the bodily experiences of inhabitants of the Central Andes; (c) helps us to understand the ways community members become active in the process of nurturing life in the Andes, considering the uneasy conditions at that altitude, (d) reminds us that perhaps we can learn from their values and endurance (e) allows us to find image-schemata that facilitate defining metaphors for a better understanding of the ways of sustaining life in the Andes. The following is also an utterance from Wayta (originally in Runasimi from Huancavelica). (4) …how couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries”? Although kukuli eats michqa …How couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries? Although kukuli eats the crops of early planting/sowing. Experienced context description and sustainability. This expression is about the concern of runa (humans) for all the forms of life based on their intrinsic value. In the Andean world all forms of life including runa’s are equally important since all are children of the same mother. Kukuli is a dove characterized by a melodious singing that sounds like a lament when at the harvesting time there is not enough food. To secure food supplies, early planting/sowing is practiced apart from the ones done after. The crops of these early planting/sowing are called “michka” and have a special value because of the extra care involved to grow them. Within this context the kukuli is sad and cries of hunger making Wayta sad and concerned for her. Wayta is moved to compassion for kukuli and forgives her for eating michka. The words of Wayta with the emphasis of a question confirms the existing close relationship between runa (humans) and sallqa (Nature, Environment, “wild” children of Pachamama) forms of life and the disposition to share sadness and food, even michka.

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Wayta nurturing of kukuli with her most valuable crops to “heal” their shared sadness can be interpreted as an expression of love. Thus, the correlation “love (convergence between runa and sallqa) sustains life in this Andean community”. The utterance of Wayta also shows the persistent idea that animals are persons with the correspondent attributes and feelings. The utilitarian premise about the use or “services” of ecosystems and “natural resource” is absent in the conceptual system of communities like Huancapite. The respect for birds including hens and roosters is shown by how these animals freely walk across the community spaces to come back home at the end of the day. Besides, to describe what for western culture could be “we will get up at the first rooster’s singing” in Runasimi is, “Punta gallu waqayta hatarisunchik” (Galvez & Galvez, 2013, p. 41) (Literal meaning: ‘First rooster to cry we will get up;’ Figurative meaning: At the first rooster singing we will get up) (my translation from Spanish to English) (Galvez & Galvez, 2013, p. 41). The feelings of animals, of plants, and of all the landscape’s elements are as important as the people’s feelings in these communities. Conceptualization. The following love metaphor and metonymy could partially describe the above correlation. And the metaphor about how animals are considered in the Qichwa world include conceptual elements of the above described reality. Table 5.2 Conceptual Metaphor and Conceptual Metonymy describing aspects of Love between runa (humans) and sallqa (Nature, Environment) and conceptual metaphor on Animals as Persons

Metaphor Informal expression

a) LOVE IS UNITY split up “break up

Metonymy Sentence using the Sense in which word love: love is used:

b) LOVE FOR THE RELATIONSHIP the love between relationship IT PRODUCES them is strong

Metaphor Informal expressions

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c) ANIMALS ARE PERSONS Why couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries? When the first rooster cries, we will get up If an alpaca wants to raise you, she will stay

The above conceptual metonymy accounts for an extension of the basic sense of love (love emotion) (Kövecses, 2010, 253).

The (a) ANIMALS ARE PERSONS metaphor was found in Galvez and Galvez (2013, p. 42) as an example of personification metaphor in Chanka-Qichwa Runasimi from this study area. The attitudes and actions of community members towards the environment, which I had experienced with them while at the community, are instances of the (b) ANIMALS ARE PERSONS metaphor and (c) LOVE FOR THE RELATIONSHIP IT PRODUCES metonymy. They show attitudes and feelings of these human communities for non-human communities of a whole from which all are part. The close interaction that humans and non-humans have in the Andes are a determinant factor of the sustainability of life in that location. The image schemata underlying the sustainability related metaphors and metonymy are (a) LINK, CONTACT, ATTRACTION, ENABLEMENT,

MERGING; (b) MATCHING; (c) LINK, CONTACT, PART-WHOLE, ENABLEMENT, MERGING. Conclusions. The expression of Wayta and her interest and enthusiasm on being part of this study helped me to learn about the values of her community. Her selected utterance and the above conceptualization brings us to conclude that: (a) in agreement with its understanding of sustainability as SUSTAINABILITY OF LIFE the community of Huancapite looks after animals, plants and the elements of their mountainous landscape, (b) conceptual metaphors capture concepts and meanings that help to communicate the basis for the described expressions attitudes and actions toward the environment, (c) Wayta’s oral expression, attitude, actions, motivation, and feelings could inspire us to keep our life learning of better ways of living our humanity not more or less than other species, (d) apart of their friendliness and generosity I found in all the members of the community a genuine concern for keeping alive their culture, teaching it to youth and children. The following utterance belongs to Yuraq (it was mostly in Spanish). (5) We all learn planting early in our life. Agriculture work is in ayni because time is short. We all learn agriculture early in our life. Agriculture work is undertaken in reciprocal support. Experienced context description and sustainability. As it was explained above (see shaping the meaning of sustainability in Huancapite) that agricultural activities occupy most of 166

the life of the community members. The first part of Yuraq’s expression is related with Wayta’s learning through work early in life. For this reason, we will first pay attention to the ayni aspect. In the agriculture’s tasks community members experience ayni which allows them to follow the changing rhythm of the Pachamama. Ayni is practiced daily and does not exist only among runa but it is extended to communities of other forms of life and to other activities. As Rengifo (1998) affirms, it is how the conversation presents itself in the Andes. Agriculture is a whole. While I was participating in one of its several activities I was told “agriculture is ayni because time does not wait.” Ayni, by acting in a communal fashion during favourable atmospheric conditions, allows them to undertake required tasks. If they act alone within the available time, they will not accomplish the required task. Conceptualization. Paying attention to the word “in” which appears twice in the sentence “In agriculture we work in ayni, we can identify two container image schemas: agriculture (container A) and ayni (container B). Since the first “in” precedes the word agriculture we conclude that agriculture is the first container. Thus A (agriculture) contains B (ayni). Because B (ayni) is a container, persons working in a reciprocal fashion are in B and we can represent them as X. Summarizing, A and B are containers; B is in container A; X is in container B. Figure 5.3 shows the described image schemas. Figure 5.3 Container image-schemata

The expression “In agriculture we work in ayni because time is short” means that agricultural work needs to be done with other’s support because time is short or passes too quick).This is an instance of the metonymy (a) AYNI FOR AGRICULTURE (the part for the whole), an 167

expression in which AYNI STANDS FOR AGRICULTURE. Ayni is also applied to activities such as, building houses, forestry, building and maintaining fences and in celebrations. The “time is short” expression is an instance of the metonymy b) TIME FOR AN OBJECT in which TIME stands for an OBJECT described as SHORT. The excerpt: “time is short” expresses time as a physical object having measurable attributes as size that is short in this case. Thus, “time is short” can be an example of the (c)

TIMES ARE THINGS metaphor. Moreover, if we pay attention to the equivalent expression about the reason why they work in Ayni,” time passes too quick” this would be an instance of the (d)

MOVING TIME metaphor. Paying attention to the first part of Yuraq’s utterance we find the metaphorical expression “we learn to cultivate early in our life” which implies the way children take active part in several agricultural tasks. The share the care, concern, and joy that brings helping life to emerge, or as they say “helping Pachamama to deliver life.” The above metaphorical expression is a manifestation of a conceptual metaphor having a target which is LIFE, an abstract concept that will be understood in terms of A DAY, a more objective concept that we all experience. Often, we divide in parts (morning, noon, afternoon, sunset, night and so on). The referent for the parts of the day is the movement of the sun, that in the Central Andes does not change considerably with the change of the seasons. The metaphor for Yuraq expression is, (e) A LIFE IS A DAY.

This is a basic metaphor in which birth is dawn, maturity is noon, old age is twilight, the moment of death is sunset, and the state of death is night (Lakoff & Turner, 1989).

From our understanding of Ayni we can propose the metaphor (f) RECIPROCITY IS

AYNI based on the (g) GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor

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Table 5.3 Metonymy and Metaphors from which Yuraq’s utterance is example

Metonymy Sentence using the word ayni Sense in which ayni is used

AYNI FOR AGRICULTURE In agriculture we work in ayni Whole for a Part

TIME FOR AN OBJECT time is short

Metaphor Informal expression

TIMES ARE THINGS …because time is short

MOVING TIMES

LIFE IS A DAY we all learn to cultivate early in our life

RECIPROCITY IS AYNI since reciprocal support is Ayni

GENERIC IS SPECIFIC

Andean Agrocentrism is applied within a system of principles and practices like Ayni (reciprocal cooperation, joy of giving). At the same time agricultural practices conform a whole of components (including runa) and forces interacting under multiples changes and rhythm of Pachamama. Ayni, agrocentrism, and agricultural activities possess a complex dynamic and nature. They often go beyond what formal knowledge can interpret. This complexity, like the love of Pachamama herself within a unique physical landscape, supports the Andean sustainability of life. The image-schemata underlying the found sustainability related metaphors and metonymies are, (a) CONTAINER, MERGING, CONTACT, PART-WHOLE, ENABLEMENT; (b) OBJECT; (c)

OBJECT, PATH, CONTAINER; (d) PATH; (e) PATH, CONTAINER; (f) CONTAINER, MERGING, CONTACT,

ENABLEMENT; g) OBJECT. Conclusions. Yuraq’s utterance together with the experiential learning we gained in her community taking part in agricultural activities and others related to it and the cognitive mechanisms we found allows us to conclude: (a) Andean communities like Huancapite have learned to sustain life based on early learned agriculture, communal organization, and reciprocal support; (b) demand constant interaction with the natural environment; (c) it may become a rich source of sensorimotor motor experiences, shaping the correspondent image schemas; (d) under

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the conceptual metaphor theory, sustainability related conceptual metaphors and metonymies found, help us to understand the basis of the community sustainability of life. The following utterance is also from Yuraq (originally in Spanish). (6) Rain is sacred and important for ñuqanchik Rain is sacred and important for us (inclusive) Experienced context description and sustainability. In the Runasimi of the region Huancavelica as in all the varieties of Qichwa there are inclusive and exclusive personal pronouns as follows, Person Personal Pronoun Observation

1st Plural Ñuqanchik inclusive: includes the interlocutor (s) 1st Plural Ñuqayku exclusive: does not include the interlocutor (s) Yuraq as the other community members I conversed with, considers rain as sacred as Pachamama. The importance of rain is understood by them as the one who sustains everything’s life inside and outside of the community. This makes Yuraq uses the inclusive pronoun for “us”, because in Runasimi it is possible to consider a reduced scope for “us” too. Some of the community members, especially those in or formerly in leadership roles, consider even the excessive production of noise by some celebrations during the planting season can push the rain away. In a conversation some of them expressed their concerns and urged me to talk about these matters with the students of the university. They consider her to be delicate because she is divine and often prefers silence. This is a spiritual approach to the rain and Nature that guides people’s behaviour in the Andean highlands. Conceptualization. Yuraq’s expression could be related to the following metaphors that conceptualize a view of nature from a Nurturant Parent’s morality. They were proposed by Lakoff (2016): a), b), and c)

a) NATURE IS A DIVINE BEING (to be revered and respected)

b) NATURE IS A WHOLE (of which we are inseparable parts)

c) NATURE IS A MOTHER (who provides for us) These metaphors at the community are instanced by feelings; oral expressions; ritual (e.g., wikuña chaqu) (Vilcanqui et al., 2010); and visual expressions (e.g., textiles) (Urton, 2005, pp. 109-110); of Andean highland communities, like my host community.

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The sacredness of rain is widely accepted in communities where agriculture depends entirely from this phenomenon, thus, the following cultural symbolic metonymies can be identified there: RAIN FOR SACRED and RAIN FOR BLESSING Beliefs, values, and feelings within these communities are expressed through language, attitudes, and actions that prove it is possible to revere and respect Nature. It is also possible to live in agreement with and the conviction that we are an inseparable part of Nature.

Based on the above we can propose the underlying metaphors (d) LIFE IS RAIN, (e) SACRED

IS RAIN via the (f) GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor. In the Andes Pachamama is revered and loved because she is a Mother. Her love and generosity are constantly recognized through several rituals and actions. This makes it difficult to accept certain industrial practices that lack respect for what is sacred.

The image-schemata that have structured the identified metaphors are, (a) ENABLEMENT;

(b) CONTAINER, BALANCE; (c) CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT; (d) ENABLEMENT, BALANCE; (e) BALANCE;

(f) OBJECT.

The image-schemata underlying the two metonymies are, ENABLEMENT, BALANCE and PART-WHOLE Conclusions. In this Andean community (a) members are aware that if our actions affect Pachamama or destroy her in any way we are affecting and destroying ourselves. It is the way they understand sustainability of life; (b) cultural symbolic metonymies can be found in the utterances of the participants as the outcomes of their interaction with their environment (that shaped these metonymies) and their values and cultural system. The following utterance belongs to Anqas (originally in both Runasimi and Spanish). (7) …when it rains, the rivers travel drunk with happiness. Experienced context description and sustainability. Rain awakens thankfulness and spiritual reflection and responses, but also emotions like joy and celebration. All of these experiences and responses are often the experience and awakening of Nature being extended to our being and senses making us a continuation of her. This deep relationship with Nature sustains life in TC like Huancapite. Anqas has a particular way of expressing this connection with Pachamama. When she talks about rain coming back, she gets excited and captures the fullness of the rivers after a rain. Anqas’ expresses the happiness of the river through an example 171

of the ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS metaphor. Agriculture up at the Andean highlands depends entirely on rain. Although there are remnants of ancient structures built to bring/store water in these locations that could guide the construction of others. But a non- industry-oriented agriculture cannot compete with westernizing priorities. Conceptualization. Meaning of ‘drunk’ and ‘rapture’ found in the Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners (Fox & Rundell, 2007): • drunk: feeling something so strongly that you do not behave normally • rapture: a feeling of great happiness or excitement.

Based on the (a) ENTITIES FROM NATURE ARE PERSONS metaphor we can identify metaphors that underly the concept of happiness in Anqas’ utterance (Kövecses, 2010): (b) HAPPINESS IS A

RAPTURE: it was a delirious feeling, (c) HAPPINESS IS A NATURAL FORCE: we were carried away with happiness and (d) HAPPINESS IS BEING DRUNK: it was an intoxicating experience (Kövecses, 2010). Table 5.4 Metaphors underlying Anqas’ selected expression (utterance)

Metaphor oral expression

ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS “…the rivers travel” …. HAPPINESS IS BEING DRUNK “…the rivers travel drunk of happiness” HAPPINESS IS RAPTURE “… drunk of happiness” HAPPINESS IS A NATURAL FORCE

The inter-penetrability between life forms existing in the Andes makes it possible to experience this level of happiness when the rain arrives because of her meaning for sustaining life. The above relationship unifies rain, rivers, and runa, in a communal happiness that sustains life. The image schemata structuring the above sustainability related metaphors and metonymies are (a) MATCHING, LINK; (b) COMPULSION; (c) COMPULSION, ATTRACTION; (d) ATTRACTION, ENABLEMENT, CONTACT.

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Conclusions. a) Anqas’ evident emotion when she talks about the rain’s arrival shows the importance of this event for her community’s life. b) For the community members every element of the landscape is alive, the river has a person’s attributes including experiencing happiness. c) Anqa’s utterance, is an instance of the above metaphors. d) These metaphors help us to better understand the meaning that support the feelings and emotions Anqas experiences when the first rain arrives. The following utterance is from Anqas (originally in Runasimi and Spanish). (8) I love the mountains; they inspire me to call them “urqucha” I love the mountains; they inspire me to call them little mountain” Experienced context description and sustainability. The community of Huancapite is surrounded by nine close mountains (see Appendix F) that are relevant elements of the landscape. Up at the Andean highlands, mountains are often considered deities themselves (Apu or Wamani). Every community has a particular Apu/Wamani (female and/or male Apu/Wamani mountain). Mountains (urqu)38 are parts of Pachamama. Community members have a unique relationship with their surrounding mountains. A landscape without mountains is not complete for them. Mountain’s presence means company, protection, and support. These meanings and the spiritual relationship Andean inhabitants have with mountains contribute to sustain life in the Andes. Conceptualization. Anqas expresses her love for the mountains by adding the suffix -cha to the word urqu (mountain) (Solis & Chacon, 1989), resulting in (a) URQUCHA (little mountain). This resultant word intends to express the sense of affection from the speaker (Anqas). This extension is based on an affection metonymy. This metonymy encompasses a correlation in human experiences dealing with small children, plants or animals that are considered vulnerable consequently needing care and affection. This correlation in experience

38 Because “urqu” is the word used by Anqas and to avoid confusion, although urqukuna is plural of urqu, we will use “urqu” for singular and plural, indistinctly in this document. 173

provides a new meaning to the diminutive suffix and accounts for its particular sense expansion which is affection. Based on the premise that mountains are part of Nature (PACHAMAMA), in Anqas’ expression another metonymy is (b) URQU FOR PACHAMAMA (A PART FOR THE WHOLE). This metonymy shows that Anqas’ love for URQU (mountain) is her love for PACHAMAMA. This love is a relationship that becomes an instance of the (c) LOVE IS A BOND metaphor. Besides, we can say that Anqas’ love for URQU and for PACHAMAMA exemplifies the PACHAMAMA IS A

MOTHER metaphor which is equivalent to d) NATURE IS A MOTHER metaphor. The image-schemata for the above sustainability related metonymies and metaphors are,

(a) ATTRACTION, LINK; (b) CONTAINER, PART-WHOLE; (c) ATTRACTION. LINK, ENABLEMENT, MATCHING; and (d) CONTAINER, ATTRACTION, ENABLEMENT. Conclusions. a) The (diminutive) metonymy of Anqas expressing love for the mountains, summarizes how close runa is to Pachamama who is a mother. This closeness causes them to experience a mutual love, care, and protection with the support of the other living communities in the Andean highlands. Here a multilevel conversation as Rengifo affirms, regenerates life every day. That is another foundation of sustainability. b) The relationships between Anqas and Pachamama (including urqu), can be established and analyzed through the relationships between metonymies and metaphors whose instances are within Anqas’ utterance. The following is an utterance from JCPW (it was originally in Spanish). (9) Saywa is a tinku for kuchuscha Saywa is a tinku in which kuchuscha occurs

Experienced context description and sustainability. The description of JCPW about saywa is supported by Anqas and Yuraq. They and JCPW experienced the joy of building together the saywa as teenagers. They also remember the activities in which they participated at the saywa. The sense of protection they felt from the highlands changing weather. The support they received from their friends to accomplish their field tasks while they were together in the saywa.

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The term Saywa is also found in the vocabulary of the Andean Q’eros spiritual initiation path (Wolff, 2014) where we find that saiwa is a column of energy that connects the three worlds of the Andean cosmology (see table 2.1) The tinku concept has been interpreted in more than one sense. Although even the interpretation that considers tinku an encountering of opposed forces it is not a war (interaction for expansion) but it is a ritual, because the whole in the Andes, is expressed in a complementary duality and integration of the extremes (Mallma, 2018). Mallma concludes that “nature, hills, lakes, plants, animals and humans we all are one” (Mallma, 2018, p. 62). The kuchuscha competition of strength and balance is undertaken within an encountering for celebration of friendship. While the two young men are measuring their physical abilities, the girls make music and all sing. It is a celebration of friendship and community life learning including collaboration and complementarity. Conceptualization. The tinku, and kuchuscha concepts from the JCPW’s oral expression have been previously explained. However, considering that they are presented together by JCPW, their meaning related to saywa will be explored, In the Diccionario Quechua Chanka (Qichwa Chanka Dictionary) (Herrera et al., 2016) the following meanings were found, Saywa: Urqu patanpi awkipaq churasqa, muntusqa rumikuna. Apachita. Stone offering for the awkis (the ancestor’s spirits). Saywachallay rumi, chayllapim kanki kutimunaykama. (Stone offering: “I hope you will be here until I am back”). Apachita: Apacheta, abra (path within a chain of mountains at high altitude) Apachitaman chayaspanku puriqkuna rumichata churaykunku (at the mountains path, the travelers leave stones) Tinkuy: unir (to unite), converger (to converge), casarse (to get married) Sarwa ukupim iskay mayu tinkunakun (under Sarwa, there are two rivers that get together) Kuchus: codo (elbow) Kuchuschay: codear (to hobnob); kuchuscha: (codeo) hobnobbing

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Then, saywa’s meaning is related with (a) a high-altitude site on a mountain (slope or top); (b) a spiritual offering to the mountain spirit and /or to the winds convergence (personal experience, Cordillera Blanca, Ancash, Peru, 1986); an offering and a request; and (c) includes runa (humans), sallqa (Nature, environment), and waka (deities, spirits) elements. Although the origin of saiwa seems related to ritual, in the expression of JCPW means “a place in which two participants celebrate and compete” The meaning of kuchuscha in the JCPW expression is: “an event in which two participants celebrate and compete”. The explanation of JCPW for the meaning of tinku was that more important than competition was to celebrate, however, the competition is part of the definition of kuchuscha as the other participants confirmed. The meaning of tinku is: “a place where two rivers meet to form a new river”. This meaning is based on the Yanantin Andean principle meaning parity or complementary duality, also represented by the great Inka road39 (Lajo, 2005) that is applied to other convergencies like marriage. Other participants and JCPW consider that sometimes the encounter of the rivers is not easy and smooth. Image schemas: To have a better sense of the above expressions as embodied experiences we present two of their image schemas. 1. Saiwa is a container (A), Kuchuscha event is container B in A, X and Y are in B and consequently in A (see Figure 5.4) 2. Tinku is a link image schema including two entities (two rivers), E and J and LINK connecting them 3. For JCPW Saiwa is equal to a Tinku for X and Y. Consequently, Saiwa includes two entities X and Y, and LINK connecting them (See Figure 5.5)

39 Ms. Scholten argues that the great Inka road follows a straight line from Tiahuanaco to Cajamarca. The straight line is a diagonal between the East-West and South-North emissaries and Chekkaluwa in Quechua means diagonal while Chekka means truth. Resulting that the Inka road was designed as “the path of truth” (Lajo, 2005). 176

Figure 5.4 The Container I-s (left) and The Link I-s (right)

A E J B L I N K X Y L I N K

Bodily experience: It starts with our link to our mother through the umbilical cord, it is extended to infancy and childhood and we are closely related to our parents (Lakoff, 1987) and build a permanent relationship with them. To secure the location of two things relative to each other we use string, rope or other means of connection (Lakoff, 1987). Living in a natural setting and at elevated locations we observe how elements of the landscape as rivers, converge. Structural elements: Two entities A and B, and LINK connecting them. Basic logic: If A is linked to B, then A is constrained by, and dependent upon, B. Symmetry: if A is linked to B, then B is linked to A. Social and interpersonal relationships are often understood in terms of links. Metaphorical expressions I heard at the community conversations include: X and Y connected to compete in a kuchuscha; I made connections with more girls at the saiwa; We connect during work and celebrations.

From the above we can identify the cultural metonymies (a) SAIWA FOR CONVERGENCE; (b)

KUCHUSCHA FOR COMPETITION; and (c) TINKU FOR CONVERGENCE

The image schemata structuring the above SUr Mn are, (a) MERGING, LINK, CONTACT,

CONTAINER; (b) CONTAINER, ITERATION, SCALE, COUNTERFORCE; and (c) MERGING, LINK ENABLEMENT, CONTACT Conclusions. JCPW’s utterance guides us through the following Andean cultural practices and their meanings: a) Saiwa, could be interpreted as a place where the social and spiritual values of the present and the future of a community connect;

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b) The concept of tinku is applied in JCPW’s utterance because young men and young women meet by working and enjoying in groups to complementing physical strength and music. c) Natural landscape’s features such as the convergence of two rivers “tinku” and mountains (urqu), are sacred in the Andes, they were and are source of inspiration due the meaning they have there; d) Saiwa is built on a mountain and kuchuscha occurs there, they have communal practical, spiritual and emotional meaning for youth, adults, and children in Huancapite; e) Sacredness of Nature and life are celebrated on mountains, in tinku, saiwa, and kuchuscha, expressing sustainability; f) LINK image schemas applied in this case, as other basic experiential structures help us to become aware of their role in our conceptual system and facilitate formulating metaphorical expressions instanced by metaphors mostly about social interaction. The following utterance is from Chafle (originally in Runasimi and Spanish) (10) Paucará river finds another river at Manyac at a tinku.

Experienced context description and sustainability. In Chafle’s utterance, he relates to the Huancapite river (that becomes the Paucará river) as a person. Runasimi abounds in expressions in this sense when talking about, mountains, rivers, sky, wind, frost, springs, sun, moon, stars (and so on) and also about plants and animals. They all have a personality the same as humans do. This “personification” goes beyond the concept included in linguistics and applied to oral and written language for instance to communicating with children. Ecosystems in Runasimi would include living elements because “abiotic” lacks meaning in this language. Runa (human) is an element more in this living system where all the existing communities are equally important and capable to practice ayni and minka inside of their communities and with other communities of all living forms. Immersed in the Andean culture, it is almost impossible to feel alone because there is life all around us. Chafle’s description of two rivers converging in a tinku at Manyac brings up the sacredness of that landscape feature. It is because as we argued before it is not just a convergence point but the beginning of a bigger river. The new entity with different physical features and a different personality that is not the product of an addition but more. Tinku surroundings were

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chosen for building ceremonial places and llaqtas (towns) like Caral, Chavin, Huari and Cuzco in the ancient Andes (Mallma, 2018). Conceptualization. The Chafle’s utterance describing the river and its arrival to a tinku in Manyac includes the LINK image schema. The two entities as structural elements of this LINK image schema are: A (Paucara river) B (Manyac river), and LINK connecting them (see Figure 5.5). Figure 5.5 Link image-schema A B

L I N K A basic logic tells us that if A is linked to B, then A is constrained by and dependent upon, B and by symmetry: if A is linked to B, then B is linked to A. Because social and interpersonal relationships are understood in terms of links, current and ancient manifestations (Mallma, 1918), metaphors and metonymies based on the meaning of tinku (convergence) have been found in Andean locations. Weeding ceremony or vows exchange is celebrated in physical locations of rivers tinku (witnessed at the Mantaro valley). The meaning of tinku (convergence) is represented in ceramic (Mallma, 2018) textiles (Stone, 2020) and media discourse (Uc, 2019) from the Central Andean countries. The tinku’s meaning is based on the Yanantin (parity or complementary duality) Andean principle (Lajo, 2005).

From the above a) Chafle’s utterance includes an instance of the ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE

PERSONS b) the cultural symbolic metonymy, TINKU FOR CONVERGENCE is identified. The image schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metaphor (SUr Mp) and metonymy (SUr Mn) are, (a) CONTAINER, MATCHING, CONTACT; and (b) MERGING, LINK, ENABLEMENT, CONTACT. Conclusions. Chafle’s utterance (a) confirms that among the early bodily experiences that builds LINK image schemas in the Andes are the convergence of rivers “tinku;” (b) teaches us that in several Andean communities all the elements of the landscape are considered alive, among them are the rivers; (c) explains that the meaning of the “tinku” pattern has been applied in areas like art, politics, education, politics and communication in ancient and current times at 179

the central Andes, (d) guides us to inquire if interpersonal relations could be understood in terms of links when the “other person” is other form of life and the language different than English. The following is an utterance from Chafle (originally mostly in Spanish). (11) …it is said that frost comes like donkeys without ears, without eyes, and without legs. Experienced context description and sustainability. Chafle as member of the community is concerned with and feels the responsibility of being alert to the signals of potential frost and responding if a qayaqu’s call comes up. Chafle explained that it is possible that frost looks as he described because every time that it wants to come down it is stopped by qayaku. Qayaku is a communal active response organized by community leaders with the purpose of avoiding frost or hail falling down damaging planting fields. Prevention becomes an imperative if signals have been observed by leaders in charge of such a task. Qayaku activities include a general call at any time at night, then, all the community members respond by making smoke and noise. Hearing the call itself was a touching experience for me. It is done by the screaming of a leader in the middle of the night. The message in Runasimi is one of urgency to wake and act, for food and for life. It remains all that unity can get it all. It ends with “wake up to act, wake up and act”. Based on experience, the community members assured me that smoke and noise push frost or hail away from the chakras. Especially when and where plants are not strong enough or are flowering. All community members take part in qayaku, including elderly, children and their dogs. Thus, qayaku allows for avoiding or minimizing damage to the chakras protecting plants to secure community’s food. Conceptualization. Chafle’s description of frost like donkeys without ears, eyes, and legs it is a simile indicated by the word “like”. Chafle’s simile indicates: a) the certainty that qayaku has reduced frost’s ability to harm the community b) the noise and smoke produced in qayaku have affected (frost) the donkeys’ ears and eyes c) the strength and communal work of the community members including children and dogs that have made the donkeys (frost) to escape running too much that they lost their legs. Chafle’s utterance induced the inclusion of the qayaku event since his expression is about a consequence of it. A cultural metonymy for Qayaku is (a) QAYAKU FOR PURPOSE

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The image-schema for the above metonymy is PART-WHOLE. It is because within the community’s cultural context Qayaku represents the universal concept of purposeful organized action. The description of qayaku based on experienced learning includes a ‘process’ with a ‘purpose’. The quoted words activate a SOURCE-PATH-GOAL image schema that is actually a gestalt of several outcomes. This gestalt may exist in the mind of the community’s members as a product of bodily interaction with physical, social and cultural contexts that may shaped the mapping (metaphor) (b) ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS. The bodily experience of this schema starts with our ability to across a space. Its structural elements include: A SOURCE which is the starting point that in this case is the point before the qayaku starts, a DESTINATION, the end point which is when the qayaku has pushed away the frost, a PATH that is the sequence of continuous locations connecting the source and the destination that in this case is the sequence of actions of the qayaku that allow the community to push away the frost. When we go from a source (before the qayaku starts) to a destination (the end of the qayaku) along a path, we must pass through every in-between point. These points are the successive actions included along the qayaku along the path. The advanced along the path we are, the most time has passed since we started. Metaphors about “purposes are understood in terms of destination; and achieving a purpose is understood as passing along a path from a starting point to and endpoint” (Lakoff, 1987). Community members may work the whole night to get their purpose. The leaders have to attend any problem that gets in the way of undertaking the qayaku’s tasks Figure 5.6 The Path image-schema

SOURCE PATH GOAL Comparing the structural correlation in the qayaku experience with the details of the (b)

PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS metaphor, we find that there is an isomorphism between the structural correlation and the metaphorical mapping. In the metaphor, 181

1. The state where the desire of undertaking the qayaku to push away the frost is unfulfilled and no action toward fulfilling it has been taken is the starting point. 2. The desired state when the qayaku has pushed away the frost is the end point. 3. The sequence of actions of the qayaku that allow the community to push away the frost is the movement Basis (answers to the three questions) (1) The well-structured source domain of the metaphor is the source-path-goal schema. (2) there is an experiential correlation between the source domain (moving along a path to a physical location) and the target domain (achievement of a purpose). This correlation makes the mapping from the source to the target domain natural. (3) The cross-domain correlations in the experiential pairing determine the details of the metaphorical mapping. Source domain Target domain Moving along a path achieving a purpose Qayaku’s actions pushing away the frost

The qayaku is an example of the (c) PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS metaphor. The image schemata underlying the identified SUr metonymy and the SUr metaphors are, (a) CONTAINER,

PATH, LINK CONTACT, ENABLEMENT; (b) CONTAINER, MATCHING, CONTACT; and (c) SOURCE-PATH- GOAL (PATH). Conclusions. a) The Chafle’s simile shows the effectiveness of the qayaku and the importance of organization and respect for leadership existing at the community. b) Weather changing conditions is a factor that strongly influences embodied experiences in the Andean highlands conditioning social, spiritual and emotional aspects of life. c) Sustainability of life in this community includes organization for actions like qayaku. d) Qayaku’s process, purpose and activities, are based on a PATH image-schema. e) The qayaku process is an instance of the metaphor PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS and what motivated this process is an instance of the ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS metaphor. This process contributes to sustaining life at the community because it maintains the unity, organization, and proves the effectiveness of communal work protecting food for all. The following utterance is from JCPW (originally in Spanish and Runasimi) 182

(12) …the sound will push the hail away” Experienced context description and sustainability. The above utterance of JCPW is to explain why community members use noise to push the hail away. The signals observed by community members allow them to predict the potential arrival of hail. It could be destructive for agriculture. To produce noise they use fireworks, make children to scream, and sometimes make dogs to bark. Apart of noise they also produce smoke by burning dried plants. In conversations with elderly and women I was told that hail and frost in other months than June-July are a consequence of bad behaviour of some members of the community. They recommended stopping bad behaviour. Others assured that we need to remember to make offerings to the Mountains Apus (spirits) or any place that was sacred for community groups or members. Going back to respeto (the good spiritual ways, rituals) was a frequent recommendation especially from elders and traditional leaders. In the utterance of JCPW is also relevant that wind and hail are persons with the correspondent features. Conceptualization. When scholars of Runasimi expressions analyze them under the light of semantics or cognitive semantics, the criteria of personification are applied. The explanation is that Runasimi speakers “attribute” person’s features to “inanimate” entities. However, it is relevant to note that, • in traditional Andean communities, the supreme value of LIFE is clear, this premise’s underlying metaphor is (a) LIFE IS A PRECIOUS POSSESSION, • who can establish if it is a matter of “attributing” features of person to these natural entities or if in the Andean reality these called “entities” are actually persons? • under cognitive semantics principles JCPWs’ expression is a metaphorical expression based on the cultural context above described. In this expression we will identify generalizations. In the metaphors’ classification, the ontological metaphors permit correlating a concrete concept over a subjective concept to concretize immaterial entities. Among the ontological metaphors are personalization, animation, and reification.

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It has been established that in this region of the Andes the Runasimi speakers conceptualize the nonmaterial and unanimated entities through personification and reification (Galvez & Galvez, 2013). In JCPWs’ expression: ‘the wind is able to intentionally push the hail away’ the hail is able to be pushed away. This suggests, the complete personification of both entities from Nature, the wind and the hail. The above are examples of the (b) ENTITIES OF NATURE

ARE PERSONS metaphor. Mapping person on wind, Source Domain Target Domain Person Wind (Personification of wind)

Mapping person on hail, Source Domain Target Domain Person Hail (Personification of hail) The image-schema structuring the source domain of the identified metaphor, showing up in the utterance, is CONTAINER. All the persons (communities of runa, other animals, plants, rives, stars, and so on) existing in Nature share the fact that they are contained in Nature (Pachamama). Consequently, the JCPW’s utterance is also an instance of the metaphor (c) NATURE IS A LIVING ORGANISM. The reason why community members burn fireworks to make noise when there are signals for a potential frost or hail occurrence can be based on the metonymy (d) SOUND FOR FIREWORKS (THE EFFECT FOR THE CAUSE) The image-schemata structuring the identified SU metaphors and metonymy are, (a)

CONTAINER, BALANCE, MATCHING, CONTACT; (b) CONTAINER, MATCHING, CONTACT; (c) BALANCE,

CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT; and (d) PART-WHOLE, ENABLEMENT Conclusions. Further inquiries are required to find the best way of honouring the real meaning of oral expressions of local Runasimi speakers. The sustainability of life in the Andes or in any other place requires prioritizing respect for all forms of life that live in the planet and for their interactions. This requirement is justified by the utterance’s underlying image-schema (CONTAINER) (emerged from our bodily experience). It shows that we all are contained together within Nature (Pachamama, environment, ecosystems, Earth).

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The metaphor ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS is not only a metaphor for several highland inhabitants but a statement of their worldview. The following is an oral expression of JCPW (originally was in Spanish and Runasimi). (18) Somebody wearing an embellished luwicho (grey deer, Odocoileus virginianus) skin is strong and knowledgeable. Experienced context description and sustainability. The JCPW’s utterance is about the traditional celebratory clothing that very few participants wear in the Viga Wantuy (viga: cut tree, wantuy: to carry over the shoulders) celebration. In this celebration men and women participate in communal activities with two major purposes one to closely interact with trees and the other to enjoy a minka in favour of the community. Minka is one of the traditional types of work organization practiced at the community. It is organized and conducted by the traditional authorities. Minka is an obligatory work contribution to the community that benefits everybody. Although sometimes it is organized and undertaken to support a person/family or entity that requires it. Every community member is expected to work a minimum number of days per year in the minka system of the community. Seniors are exempted from participating in minka. The minka experience makes us to enjoy working in community encouraged by the joy and enthusiasm of the group. They are responsible for setting up tasks in agreement with the participants’ specific abilities and strength. These tasks mostly start early in the day and end before the sunset. The minka generally includes both women and men. Conceptualization. The Viga Wuantuy celebration includes a ceremonial part and a minka. JCPW utterance is focused on the minka part. Minka requires leadership and demands specific features to accomplish such a role. The authorities decide who assumes the leadership of the minka. Because the community already has symbols and know their meanings, JCPW explains the meaning of wearing a deer’s skin in the minka. The luwicho (grey deer) skin’s user exercises strength and knowledge when and where these features are required, while the others accept his leadership in the minka. The luwicho is a symbol of strength and wisdom. The type of interaction of forms of life within Pachamama, and the effects of this interaction contained in the JCPW’s utterance, shows its underlying image- schemata (in conclusions) that have a role in the formation of the networks of meaning of this oral expression. 185

Part of the underlying mappings of this network are the (a) ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE PERSONS metaphor and the (b) ANIMALS ARE PERSONS metaphor. The JCPW’s utterance also includes instances of a cultural metonymy (cultural symbolism) underlying this oral expression, (c) LUWICHO FOR STRENGTH AND KNOWLEDGE. Cultural symbolism is a special case of metonymy (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b). The above Part for the Whole metonymy’s source domain is structured by the image-schema PART-

WHOLE. The deer (taruka) (Hippocamelus genus) includes species living at different altitudes in the Central Andes. The luwicho is the species existing in the region. It is loved and respected among the community members. Its life is highly appreciated, and its image is used by men and women knowledgeable of its meaning. The Andean Culture is full of symbolism that becomes visible in events like Viga Wantuy, and when men and women include in their traditional clothing images of animals, plants, and other forms of life that for these persons have meaning. Life experience in the Andes characterized by constant interaction with several life forms allows humans to learn from these other life forms. Among them, are animals like the luwicho teach runa strength and knowledge. Symbolic metonymies that are based on physical experience are a relevant source of means that help us to understand cultural concepts (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980). The image-schemata structuring the defined sustainability related metaphors and metonymy are, (a) and (b) CONTAINER, MATCHING, CONTACT; (c) ENABLEMENT, CONTACT, MERGING, PART-WHOLE. Conclusions. JCPW’s utterance (a) allows us to identify a sustainability related cultural metonymy shaped by runa’s learnings from her/his interaction with animals like the luwicho (sensory-motor and affective experiences). This metonymy is related to the image-schema PART-WHOLE; (b) shows up the following image-schemas, by describing the use of the skin of the deer that shows the relationship between human life and other forms of life in Nature (Pachamama: CONTAINER). This relationship (CONTACT) results in teachings from animals’ that inspire abilities (ENABLEMENT) to runa; (c) expresses part of the symbolism that is a cultural component contributing to sustaining life in the Andes.

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Table 5.5 Image-schemata (I-s) in sustainability related metonymies (SUr Mn) and metaphors (SUr Mp) instanced in utterances (Utt.) in the Andean context (physical, social, and cultural)

SUrMn SUrMp Utt. No. I-s in Sur Mn or Mp (No.) Pp name 5.DANCING /SINGING FOR 1.HAPPY IS UP 01 1.VERTICALITY HAPPINESS 2.TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS Wayta CONTACT 6.WAWAWAÑUY FOR JOY TRANSFER, 2.ENABLEMENT CONTACT AND HOPE (in the ayllu) 3.FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE 3.CONTAINER POSSESSIONS (transmitted in 4.MERGING, CONTAINER, Wawawañuy) ENABLEMENT, CONTACT 4.RECIPROCITY IS AYNI (in 5.CONTACT, ENABLEMENT, Ayllu/Community) 6.CONTAINER, CONTACT ENABLEMENT, 7.KILLAQUCHAN FOR RAIN 1.GOOD IS UP 02 1.2. VERTICALITY and 8. INTIQUCHAN FOR 2.BAD IS DOWN Quilla 3.CONTACT, CONTAINER DROUGHT in the 3.PERCEPTION IS RECEPTION 4.PATH community’s chakras 4. BELIEFS ARE GUIDES, 5.CONTAINER, CONTACT (Rain is good; drought is 5. MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS 6.CONTACT, OBJECT bad for agriculture) 6. KNOWING IS SEEING 7.8. COUNTERFORCE, CYCLE 1.WIND/FROST IS A CONTAINER 03 1.CONTAINER 2.EVENTS ARE PLACES Wayta 2.SURFACE 3.COLD IS A CONTAINER 3.CONTAINER 4.STATES ARE PLACES 4.SURFACE 5.ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE 5.MATCHING PERSONS (all are alive) 3.LOVE FOR THE 1.LOVE IS UNITY (Pachamama + 04 1.LINK, CONTACT, RELATIONSHIP runa) Wayta ATTRACTION, IT PRODUCES 2.ANIMALS ARE PERSONS ENABLEMENT, MERGING 2.MATCHING 3.LINK, CONTACT, PART- WHOLE, ENABLEMENT, MERGING “time is short” 1.TIMES ARE THINGS 05 1.OBJECT, PATH, CONTAINER 6.TIME FOR AN OBJECT “planting time has arrived” is from 2. Yuraq 2.PATH 7.AYNI FOR AGRICULTURE MOVING TIME metaphor 3. LIFE IS A 3.PATH, CONTAINER (THE PART FOR THE DAY 4. CONTAINER, MERGING, WHOLE) 4. RECIPROCITY IS AYNI since CONTACT, ENABLEMENT, (“Reciprocal support is Ayni”) and, 5.OBJECT 6. OBJECT 5.GENERIC IS SPECIFIC 7.CONTAINER, MERGING, COTACT, PART-WHOLE, ENABLEMENT Yuraq’s utterance are instances of 06 1.ENABLEMENT 7.RAIN FOR SACRED the 1.“NATURE IS A DIVINE BEING , Yuraq 2.CONTAINER, BALANCE and 2.NATURE IS A WHOLE , 3.NATURE 3.CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT 8.RAIN FOR BLESSING IS A MOTHER” (Lakoff, 2016, 215- 4.ENABLEMENT, BALANCE (in the community) 216) metaphors. 4.LIFE IS RAIN, 5. 5.BALANCE 6. OBJECT SACRED IS RAIN. Via 6. GENERIC IS 7.ENABLEMENT, BALANCE SPECIFIC metaphor PART-WHOLE 8. ENABLEMENT Because 1. ENTITIES FROM NATURE 07 1.MATCHING, LINK ARE PERSONS 2. HAPPINESS IS Anqas 2.COMPULSION BEING DRANK, 3. HAPPINESS IS A 3.COMPULSION, ATTRACTION RAPTURE, and 4. HAPPINESS IS A 4.ATTRACTION, ENABLEMENT,

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NATURAL FORCE CONTACT Urqu à 3. URQUCHA 1.NATURE IS A MOTHER/ 08 1.CONTAINER, ATTRACTION, Mountain (M) à LITTLE PACHAMAMA IS A MOTHER Anqas ENABLEMENT MOUNTAIN (affection) Urqu is part of Pachamama 2.ATTRACTION. LINK, (Kovecses, 2010) Love for urqu is love for ENABLEMENT, MATCHING 4. URQU FOR PACHAMAMA Pachamama. 3.ATTRACTION, LINK (A PART FOR THE WHOLE) 2.LOVE IS A BOND 4.CONTAINER, PART-WHOLE 1.SAIWA FOR 09 1.MERGING, LINK, CONVERGENCE JCPW CONTACT, CONTAINER 2.KUCHUSCHA FOR 2.CONTAINER, ITERATION, COMPETITION SCALE, COUNTERFORCE 3.TINKU FOR 3. MERGING, LINK CONVERGENCE ENABLEMENT, CONTACT 2.TINKU FOR 1.ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE 10 1.CONTAINER, MATCHING, CONVERGENCE PERSONS Chafle CONTACT 2.MERGING, LINK ENABLEMENT, CONTACT 3.QAYAKU FOR PURPOSE 1.ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE 11 1CONTAINER, MATCHING, (in the community, PERSONS Yuraq CONTACT constant communication) 2.PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS 2.SOURCE-PATH-GOAL 3.CONTAINER, PATH, LINK CONTACT, ENABLEMENT 4.SOUND FOR FAIRWORKS 1.LIFE IS A PRECIOUS POSSESSION 12 1. CONTAINER, BALANCE, (THE EFFECT FOR THE 2.ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE JCPW MATCHING, CONTACT CAUSE) PERSONS 2.CONTAINER, MATCHING, 3.NATURE IS A LIVING ORGANISM CONTACT 3.BALANCE, CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT 4.P-WHOLE, ENABLEMENT 3.LUWICHO FOR 1.ENTITIES OF NATURE ARE 18 1.2.CONTAINER, MATCHING, STRENGHT AND PERSONS JCPW CONTACT KNOWLEDGE (Animal 3.ENABLEMENT, CONTACT, +values; luwicho +runaà 2.ANIMALS ARE PERSONS MERGING, PART-WHOLE merge) Testing or Confirming Findings The testing or confirming findings will be done based on the Miles et al. standards’ (see pages 88-92, qualitative data analysis and validity and pages 92-95, quality of conclusions). Although the methodology underpinning the metaphor analysis reported in this chapter is different than the methodology on which the IPA method was based, the representativeness features are similar. It is because the participants involved are the same. The researcher effects factor is also the same because possible sources of bias are also the same, since the researcher, participants, and community are the same. For each utterance’s analysis, this method includes (a) an experienced context description, (b) a conceptualization, and (c) conclusions Because of the described procedure the triangulation in this method involves the use of cumulated data used within the other methods and also the use of previous methods’ outcomes. 188

The above depends on the specific participant’s utterance been analyzed under the cognitive theoretical approach in search for instanced metaphors by utterances and/or their correspondent image schemas. Getting feedback from participants was not possible because the utterances analyzed were outcomes from the IPA interview already under anonymity restrictions and also because this analysis was done in Canada. Because this method provides specific conclusions about metonymies and instanced metaphors by utterances some standards for the quality of conclusions are applicable. Theories’ transferability. The theories on which the ‘utterances’ analysis is based can be transferred to cases that without being too similar to this study could have related purposes. These theories include, the new cognitive theory, the ethnographic theory and the interpretative phenomenological theory. They are transferable to studies about metaphorical oral, visual, musical or other cultural expressions containing instances of metaphors that could be of interest for the researcher within one or more determined contexts. The nature of the mentioned theories allows for application in diverse settings although taking into account the specific chosen contextual features. Testing findings. The findings of the metaphor analysis (MA) could be rewardingly tested in locations where the physical, social, or cultural context possess features that could be a source of inspiration for the sustainability of life in the planet. These could be traditional communities that have kept a close and even reverent relationship with Nature. In all the continents of Earth there are traditional communities where these findings could be tested. The remaining four utterances selected from IPA results are about a cultural Andean feature that was and still is a multi-dimensional expression of Andean life. The away (weaving) art is one of the ways how dreams, history, beliefs, daily and occasional events are registered in textiles. This registry is the equivalent to the archive system of the “writing” cultures. It is the art of producing textiles for practical, domestic, ritual/spiritual purposes. They will guide the analysis in the following chapter.

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Chapter 6: Metaphor Analysis in Visual Expressions Categories in the natural world always have fluid boundaries. F. David Peat, Blackfoot Physics Introduction In this chapter, utterances of the participants about their traditional clothing’s features and meanings will be explored. They will guide the searching for expressions of sustainability related to metaphorical expressions. Additionally, lessons from experiences living at the community will be applied in this exploration and analysis. The same cognitive principles that guided Chapter 5 will guide this chapter to find the metaphors instanced by the described utterances and by the images in pieces of Andean traditional clothing. Significance and contribution. The above exploration will be complemented with findings of international and regional scholars on Andean culture. The significance of this chapter is based on the interdisciplinary approach of the study. The recognition of local empirical knowledge and local social and spiritual values requires to be underlined. The Away Art, Knowledge and Significance in the Andes Women and men of all ages devote part of their lives to weaving in the Andes. They do it today as they did in the past. Although the focus of the scholars devoted to the Andes studies in the past century were economic and production process, the importance of textiles was recognized within that view. As it is noted in Murra’s comment “not only in the economic Incan thinking but inside of the deep Andean values of all the pre and post Incan times … as Junius B. Bird says about the excellence of the Andean textile, ‘some of them occupy the highest place among the finest ever done’ (Murra, 2002, p. 154). The undeniable interest on gold and silver of the Iberic invaders to the lands they later called “America” were not indifferent to the texture, colors, and ornaments of the cumbi40.Murra (2002) accounts on a Spaniard’s comment “cosa de espanto ver su hechura sin parecer hilo alguno” (‘it is frightening to see its making, without showing any thread’) (Pizarro, 1986).

40 A fine textile done in a special loom, it was as soft as silk (Murra, 2002). Only eighteen years after the invasion Cieza regrets the loss of this artisan treasure (Cieza de Leon, 1947, 439). 190

Cumbi was not the only Andean ancient textile, there was the awaska a more domestic type (Murra, 2002) that together with the rough chusi used for blankets (Cartwright, 2015) are probably made currently in the Andes. Textiles then, and still today are related to all the life stages of people in the Andes. When a child is born, she/he receives a first chumpi (traditional belt) to hold her/his diapers and blankets. A toddler at her/his first hair trimming ceremony also receives a handmade piece of clothing. At her/his weeding the spouses exchange handmade chumpi and close relatives give the couple textiles (witnessed by the author in more than one opportunity at Huancapite and other Andean communities). Spaniards noticed this. Archeologists confirmed it later. In every well-preserved funerary unit were found new traditional clothing and especially made and designed additional pieces (i.e., mantas, bags, dolls, tuques and the like). Andean textiles used and displayed at the funerals of people in the Andes described by Spaniard chroniclers are clarified and currently reported by scholars (Murra, 2002; Rehl, 2006) The number of textiles stored by the Inkas, specially at the borders of their territory, impressed the invading Spaniards. The military importance of the textiles was based on their magic-religious meaning as described by Murra (2002) when the Almagrists lost the Salinas battle, the supporters from both sides undressed the dead and injured. The chroniclers abound in stories about textile offerings burned together with other living beings within the Incas context. There are also numerous reports from the XVII century on the hundreds of “idols” and textiles burnt by the agents of the newly imposed “civilized” religion. At the first celebration of the year in Huancapite, during the first week of January, I could find that visitors from neighbouring communities were incorporated into the celebration by sharing food and friendly conversations. What caught my attention was a particular group of persons beautifully dressed in several pieces of traditional clothing exhibiting bright colors including metallic treads, detailed patterns and having some common pieces used by Huancapite community members. They were members of the Chopqa nation. I was pleased finding that the “maqitu” was of extended use by them while in other locations of Huancavelica it is gradually disappearing. This piece is particularly singular because of its adaptability to the changing weather in the Andes. It can be worn to keep arms warm and can be removed when it is hot. It

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was worn by more than one group of men and women existing in the region in the past. Besides, its colors and detailed small representations complete its beauty and usefulness. Conversing with my host community members I found that some of them have ancestors and current relatives among the Chopqa nation members. It is particularly important since some patterns and their meanings could be similar or mutually supported. Some written documents about the Chopqa textiles and clothing could help in the interpretation of the similar features in Huancapite textile which has not been registered. Figure 6.1 A manta with the distinctive colors from Huancapite

Source: photo from the researcher, authorized by the owner of the piece (October 2018).

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Figure 6.2 A manta from the region and a chullu with small images in the Huancapite distinctive colors

Source: photo from the researcher, authorized by the owner of the pieces. (October 2018). Oral/visual expressions and sustainability. The utterances that will guide the inquiry in this section are in a context of strong cultural and symbolic nature. Thus, the applied method’s conceptualization will be focused on cultural features and symbols’ interpretation guided by the participant’s utterances, other community members participant’s contributions, and some written sources. The searching for symbols, metonymies and metaphors will be preferred.

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Figure 6.3 Embroidered seam of a manta’s pieces. Huancavelica region

Source: photo from the researcher authorized by the owner of the piece (November 2018). Utterances from participants. From the selected oral expressions of the IPA participants the following are Quilla’s utterances. They include, an explanation of the meaning that her chumpi has for her (14), and a description of some of the visual representations in this piece (15). The chumpi is part of the traditional clothing of the region. It is worn by both women and men. Quilla’s utterance was in Runasimi. (14) “I always wear my chumpi for strength from Pachamama” (15) “It is quchacha, sachacha, and qinqu” This is little lake, little tree, and road Experienced context description and sustainability. The chumpi (traditional belt) is one of the pieces of the Andean traditional clothing that is unchanged since the Incan times. It can be observed in the Waman Poma de Ayala drawings (Adorno, 1987) and it is used by both women and men. For Wayta her chumpi comprises the energy from Pachamama. For this reason, she wears it every day and assures that apart of securing her wali (traditional skirt) protects her and allows her to walk and work holding her body and bones safely. The chumpi is woven using the backstrap loom called callwa. This loom is easy to make and is portable. One of its parts is the weaver who controls the tension of the loom by moving her/his body. Most chumpi include images from elements of the surrounding landscape. Often the colors are influenced by the

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community first and then by the season, family, and sometimes preference (information provided by four community members). The traditional art of Andean weaving and the passing of its patterns and meanings from one generation to the other, show another cultural feature that demonstrates sustainability in the Andes. Conceptualization. (14) utterance: “I always wear my chumpi for strength from

Pachamama” includes the cultural symbolic metonymy, (a) CHUMPI FOR STRENGTH FROM PACHAMAMA. The interpretation of the Quilla’s utterance based on her cultural context, includes the analysis of instances of the following metaphors (b) CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS, (c)

PACHAMAMA IS A CONTAINER, (d) NATURE IS A WHOLE, (e) NATURE IS A LIVING ORGANISM (to be nurtured to renew her strength), (f) NATURE IS A MOTHER. The image-schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metonymy and metaphors are, (a) ENABLEMENT, LINK, CONTACT; (b) COLLECTION; (c) and (d) CONTAINER; (e)

BALANCE, ENABLEMENT; (f) CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT, LINK. (15) utterance: “It is quchacha, sachacha, and qinqu”, here she describes her chumpi’s abstractions of the surrounding world defined as pallay in general (Roel & Martinez, 2014). They are elements of the landscape and cosmos (Pachamama’s communities) that Quilla described for us: (quchacha) little springs, (sachacha) little trees, and a qinqu, a road or path that could be angular or zigzag or sinuous. The diminutive in Runasimi, as we already have explained, it is a way of expressing love and care. It is very common when addressing elements of the landscape or talking about them. The diminutive meaning of these two words quchacha and sachacha is extended by expressing feelings in addition, thus, a) QUCHACHA and b) SACHACHA become metonymy’s instances. Qinqu in Quilla’s chumpi is a zigzag, a path going up or down mountainous landscapes. Based on the levels of noting applied in the IPA analysis: literal, linguistic and conceptual I will analyze Wayta’s chumpi considering three levels to be interpreted guided by

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the gestalt implicit in her oral expression: the literal or descriptive that is the name of each image I can see or hear; the linguistic or way in which it is presented in Runasimi; and the conceptual is what provides the meaning within the gestalt41. In this case the gestalt for Wayta’s chumpi is the strength from Pachamama: 1. The descriptive are cocha-(cha), sacha-(cha) and qinqu Cocha: lake; sacha: tree; qinqu: road, path 2. The linguistic is the diminutive Runasimi expression for cocha-cha (little lake), and sacha-cha (little tree) and for qinqu is the angular shape of path, zigzag qinqu; 3. the conceptual is the meaning that each of the above has for Wayta individually and as part of the gestalt for chumpi. Each of the above are components of Pachamama the whole that gives her energy to Quilla. One of the Wayta’s comments about cochacha and sachacha was that they like to be in a group. “Reading” Quilla’s chumpi and others I found it to be true. The diminutive in Runasimi, as we already have explained, it is a way of expressing love and care. It is very common when addressing elements of the landscape or talking about them. The above explained cultural features are instances of the following metaphors, (c) CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS; (d) CHUMPI IS

A CONTAINER; (e) TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS TRANSFER; (f) FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE

POSSESSIONS. The image-schemata that structured the identified sustainability related metonymies and metaphors are, (a) and (b) ENABLEMENT; (c) CONTAINER; (d) CONTAINER; (e)

ENABLEMENT, CONTACT, LINK; (f) OBJECT, ENABLEMENT. Conclusions. Quilla’s utterances had allowed us (a) to identify a symbolic metonymy that is grounded on the bodily experiences that humans at the Andean highlands have via interaction landscape elements; (b) to know the deep attachment that runa have to Pachamama making her part of their traditional clothing; (c) to access the understanding of Andean concepts; (d) to identify oral and visual expressions of love for elements from nature and from the work of runa

41 Gestalt theory emphasizes that the whole of anything is greater than its parts (The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2019). In Psychology, a whole that is considered greater than its individual parts, (Macmillan, 2007). 196

like lakes, trees, and roads; (e) to realize the importance of traditional clothing for sustaining Andean culture that contributes to sustaining life. The following are Chafle’s oral expressions related to the traditional clothing pieces of his mother (original in Spanish and Runasimi). (16) Her manta for me only has qinqu… (17) …her lliclla had wayta, chakana, and yaku. …her mantle had flower, Andean cross, and water Experienced context description and sustainability. The manta is also called lliclla, the Runasimi word for manta (Callañaupa, 2007), or wishcata in other Andean regions, it is a piece of traditional clothing used by both men and women to carrying from tubers to babies (women). It is a square formed by two long stripes sewn together. Its size varies with its intended use. As an essential piece of women’s traditional clothing, the lliclla is worn as a mantle that falls from the shoulders to the waist or lower (Callañaupa, 2007). In the Huancapite area, daily use lliclla is made in sheep wool in natural colors white or brown with few colorful visual elements disposed in lines. They are used to keep warm. During celebrations women use more elaborated llicllas including more colors and visual elements. Women and men in traditional communities take pride of their traditional clothing. While young generations continue this attitude, cultural and economic sustainability may be guaranteed. In the Andes some pieces of the traditional clothing are still used contributing to the Andean sustainability. Currently in Huancapite adult and senior community members use the traditional clothing that has similarities with Huancavelica and Acobamba traditional clothing. Unfortunately, in urban towns of these regions, elements of the traditional clothing are disappearing. In Huancapite some adult and young adult community members’ llicllas are gradually being replaced by commercially made llicllas with synthetic materials and colors that can be acquired at the Paucará market. Conceptualization. In Chafle’s oral expression (16) he is talking about the manta her mother gave to him. The manta was worn to undertake communal activities that required the use of this piece. He explains that it was a simple piece and underlines the element qinqu (road, path) in it. Applying the same analysis as in the previous case (14) and case (15) the starting whole is the manta that includes pampa, a monochromatic space between colorful narrow bands. The 197

bands where the qinqu is located, and the central sewn line covered by a sequence of small geometric patterns. This could be a considered simple manta. Although Chafle’s attention is devoted to the qinqu, that inhabits a gestalt including more elements. Following the descriptive analysis, the linguistic analysis considers that at the highland communities a qinqu is understood as a zigzag if it is not described other ways. Because it is the shape of the paths used to go up or down on the mountainous landscape. The conceptual analysis of the zigzag qinqu shows that Chafle’s mother includes a concept about what is the best path in the mountains to advance towards a destiny in a secure fashion. To walk up or down on a mountain the most secure way is following a trajectory in zigzag. To walk through a straight path requires more effort, could be dangerous, and overwhelming when watching up front the mountain or front down the abyss. Zigzag walking makes us to face other further landscape elements that produce a calming effect on the tension of walking up or down on a mountain. The above considerations and analysis of the images/meaning expressed by

Chafle in (16) contains the symbolic metonymy (a) MANTA FOR QINQU. This metonymy is grounded on the above described bodily experiences. The Chafle (16) utterance is grounded on the following metaphors (b) A MANTA IS A LANDSCAPE; (c) A MANTA IS A MAP. The image-schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metonymy and metaphors are, (a) PART-WHOLE, PATH; a) and (b) CONTAINER, LINK, BALANCE; (c) MATCHING, PATH; (17) utterance: in this utterance Chafle remembers the elements of his mother’s lliclla. Its gestalt includes a feminine nature and use, a protection role, a community personality and culture through its material, meaning and expression. Wayta (flower), chakana (Andean cross), and yaku (water). The literal (image) description implicit of these three elements of pallay are geometric shapes in the textile, located in their respective bands called kurus: diamonds (rhombs) grouped in a circular pattern; a square cross with twelve points; and rhombs, alone, or grouped in a squared pattern. Their linguistic description is wayta, chakana, and water respectively. Their conceptual description/meaning is as elements of the gestalt whose meaning, and features was already described. Wayta in Huancapite is the potato flower and it is associated to happiness felt by runa when her/his field blossoms. The chakana or bridge over the world corresponds to the Southern Cross and integrates duality, complementarity, reciprocity, correspondence, unity, and quaternity 198

(Mallma, 2018). Architect Milla has contributed about complementarity, through the principle of the circumference quadrature from the Chakana (Milla 2003:221). I often observed that water is introduced as qucha (lake) located in a hill: urququcha, in a group of four lakes: tawaqucha. Wayta (flower) is a component of a gestalt meaning, feminine, protection, and community identity. It is also a symbol of happiness in locations of the Andes where potatoes are produced. Thus, from the above we identify the cultural symbol metonymy, a) WAYTA FOR HAPPINESS Considering complementarity as the most relevant and accepted meaning for the Chakana (Andean cross saw) (Milla, 2003), that could correspond to the Southern cross constellation, the cultural symbolic metonymy found is, b) CHAKANA FOR COMPLEMENTARITY. In the expressions: a) Her lliclla had wayta, chakana, and yaku; and b) Tawaqucha has a group of four lakes, we can find a structure (lliclla, tawaqucha) having constituents: a) Lliclla: wayta chakana and yaku. b) Tawaqucha: four lakes Thus,

c) wayta, chakana, and yaku are CONSTITUENTS of lliclla; four lakes are CONSTITUENTS of tawaqucha. This outcome suggests us that the concept implying constituents of structures of all kinds saw as the contents of those structures is an instance of the metaphor (c) CONSTITUENTS ARE

CONTENTS (Joe Grady, 1998). Thus, from mapping textile elements and Pachamama communities including runa and from the above identified metonymies we could find Chafle’s utterances underlying metaphors,

TWO, (f) CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS, (g) COMPLEMENTARITY IS A CONSTELLATION metaphor. The image-schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metonymies and metaphors are, (a) ATTRACTION, LINK, PART-WHOLE, CONTAINER; (b) MERGING, LINK, PART-WHOLE; (c)

CYCLE, BALANCE, CONTACT, PROCESS; (d) OBJECT, ENABLEMENT; (e) CONTACT, MERGING ENABLEMENT,

ATTRACTION; (f) COLLECTION, BALANCE, CONTAINER, CYCLE, LINK, CONTACT, ENABLEMENT. Conclusions. Chafle’s and Quilla’s utterances, the several conversations I had with my puchkayuq (spinning teacher) and my awayuqkuna (weaving guides) and the sources found have helped us a) to realize the importance of away (weaving), textiles, and traditional clothing in the 199

Andes in general and in the Huancavelica region in particular, b) to conclude that this activity’s deep meaning for Andean sustainability of life has been demonstrated c) to find that the symbolism embedded in the Andean traditional clothing is abundant and relevant for their users’ identity and for the messages they can send; d) to identify metonymies and metaphors that are a foundations of Andean concepts and values. Some Elements in the Current Andean Art: Away Introduction. In some written documents about the art of away practiced in three regions of the Peruvian Andes we read expressions such as: Dreaming patterns, weaving memories (Callañaupa, 2007); We knit (weave) our life (Taquile, 2009) ; A visual universe (Ñaupa Away, 2004); Containers of an ancient culture (Racchi, 2004); and Expression of collective identity (Roel & Martinez, 2014). All of them pay attention to some of the purposes and meanings of this art practiced in the Andes as it is done in several parts of the world. The above titles talk about inspiration, life memory keeping, culture archiving, and identity expression. All of the above are purposes of this activity. It is mostly, though not exclusively, developed by women. It is a view of a universe of forms of elements from Mother Earth nurturing us. It is a universe of ideas and symbols of human communities and individuals. And it also includes a universe of other dimensions inhabiting the Andean worldview (cosmovision). The way this art accomplishes its purposes and builds its meanings it is by translating into textiles the patterns that bodily and affective experiences have built in the weaver’s minds. In several communities at the central Andes, there are groups of women and men devoted to recover and practice ancient techniques to weave the result of humans-surroundings (natural and socio-cultural) conjunction. This keeps the tradition, symbols and meanings alive to be passed to the following generations. It is an expression of sustainability cultural that contributes to the sustainability of life in the Andes. Weaving and metaphor in ancient Peru. The symbolism and quality of ancient Andean textiles had attracted the interest of international and local scholars. They based on evidence interpret the art of away as a means of communicating more than only artistic messages. Several researchers in the past and present have documented the design, production, and use of textiles with ritual, artistic, political, economic and domestic purposes. Their findings guide current matters and interests related to textiles, in this case around visual metaphors.

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Jane Rehl (2006) argues that ritual textiles were done applying discontinuous warp and weft technique (DWW) (Rehl, 2003) that encoded concepts of balance and reciprocity as they were in real and in metaphoric world; that “nature-culture, male female, past-future, front back, right-left, and right-side up-upside down, were not contrary to, but integrated and integral to existence” (Rehl, 2006, 13). Among the relevant contributions of this scholar to this study are: the Ayni meaning’s correlation with the equilibrium and exchange between warps and wefts of the DDW method; the complexity of DWW imagery as referent for current textile patterns interpretation; and the geometric and repetitive patterns (indicative of ritual vocalization) (Rehl, 2006). Moreover, her reference to the visual metaphors that correlate a) art symbols and life; b) system weaving on a loom and cosmic order; and c) plain weave and reciprocity. Considering Rehl’s (2006) study, it is remarkable that in the Andean highlands: a) today’s practices of reciprocity with the spiritual world and within the runa world were effectively shaped by past and still present changing climatic conditions b) the need for cosmic mediation that in ancient Peru were possibly satisfied by the demanding DWW technique for ritual textiles, today is satisfied by purposely done textiles and by additional offerings to the local and/or regional Apu c) textiles that were considered animated in the ancient Peru, are still considered living beings as every component of the Andean world d) demanding participatory practices as the DWW application, have effectively codded community values that inform current communal practices in the Andes. In relation to color, Ray Boytner’s (2006) findings are relevant for interpreting meanings of visual metaphors in the Andes. His related conclusions include a) cochineal was source of the red color in textiles at one location of the Central Andes; b) frequent users of cochineal were from a high political position c) these findings characterize Andean social and political systems. The correlation between textile imagery and landscape forms (natural and human made) present in ancient and current away, is relevant for visual metaphors. Connections between ancient Inka textiles and stonework and the Andean landscape explored by Marianne Hogue (2006) include among others: the use of the step, zigzag lines and diverse rectangles in ancient stone and fiber transformations; their relations to agriculture and politics; the physical and spiritual influence of

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the environment as source of the common features occurring in iconographic, sociopolitical, and agrarian systems. Figure 6.4 Seamless natural-cultural landscape of the sacred site of Macchu Picchu

Source: photo of the researcher (July 2017). Steps largely used in agriculture for adaptation of species like corn, are considered to have the meaning of steps as a conduit for communicating humans with gods (Farmer, 1998). Ritual and metaphysical associations of steps form are seeing in Machu Pichu (Hogue, 2006). Its symbolism is interpreted as the passage between regions or between states (Herbert-Stevens, 1972). It is based on the “association-opposition of high and low” (Herbert-Stevens, 1972, 116). Steps’ perception of the Andean as the way “humans transcend the earthly realm by ascending mountains or descending into caves”, implying physical and spiritual concerns (Hogue, 2006, 115). 202

Water is given abstract form in both sculpture and textiles. Forms used for water include the step, zigzag, and rhombuses (rectangles) that in a variety of combinations are present in ancient textiles (Hogue, 2006). The tight relationship of forms and meanings present in both the feminine textile work and the masculine masonry work all happening within a physical/metaphysical landscape, suggest how Andean perception of unity was conceived and built (Hogue, 2006). Water images in current traditional Andean clothing. Yaku (water). In current Andean textiles at the Huancapite community, presentation of water is through the image of a lake (qucha) or a river (mayu). The qucha pallay (image used for lake) in the Andean textiles is a rhombus/ diamond 42. On this basic structure other elements or ideas can be added, or groupings of lakes can be made. It then results on a composite pallay (Heckman, 2006) such as: qucha pica (lake and stone), sinku qucha (shimmering lake) and tawaqucha (four lakes). It is also frequent to weave other pallay inside of the qucha shape. Among the inside qocha pallays are inti (sun,) and flowers like potato flower. Waqra qucha is a half -lake located mostly on the side of a long line. Mayu (river). The mayu pallay (image used for river) is a sigzag line often sided by small quchacha pallay (image used for little lake) rhombuses. Whe it is the case it is called mayu qinqu (river in a zigzag pattern) (see Fig 6.1) In addition or of these images there are others that complete the meaning of the composition. Other factors to be considered are the purposes of the piece (to be sold, to be given as a gift, to be worn for daily purposes, for ritual or festive reasons and so on) the colors mostly are a distinctive feature from each community. Chumpi (traditional belt) I. The chumpi I (see Fig. 23) is worn in the Huancavelica region of Peru at the locations of Paucara and Huancapite. It was acquired at the dominical fairy of Paucara at the beginning of the fall of 2018. Description. This is a section of a chumpi having a continuous image with a central band (brown) having a series of spiders (qampu sarta) flanked by two paralell mayu quinqu: A zigzag

42 To describe the geometric figure that represents water, the words rhombus and diamond will be indistinctly used. 203

line (mayu) between little rhombuses (lakes). Toward the edges there are white triangles that could represent the montaneous landscape of the region. This chumpi was acquired at the Paucara market in the second week of May (2018). It was at the end of the harvest during the dry season. The landscape was becoming yellow and brown and water was diminishing. It is the time when the generosity of friends and family is manifested by sharing the best of what has been harvested. It is the time when weavers weave more and can sell their work. The cultural value of the material (synthetic) is not as good as the meaning of this chumpi. Figure 6.5 Section of a Chumpi from Paucara

Source photo from the author. (Jan. 2019) Conceptualization. The function of a chumpi in the Andean culture is an instance of the

(a) TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS TRANSFER metaphor (Brugman, 1995). The analysis of the constituents of this piece of traditional clothing is grounded on the

(b) CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS (Joe Grady, 1998) metaphor. The images contained in this piece will be observed and anlyzed based on the (c) BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING (Joe Grady, 204

1998) metaphor to find the meanings that belong to the Andean culture as an expression of the

(d) FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS metaphor. The meaning of this textile is in the meaning of the central field of this piece. At this central field we can see a “chain” of connected spiders along the piece. Spiders mean good luck and hard work in the Andes. Possibly because of the way spiders weave. Working is one of the sources of joy in the Andean tradition, especially if work is done in a communal environment as in ayni or minka. In this textile the connected spiders exemplify the emotion produced by communal work. The zigzag lines flanked by alternated rhombs (symbol of water) represent rivers that show movement and bring life. It is a positive wish in a dry season. The triangles located at both borders of the piece represet mountains, a necessary element in the Andean landscape. Mountains up at the Andes bring a sense of protection and are a reminder of spiritual dimensions.

From the above we can identify cultural symbolic metonymies as, e) SPIDER FOR GOOD

LUCK f) SPIDER FOR HARD WORK and g) CHUMPI FOR STRENGTH The image-schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metaphors and metonymies are, a) ENABLEMENT, CONTACT, LINK; b) d) f) and g) CONTAINER; c) SURFACE; d)

OBJECT; e) f) and g) ENABLEMENT; BALANCE. Chumpi II. The chumpi II (ChII) (see Figure 6.6) belongs to a Huancapite’s community member. Its style and colors are worn by both women and men in this community. Description. The picture shows a section of chumpi II. The patterns here are not continuous. The central image of this section includes a group of four lakes (tawaqucha) having smaller images in both sides toward the edges. These smaller images are equal and parallel but have opposite color combinations. They are two small images, a rhomb with two connected smaller rhombs inside and the other is a device (rumana) to weight when selling or bartering local products. In total there are: a group of four lakes; two small rhombs with two connected smaller rhombs inside in parallel each close to an edge; two rumana in parallel each close to an edge.

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Figure 6.6 Section of a chumpi from Huancapite

Source: photo taken by the researcher with authorization of the owner of the piece (November 2018). The small rhombs and the rumana are in opposite combinations of black and white. The two rumana are oriented to the same side. The central image is on a background of two colors: tawaqucha includes two opposite rhombs each with other smaller rhomb inside and two rhombs each filled with two colors. ChII includes a combination of shapes and colors very common in Huancapite. Its owner said that both women and men can wear this chumpi although the two basic colors can be different (mostly related). He explained that as important as the images of this part of the chumpi were the smaller images of the narrow part that at each end of the piece that help to tie the piece on one’s waist.

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Conceptualization. Similar to large linguistic structures, textiles contain the smaller structures composing them; which is explained as an instance of the (a) CONSTITUENTS ARE

CONTENTS metaphor (Joe Grady, 1998) .The interpretation of the images and their composition is an instance of the (b) BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING metaphor (Joe Grady, 1998). The transfer of meaning the chumpi contains from the weaver to us, is an instance of the (c)

MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS (Joe Grady, 1998) and (d) TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS TRANSFER (Brugman, 1995) metaphors. In this section of the chumpi, the central theme is water. This central image composition (structure) exhibits the number two as a pattern: two + two types of qucha; two quchacha inside of each of two qucha; two colors for the tawaqucha; two colors in the tawaqucha’s background. The two images (structures) at the edges are different, they have two colors in two opposite combinations. At the edges there is also a pattern of two. Interpreting, (a) The representation of water by rhombs in the Andean textiles, (b) the meaning “Life” is implicit in water as the theme of the central image composed for four lakes; (c) Two = complementary duality or the parity principle (Yanantin) (Lajo, 2005; Mallma, 2018). This principle is the foundation of several Andean cultural features (i.e. tinku, marriage, and reciprocity). It is considered the basis of a living community.

The discussed meanings are instances of the following metonymies, (e) RHOMB FOR

WATER, (f) WATER FOR LIFE, and (g) TWO FOR LIFE. As in the case of readers/listeners of linguistic forms, the readers of textiles may acquire repertoire members (RMs, i.e., thoughts, feelings, meanings, ideas) by interacting with textile forms which is an expression of the “ACHIEVING A PURPOSE IS AQUIRING A DESIRED OBJECT, and RMs ARE POSSESSIONS“ metaphors (Joe Grady, 1998, 217). The image-schemata structuring the identified sustainability related metaphors and metonymies are, (a) (d) (e) and (g) CONTAINER, (b) SURFACE, (c) ENABLEMENT, CONTACT, LINK; (d)

OBJECT, (e) BALANCE, (f) ENABLEMENT, BALANCE, (g) MERGING, BALANCE. Conclusions. Teachings from the community’s members guided the analysis and interpretation of the above sections of ChumpiII from Huancavelica. We can conclude that: a) chumpi images are a rich source of symbolism and concepts that support attitudes and actions of human communities, b) cultural metonymies can be found within visual expressions supported

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by immersion within a cultural context, c) mapping visual source domain elements on target domain elements is possible, empirical verification participating more regional weavers is recommended. Table 6.1 Image-schemata, sustainability related metonymies and metaphors exemplified in utterances and textiles in the Andes

(SUrMn) (SUrMp) Utt.No. I-s Sustainability related Sustainability related metonymies Pp Image-schemata metonymies Textile 6.CHUMPI (TRADITIONAL 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS 14 1.COLLECTION BELT) FOR STRENGHT FROM 2.PACHAMAMA IS A CONTAINER Quilla 2.3.CONTAINER PACHAMAMA 3.NATURE IS A WHOLE 4.BALANCE, ENABLEMENT 4.NATURE IS A LIVING ORGANISM 5.CONTAINER, (to be nurtured to renew her ENABLEMENT, LINK, strength 6.ENABLEMENT, LINK, 5.NATURE IS A MOTHER CONTACT

5.COCHACHA, 6. SACHACHA, 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS 15 1.CONTAINER (Diminutive for affection. 2.CHUMPI IS A CONTAINER Quilla 2.CONTAINEr Propositional names 3.TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS 3.ENABLEMENT, instanced by an underlying TRANSFER CONTACT, LINK Affection’s metonymy) 4.FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE 4.OBJECT, ENABLEMENT POSSESSIONS 5.6. ENABLEMENT MANTA FOR QUINQU 1.A MANTA (MANTLE) IS A MAP 16 1.MATCHING, PATH, 3.MANTLE FOR ROAD, PATH Chafle 2.3.CONTAINER, LINK, 2.A MANTA (MANTLE) IS A BALANCE, LANDSCAPE 3.PART-WHOLE PATH 6.HUAYTA (FLOWER) FOR 1.FEELINGS ARE PLANTS 1.CYCLE, BALANCE, HAPPINESS 2.FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE 17 CONTACT, PROCESS 7.CHAKANA (SOUTHERN POSSESSIONS Chafle 2. OBJECT, ENABLEMENT CROSS) FOR 3.COMPLEMENTARITY IS TWO 3. CONTACT, MERGING COMPLEMENTARITY 4.CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS ENABLEMENT, 5.COMPLEMENTARITY IS A ATTRACTION CONSTELLATION 5.COLLECTION, BALANCE, CONTAINER, CYCLE, LINK, CONTACT, ENABLEMENT

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6. ATTRACTION, LINK PART-WHOLE, CONTAINER 7.MERGING, LINK, PART- WHOLE 5.SPIDER FOR GOOD LUCK 1.TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS Chumpi 1.ENABLEMENT, TRANSFER I CONTACT, LINK 6.SPIDER FOR HARD WORK 2.CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS 2.4.6.7.CONTAINER 3.BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS 3.SURFACE 7.CHUMPI FOR STRENGHT EMERGING 4.OBJECT, 4.FEELINGS AND MEANINGS ARE 5. ENABLEMENT POSSESSIONS 6. ENABLEMENT 7.ENABLEMENT, BALANCE 5.RHOMB FOR WATER 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE Chumpi 1.7.5.4.CONTAINER CONTENTS; 2. BECOMING II 2.SURFACE 6.WATER FOR LIFE ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING; and 3.ENABLEMENT, 7.TWO FOR LIFE 3. RANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS CONTACT, LINK TRANSFER 4. MEANINGS ARE 4.OBJECT POSSESSIONS 5.BALANCE 6.ENABLEMENT BALANCE 7. MERGING, BALANCE

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Figure 6.7 Some images represented in a manta from Huancapite

Source: photo taken by the researcher with authorization of the owner of the piece (August 2018). Outcomes of Chapters Five and Six Outcomes of Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 demonstrates that, (a) the selected and analyzed participants’ utterances and textile’s images are in fact oral and visual expressions related with daily life’s sustainable /implying sustainability actions, attitudes or emotions; (b) oral and visual expressions related with daily life’s sustainable /implying sustainability actions, attitudes or emotions, in fact enclose instances of more than one metaphor and/or metonymy related with such a sustainable/implying sustainability actions, attitudes or emotions; (c) it makes sense to call ‘SUr’ metonymy and/or ‘SUr’ metaphor to the metonymy and/or metaphor that is instanced in the oral or visual expression related with daily life’s sustainable /implying sustainability actions, attitudes or emotions; (d) Under contextual features, the imaginary structures we found (Su Mn, Su Mp, I-s) that collect bodily interactions humans-environment and bring them to build subjective meanings (Johnson, 2017) are all related; (e) the above conclusions justify the integration/relationship of the SU Mn, SU Mp, I-s, under community SU approach and contextual features.

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Testing or Confirming Findings The metaphor analysis method reported in this chapter was guided by the same cognitive principles that guided the method reported in chapter 5. The purpose in both cases was to find metaphors instanced in selected utterances from participants. But additionally, in this chapter 6 the method is applied to images in pieces of Andean traditional clothing to find the metaphors underlying them. The testing or confirming findings will be done based on the Miles et al. standards’ fulfillment. They are discussed in pages 88-92 (qualitative data analysis and validity) and pages 92-95 (quality of conclusions) of this document. Their representativeness features and researcher effects factor are similar because possible sources of bias are also the same, since the researcher, participants, and community are the same. In Chapter 6 each utterance’s analysis follows a similar procedure to the one applied in Chapter 5. Although, apart from the utterances, this method analyzes images instanced by metaphors. Because of the nature of the analyzed visual data (textiles) in this chapter additional historical and contextual information was provided to support the analysis. Moreover, outcomes from previous applied methods from this study and from scholars inquiring ancient Andean textiles were included to triangulate data, inferences, and interpretations. The collected data and interpretations among the community members justified the above inclusion that enriched the discussion and confirmed our outcomes. The above depends on the specific participant’s utterance been analyzed under the cognitive theoretical approach in search for instanced metaphors in utterances and/or the correspondent image schemas that structured those metaphors. Getting feedback from participants was not possible because of the same reasons explained in the previous chapter. Because this method provides specific conclusions about metonymies and metaphors instanced in the analyzed utterances some standards for the quality of conclusions are applicable.

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Theories’ transferability. As it was stated at the end of chapter 5, the theories on which the of utterances’ analysis is based can be transferred to other cases. In this chapter the emphasis should be on transferability of the grounding theories related to cultural and art fields including ancient visual expressions (architecture and textiles). These were in the field of anthropology and ethnohistory and contributed to the mapping and interpretation of images in textiles of this study. They could be transferred to location with similar cultural expressions. Testing findings. The findings of the metaphor analysis (MA) could be rewardingly tested in the same or other Andean regions. There, or in other regions with physical, social, or cultural features that could inspire sustainability of life in the planet. Still remain several traditional communities that maintain a close and reverent relationship with Nature. The identified sustainability related metonymies and metaphors that instanced utterances (oral expressions) and images in textiles (visual expressions) require to be integrated. This integration will be done considering, their features, the context in which they emerged and the image-schemata that structured them. The outcomings will allow to identify the sustainability metaphors. This process will be undertaken in the following chapter.

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Chapter 7: Sustainability Metaphors We need to look at other cultures’ concept of the environment and sustainability, in historical societies like that of Pre-Columbian America and in the technologically ‘primitive’ societies which present-day development serves to undermine. Michael Redclift, Sustainable Development: Exploring the Contradictions, 1987, 4. Introduction In the Huancavelica region of Peru, at a non-westernized location in the Andes, through CBC (community-based collaboration) and IPA (interpretative phenomenological analysis), representative oral and visual expressions from participants were received. SUr (sustainability related metaphors), SUr metonymies (with their I-s) underlying instances in the above expressions were identified by MA (metaphor analysis). SUr Mp and SUr Mn, representative expressions of “language thought and action” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b) will be analyzed and integrated under the community’s sustainability approach and experienced conditions identify the SU underlying metaphors, purpose of this study. The relationship between the identified sustainability related cognitive structures in chapter 5 and 6 and the Sustainability of Life in the community will eventually allow us to identify the sustainability metaphors. Identifying Sustainability Metaphors Identifying sustainability metaphors is based on the cognitive science approach about metaphor and/or metonymy. They, as mostly unconscious and persistent occurrences in our daily life, are ways of thought and language. They can guide us through understanding any aspect of our world. In this study, that aspect is sustainability of life. For identifying the sustainability metaphors from non-westernized Huancavelica, to the premises of cognitive science, were added the results and experience gained from interpretative, phenomenological analysis (IPA) and community-based collaboration (CBC). Sustainability Metaphors in Huancavelica Textiles. Image-schemata, sustainability related metonymies and metaphors identified in Huancapite (Huancavelica) (see tables 5.5 and 6.1 were related to everyday life interaction with Mother Nature (Pachamama) to sustain life at the participants’ community. Because these sustainability related metaphors metonymies and image-schemes are all connected, they are integrated in clusters of equal or similar themes. Within each cluster, relationships between the theme of the cluster, the meaning of sustainability

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and life in the study’s context, are explored. This exploration takes into account time, space, and landscape where life forms actions and interactions occur. The sustainability metaphors (SU Mp) emerge from the above factors’ relationship. The searching for sustainability metaphors is the searching for their source domains.

Because their target domain, SUSTAINABILITY is already known. The resulting sustainability metaphors are in table 7.3. The mappings in visual data are searched based on inferences, interpretations, and outcomes found in the community, the region and the academia. Sources on ethnohistory, past and present Andean Textile traditions, embodied mind, meaning, metaphor and metonymy were consulted. Written and visual material published by Andean traditional community members generally women, were particularly supportive. Finding sustainability metaphors underlying textiles’ images. To find sustainability metaphors underlying the images in textiles (that have instanced images in textiles), the following procedure will be followed: Step one. Observation and description of images’ composition as a whole (gestalt) and identification and role of individual images. Step two. Mapping images from the local/regional landscape into textile’s images searching for common physical features (geometry, color, distribution, combinations and so on). Step three. Mapping properties and meanings from elements of the natural landscape onto properties and meanings from elements of the cultural/social context Step four. Identifying/analyzing cultural symbols from the context found in the textile and sustainability related metaphors and metonymies. Step five. Finding the relationship between sustainability at the context and relevant theme(s) contained in the textile. Getting a guiding statement as outcome. Step six. Identifying the sustainability metaphors guided by the outcoming statement from step five. Step seven. Checking for agreement between the outcome (s), source domain (noun) of the identified sustainability metaphor and the corresponding image-schemata and their frequency.

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Chumpi I. Step one. Observation and description of images’ composition as a whole (gestalt) and identification and role of individual images. This chumpi (traditional belt) is a narrow long piece (8cm x 130cm). It has two tiding pieces (2cm x 48cm) with basic lines. The images’ composition in the chumpi I (ChI) is continuous along the piece. The composition shows a central chain of oval shapes with eight radiating lines each. This chain was flanked on both sides by zigzag continuous lines. Each zigzag line is flanked on both sides, by successive small diamonds. Along both borders of the ChI following each of the zigzag lines and small diamonds, there are small continuous triangles. Counting (from one border to the other) the parallel bands formed by successive images running along the piece we have: triangles (1st), zigzag line and diamonds (2nd), central chain of oval radiated images (3rd), zigzag line and diamonds (4th), triangles (5th). Step two. Mapping images from the landscape onto textile’s similar images. Spiders (with eight legs) unto the oval shapes with eight radiating lines. They form a chain (like ‘holding hands’) along the central band of the ChI. The zigzag trajectory of rivers observed from up locations at the Andes onto the zigzag lines in the ChI. The water brought by the rivers with zigzag trajectory onto the small diamonds flanking the zigzag lines in the ChI; The surrounding mountains of Andean communities onto the triangles at the borders of the ChI; The community members onto the holding hands spiders of the ChI. In each of the above elements of the community’s physical landscape and in the chumpi, grounded on the a) CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS metaphor, we have mapped aspects of the part- whole structure of one image onto aspects of the part-whole structure of another image. Step three. Mapping properties and/or meanings from elements of the natural landscape onto properties and meanings of the cultural/social context : via the a) SU Mp, the chain of spiders weaving together onto communal work of community members (i.e. ayni), b) the flow of rivers onto the flow of life, c) the mountains presence onto the protection of deities-mountain. Most of the mappings in this step are applying the meanings learned within the social and cultural context of the study. 215

Step four. Cultural symbols identification and/or analysis to find the underlying Sur Mp or SUr Mn.

Via the CONSTITUENTS ARE CONTENTS and MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS metaphors43 we can analyze and interpret the images of the chumpi applying the community’s meanings for them. Because at the community, spider is a symbol of hard work, and good luck; and chumpi means strength, the SUr metonymies c) SPIDER FOR HARD WORKING, d) SPIDER FOR GOOD LUCK, and e) CHUMPI FOR STRENGTH were identified. By personification, the weaving spider (that symbolizes hard work because its connection to weaving a web) doing its work, is a natural event. Through the f) EVENTS ARE ACTIONS metaphor this natural event is conceived metaphorically as action with agent. The spider is an agent whose action is weaving. Because the spider is a concrete physical entity, we have an image of it. Thus, personifying the spider creates with mapping, the image of a working person mapped onto the image of the working spider. The extremities of the person correspond to the extremities of the spider, and so on. We can extend the image-mapping to give the spider to work in group as in the chain of spiders included in the chumpi, and as in the Andean community people work at the fields in their agricultural activities (in ayni). The hard work in the community is mostly to plant and to grow food. The uncertainty of agriculture is caused by changing atmospheric conditions, may be balanced with a ‘good luck’ symbol worn in a chumpi. Thus, via the g) BECOMING ACCESSIBLE IS EMERGING metaphor, the images’ mappings, and the contextual cultural elements, have allowed us to access some conceptual system’ elements.

Via the h) TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS TRANSFER and b) MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS metaphors, the above concepts were transmitted to us as possessions from textiles and from the Andean community. The above shows that “imaginative conceptual connections and compositions” are included in seemingly evident things to us (Lakoff & Turner, 1989, 96).

43 SUr Metaphors and metonymies listing will be changed from letters to numbers in table 7.1. Thus, a) will be changed to 1., b) to 2., c) to 3., and so on. 216

The image-schemata structuring the identified SUr Mn and SUr Mp are, a), b), c) and e)

CONTAINER, c), d), e), f) and h) ENABLEMENT, c), d), e) PART-WHOLE, g) SURFACE, and b) OBJECT. Step five. Finding the relationship between SU in the context and the relevant theme(s) contained in the textile, we can obtain a guiding statement as an outcome. Considering the location and distribution of the elements in the chumpi, their meanings and relevance within the composition in relation with sustainability at the community we conclude that the central (relevant) theme of ChI is ‘Work’. For finding the relationship between SU at the community and the theme contained in the Ch I textile, which is work, we summarize i) image mappings’ domains, ii) identified sustainability related metonymies (SUr Mn) and metaphors (SUr Mp), and iii) SU at the traditional community (TC) as follows, Theme: Sustainability and Work. a) SU= sustainability of Life at the community. b) Work= hard work in the community. To sustain life in the community its members, grow plants at the chakra to provide food for all. c) Agriculture requires conditions (rain, calendar, ayni and so on). Its activities are instanced by metonymies among which are the above identified sustainability related metonymies (see Chumpi I, in table 7.1). d) Because of the indicated agriculture’s requirements, we can conclude that a metaphor of sustainability based on the meanings found in the Chumpi I image metaphors

should relate SUSTAINABILITY to Food Production in Community. These concluding statements allows us to search and to identify the underlying sustainability metaphors.

Step six. Identifying SU Mp guided by the concluding statement SUSTAINABILITY is related to Food Production in Community, a) Food is to nurture life which brings us to a more general and simpler category,

NUTRIENTS. This allows us to propose the SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS metaphor. b) Nutrients are produced at the Chakra where community members spend most of their life. Thus, we can propose the SUSTAINABILITY AS CHAKRA metaphor as the mapping underlying attitudes, and actions occurring in the Chakra. c) The production of nutrients in the Chakra, under the changeable Andean conditions is only possible because of reciprocal support consequence and cause of Communal Relationships. 217

Thus, the SUSTAINABILITY AS COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS metaphor underlies attitudes and actions towards sustainability of life in the Andes. Step seven. Checking for agreement between the outcomes, source domain of the identified SU metaphors and the I-s and their frequency, structuring the corresponding SUr Mp and SUr Mn already identified in step four. Among the already identified image-schemata the most frequent are 1st ENABLEMENT,

2nd CONTAINER, and 3rd PART-WHOLE. The SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS metaphor’s source domain, Nutrients, is structured by the I-s ENABLEMENT (because they provide conditions for life), CONTAINER (they include contents and they are contained) and PART-WHOLE (because they are a representative part of a whole). This is supported by the most frequent image-schema previously found underlying the sustainability related metonymies and metaphors from Ch I. The other two sustainability metaphors’ source domains are respectively, Chakra and Communal Relationships. They are also structured by the I-s more frequently found already. Chakra and Communal Relationships are enabling (Enablement), they are located/occur inside of the community (Container), and they are a representative feature (Part) of the Andean culture (the Whole). ChumpiII(a), ChII(a). Steps one to four can be accomplished using the information presented in chapter 6. This information is comprised, and reorganized when needed, in Table 7.1. Step five. Finding the relationship between sustainability at the context and relevant theme(s) contained in the textile. Getting a guiding statement as outcome. Considering the location and distribution of the elements in ChII(a), their meanings and relevance within the composition in relation to sustainability at the community we conclude that the central (relevant) theme of this chumpi is ‘Water’. Information provided in Chapter 6 and table 7.1, permits relating sustainability, the TC, and ChII(a)’s theme, Water. Thus, we summarize i) image mappings’ domains, ii) identified SUr Mn and SUr Mp, and iii) SU at the TC as follows, Theme: Sustainability and Water. a) The metonymies of water are described analyzed and interpreted in function of life.

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b) The water’s symbol (rhombus), is pervasive in Andean textiles, this and the meaning of the cultural metonymy about water supports the importance of water in the highlands. c) Water is indispensable for nurturing several forms of life at the Andes and everywhere. This is expressed through the other metonymy of water related to life. d) Agriculture provides food for nurturing life (SU) and depends on rain that replenishes water sources bringing back life and hope (especially at the highlands). e) From the above identified relationships, we can conclude that a metaphor of sustainability based on the meanings found in the ChumpiII(a) image metonymy

should relate SUSTAINABILITY to Water and Agriculture. This concluding statement will allow searching and identifying the underlying sustainability metaphor(s) or ‘visual metaphor(s)’. Step six. Identifying the sustainability metaphors guided by the concluding statement from step five, SUSTAINABILITY is related to Water and Agriculture,

a) Since Water is indispensable condition to produce nutrients and it is a NUTRIENT

itself, we can propose the SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS metaphor as one of the mappings underlying the images of ChII(a) (see table 7.3).

b) Because Andean agriculture is undertaken in the CHAKRA, we propose the

SUSTAINABILITY AS CHAKRA metaphor that also underlies the images of ChumpiII(a) (see table 7.3). Step seven. The checking for agreement between the outcoming source domain of the identified sustainability metaphors and the I-s and their frequency is already done. It is because the source domains of the metaphors found in ChII(a) are the same as the source domains of two of the three source domains identified in ChI. The above procedure was applied to utterances about textile’s images and to textile’s images from pieces of traditional clothing. The elements participating in the proposed relationship (among I-s, SUr Mn, SUr Mp, under SU and TC features) and its outcomes are contained in the following table. (Note: Please see legend below table 7.1).

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Table 7.1 Identifying sustainability metaphors that have instanced participants’ (Pp) utterances (Utt.) and textile’s images

I-s SUr Mn SUr Mp SUr Mn, SUr Mp/SU and TCF: Utt. (in order of Outcoming Statement, Pp or frequency) SUSTAINABILITY AS (Supported TPiece by I-s frequency) 6.CHUMPI 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE Sustainability (SU) and 14 2.3.5.CONTAINER (TRADITIONAL CONTENTS 2. Pachamama’s nurturance. Living Quilla 5.6.4. ENABLEMENT BELT) FOR PACHAMAMA IS A entities are constituents of 5.6. LINK, STRENGTH CONTAINER Pachamama. Sustaining her is 1.COLLECTION FROM 3.NATURE IS A WHOLE nurturing her constituents. They 4.BALANCE PACHAMAMA 4.NATURE IS A LIVING share love and strength. Chumpi, 6. CONTACT ORGANISM (to be portable symbol of strength worn nurtured to renew her by traditional Andean runa: SU is strength related to Nurturance from/for 5.NATURE IS A MOTHER Nature, NUTRIENTS 1.2. CONTAINER 5.COCHACHA 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE SU and affection for Pachamama. 15 3.4.5.6. 6.SACHACHA CONTENTS Runasimi, Traditional clothing Quilla ENABLEMENT (both 5 and 6 2.CHUMPI IS A design and making, rituals and 3.4.5.6. CONTACT Propositional CONTAINER so on, show Community’s runa 3.5.6. LINK names, are 3.TRANSMISSION OF affection for Pachamama’s 4.5.6. MERGING instances of ENERGY IS TRANSFER constituents: SU is related to an Affection’s 4.FEELINGS AND Actions of Affection For metonymy) MEANINGS ARE Pachamama, A Bond With Her, POSSESSIONS Creativity. COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIPS; A BOND WITH NATURE; ART. 1.3. PATH “MANTA FOR 1.A MANTA (MANTLE) IS SU and Traditional Clothing (Tc). 16 1.3. ENABLEMENT QINQU” A MAP OF ROADS, PATHS Designing, making and wearing Chafle 2.3.CONTAINER, 2.A MANTA (MANTLE) IS (Tc) = runa’s creativity, link to BALANCE, LINK 3.MANTLE A LANDSCAPE /confidence on Nature, self- 1.MATCHING FOR ROAD, respect. Tc archives history, 3.WHOLE-PART PATH beliefs, feelings. Tc is map/guide (A PART FOR for life: SU is related to guiding A WHOLE) Tc creatively done, GUIDE; ART

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1.3.5. CONTACT 6.WAYTA 1.FEELINGS ARE PLANTS SU and Complementarity. In the 17 2.3.5. ENABLEMENT (Flower) FOR 2.FEELINGS AND Andes a) two complementary Chafle 5.6.7. LINK, PATH HAPPINESS MEANINGS ARE entities with shared purpouse = 1.5. BALANCE, 7.CHAKANA POSSESSIONS Yanantin principle. If purpose is CYCLE (Southern 3.COMPLEMENTARITY IS life= SU 3.7. MERGING Cross) FOR TWO (in the TC) b) included in Tc, stars, images’ 2.3.CONTAINER COMPLEMENT- 4.CONSTITUENTS ARE meanings on Nature-runa link to 6.7.PART-WHOLE ARITY CONTENTS walk life: Two Complementing 1.PROCESS 5.COMPLEMENTARITY IS Entities in Tc to Sustain Life 2. OBJECT A CONSTELLATION Path, 3. ATTRACTION TNKU; ART; JOURNEY 5.COLLECTION 1.2.3.5. CONTAINER 3.SPIDER FOR 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE SU and Work. Chumpi 3.4.5.6.8. WORKING CONTENTS SU of Life in the community by I ENABLEMENT HARD 2. MEANINGS ARE hard work in the chakra growing 3.4.5. PART-WHOLE 4.SPIDER FOR POSSESSIONS food. Nurtured by water, good 7. SURFACE GOOD LUCK luck/attitude, communal work 2. OBJECT 5.CHUMPI FOR 6. EVENTS ARE ACTIONS (ayni), and energy (strength). STRENGHT 7.BECOMING Based on the Chumpi I image ACCESSIBLE IS metaphor: Food Production in EMERGING Community, 8.TRANSMISSION OF NUTRIENTS; CHAKRA; ENERGY IS TRANSFER COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS 1.4.5.CONTAINER 5. RHOMB 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE SU and Water. Chumpi 5.6. BALANCE FOR WATER CONTENTS. Mappings of Water allows life’s SU in the II 3.6. ENABLEMENT (image and elements of the local community. Metonymy of water (a) 5.6.PART-WHOLE meaning landscape onto elements is described analyzed and 2.SURFACE converge) of Chumpi II accessing interpreted in function of life. 4.OBJECT meanings by 2. Water’s symbol (rhomb), is 5.MERGING 6.WATER FOR BECOMING ACCESSIBLE pervasive in Andean textiles, + LIFE IS EMERGING, a transfer water metonymy = importance of meanings from the of water in the highlands. weaver to us by Agriculture provides food. It 3.TRANSMISSION OF depends on rain for water: SU is ENERGY IS TRANSFER related to Water and Agriculture and 4. MEANINGS ARE NUTRIENTS; CHAKRA POSSESSIONS metaphor. 1.4.7.CONTAINER 7.TWO FOR 1.CONSTITUENTS ARE SU and the Andean Meaning of Chumpi

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3.7. MERGING LIFE CONTENTS. Mappings of Two. II 3.7. ENABLEMENT landscape elements (el.) Yanantin principle. In Parity (b) 3.7. CONTACT onto chumpi II el.; TCCF (complementarity), in Ayni 2.SURFACE onto chumpi II symbols. (reciprocity), in Tinku, 4.OBJECT By 2. BECOMING (convergence of two for new 7. BALANCE ACCESSIBLE IS beginning): 7.PART-WHOLE EMERGING, meanings SU is related to Convergence emerge and are towards continuous life Path, transferred to us by 3. TINKU; JOURNEY TRANSMISSION OF ENERGY IS TRANSFER and 4. MEANINGS ARE POSSESSIONS Metaphor

Legend: I-s = Image schemata; SUr Mn = Sustainability related Metonymy; SUr Mp = Sustainability related metaphor; / = under; SU = Sustainability; Tc = Traditional clothing; TC = Traditional Community; TCF = Traditional community features; Utt. = Utterance; Pp = Participant; TP = Textile piece. TK = Traditional knowledge Finding Sustainability Metaphors Underlying Oral Expressions To find sustainability metaphors underlying participants’ utterances two procedures are proposed. Procedure A. This procedure proposes a searching focused on the study’s context priorities and on the source domains of the sustainability related metonymy and/or metaphor identified underlying the explored utterance. Step one. Clustering similar themes (source domain) in sustainability related metaphors and metonyms that instanced the utterances of one participant. Locating the cluster under a theme that relates Sustainability (SU) with the common theme. Step two. Exploring the community’s (TCCF) priorities in relation with the defined common theme. Step three. Integrating themes and meanings of the sustainability related metonymies (SUr-Mn) and metaphors (SUr-Mp) that have instanced the participant’s utterance (s) (outcomes from previous steps), to find the statement (word or words) that will guide the following steps. Step four. Finding the more generic word/phrase and meaning of the possible source domain leaving the word or phrase that is easier to learn and to accept (about an idea or image- schema)

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Step five. Identifying the sustainability metaphors including the outcome word/ phrase from step four Step six. Checking for agreement between the outcoming noun(s) (source domain(s)) of the identified sustainability metaphor and the corresponding image-schemata and their frequency. JCPW’s Utterances (12) and (18). Step one. Clustering similar themes (source domain) of sustainability related metaphors and metonyms that instanced a participant’s utterances. Locating the cluster under the relationship of Sustainability (SU) with the common theme. A cluster of the source domains of metaphors and metonyms that instanced the utterances 12 and 18 of JCPW includes the common theme Natures’ entities. Thus, the resulting relationship is between Sustainability and Nature’s entities. Step two. The community’s priorities (TCCF) within Nature’s entities in this case, include animals and places that are living entities (not resources) that deserve respect and care the same as all forms of life. For community members a non-human animal, natural event, and place, possess person’s features. Thus, humans can learn from animals like the luwicho (deer) and the wind can push the frost as an animal or person do. We are looking for a Source Domain within the defined theme that has established a relationship between Sustainability and the Target Domain: SUSTAINABILITY and Nature’s entities. Step three. In this step we undertake the first integration. The themes, meanings and image schemata of the sustainability related metonymies (SUr Mn) and metaphors (SUr Mp) that have instanced JCPW’s utterance (s) and the outcomes from the previous steps. Thus, we can find the word or words that mean respect and care from/for animals and places as persons. The words coming after the above operation are “caregiver” “teachers”, “company” from living entities and spaces to humans and from humans to them. In this case these are mutual roles between human and non-human animals. Consequently, we need to add a word that relates Sustainability with mutual attitudes and actions of care. This could be “complementarity”, “reciprocity”, “convergence”

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Step four. In this step when it is needed, we seek for the most generic word/phrase and meaning of the possible source domain getting the word or phrase that is easy to learn and to accept as idea or image-schema. In this case, considering a) the current critical need for sustaining life in the planet, b) that it is more accepted the reciprocal role of caregiver compared with teacher or companion between humans and other animals c) complementarity is a relation seemingly more wished by humans than convergence and reciprocity d) a mutual caring relationship is more sustainable that others, we end up with CAREGIVER and Complementarity. Since Complementarity can be more specific as a couple, we propose PARITY as a more applicable word. Step five. In this case the outcome of step four are the words CAREGIVER and PARITY.

Thus, the proposed metaphors are SUSTAINABILITY AS CAREGIVER and SUSTAINABILITY AS PARITY (see tables 7.2 and 7.3). Step six. Checking for agreement between the outcoming nouns (source domains), A CAREGIVER and PARITY of the identified sustainability metaphors and their more frequent image-schemata (Contact, Container, and Enablement). How the following image schemata, structures Caregiver and Parity source domains, CONTACT (a Caregiver is in constant communication with who cares for, and Parity requires constant communication); CONTAINER (a Caregiver belongs to, and acts in a context/system; parity happens also within a context/system); and ENABLEMENT (a Caregiver enables and get enabled by caring/looking after somebody ‘all are persons’ and Parity is the origin and/or support of life, ‘supreme ability’). The above proves the agreement between found source domains and their structuring most frequent image schemata. Procedure B. In this procedure the image schemata structuring the sustainability related metonymy and/or metaphor will guide the search for sustainability metaphor(s). Chafle’s Utterance 11. In this case the identified image schemata structuring the sustainability related metonymy and metaphor (already identified) became very useful because it guided the search.

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This image-schema has a starting point, a defined destination, which is critical for sustainability, and a trajectory including a succession of points (stages or locations). At the same time the knowledge of the context is essential because we were attending to the process in which underlying metaphors emerged from a physical and cultural context, in a specific moment within their history.

In this case the outcoming source domain is DESTINATION. But it is a part of the JOURNEY metaphor which makes explicit all the parts of the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema (from the generic

PATH image-schema). This makes our final outcome, the metaphor SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY (Table 7.3). Often, the Journey metaphor has been applied in an unclear/incomplete fashion by some organizations. This metaphor demands a clear destination or defined goals and a detailed plan of actions with measurable indicators in agreement with the organization’s declared sustainability principles. Procedures A and B were applied to utterances from participants at the study’s context. Elements participating in the proposed relationships (image schema, metonymy, metaphor, under sustainability and contextual features) and its outcomes are contained in table 7.2. (See legend below table.)

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Table 7.2 Identifying sustainability metaphors instanced in participants’ (Pp) utterances (Utt.)

I-s SUr Mn SUr Mp SUr Mn, SUr Mp/SU and TCF: Utt.No. (in order of Outcomes, Pp frequency) SUSTAINABILITY AS name (supported by I-s frequency) 1.2.4.5.6. 5.DANCING 1.HAPPY IS UP SU and Culture. Joy, hope, 01 CONTACT /SINGING FOR Meaning is transferred wawawañuy sustain tradition, Wayta 2.4.5.6. HAPPINESS through dance and songs beliefs, creativity, ENABLEMENT Because 2. TRANSMISSION OF communicate members. 3.4.6.CONTAINER wawawañuy ENERGY IS TRANSFER, Dance, songs, rituals. Share 1.VERTICALITY means joy and 3.FEELINGS AND meanings, nurture emotions 4.MERGING hope in an ayllu MEANINGS ARE feelings: Communication,

5.6. PART-WHOLE 6.WAWAWAÑUY POSSESSIONS (Grady, Creativity, Loving Nurturance, FOR JOY AND 1998, 2017) COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS HOPE 4.RECIPROCITY IS AYNI ART; EMOTIONAL NUTRIENTS 3.5.6. CONTACT 7.KILLAQUCHAN 1.GOOD IS UP, SU and Culture. signs own 02 1.2. VERTICALITY FOR RAIN (good 2. BAD IS DOWN, meanings, TK, Guide for Quilla 3.5.CONTAINER for agriculture 3. PERCEPTION IS Agriculture for life. 7.8. and RECEPTION Sun, moon; day, night; COUNTERFORCE, 8. INTIQUCHAN 4. BELIEFS ARE GUIDES, masculine, feminine; rain, 7.8. CYCLE 7.8. FOR DROUGHT 5. MEANINGS ARE drought. Yanantin= Parity PART-WHOLE 6.7. (not good for POSSESSIONS everywhere: Agriculture, ENABLEMENT agriculture) 6. KNOWING IS SEEING complementarity, guide Life, 4.PATH 6. OBJECT CHAKRA; PARITY; GUIDE 6.SURFACE 1.3.CONTAINER 1.WIND/FROST IS A SU and Weather. Weather is 03 2.4. SURFACE CONTAINER in Nature, runa is in events. Wayta 5.MATCHING, 2.EVENTS ARE PLACES Pachamama guides us 5.ENABLEMENT 3.COLD IS A CONTAINER through events giving us life 4.STATES ARE PLACES, (she is kawsayuq). Life occurs 5. ENTITIES OF NATURE in a clean place, ARE PERSONS CLEAN CONTAINER 1.3. LINK 3.LOVE FOR THE 1.LOVE IS UNITY SU and Love. Loving relations 04 1.3. CONTACT RELATIONSHIP (Formed by Pachamama between Pachamama (plants, Wayta 1.3. MERGING IT PRODUCES and runa) in community animals, rivers and so on)and 1.3. ENABLEMENT 2.ANIMALS ARE runa in community: Affection

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1.ATTRACTION PERSONS and Reciprocity, Convergence, 2.MATCHING Mutual Care, COMMUNAL 2. CONTAINER RELATIONSHIP; 3. PART-WHOLE TINKU; CAREGIVER; PARITY 1.3.4.7. “time is short” “time is short” is an SU and Work: Agriculture for 05 CONTAINER example of the instance of 1. TIMES ARE Life in chakra in ayni, TK, and Yuraq 1.5.6. OBJECT 6.TIME FOR AN THINGS; “planting time rain: Reciprocity, Cycles and 1.2.3. PATH OBJECT has arrived” is example Calendar, Early Learning in 3.7. CYCLE metonymy. of 2.MOVING TIME Community 4.7. MERGING, metaphor. In TC “we all TINKU; CHAKRA; COMMUNAL 4.7. CONTACT 7.AYNI FOR learn to cultivate early in RELATIONSHIP; 4.7. ENABLEMENT, AGRICULTURE life” is an instance of 3. 7.PART-WHOLE (The PART for a TIME IS A DAY WHOLE) metaphor; “Ayni is reciprocal support” is instance of 4. RECIPROCITY IS AYNI metaphor because of the 5. GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor. 1.3.4.5.7.8. “Rain is sacred Yuraq’s utterance are SU and Water. 06 ENABLEMENT and important for instances of the Life is based on agriculture, Yuraq 2.4.5.6.7.8. us all” it is an 1.“NATURE IS A DIVINE rain replenishes water, to BALANCE instance of the 7. BEING , 2.NATURE IS A produce at Chakra to nurture 2.3.CONTAINER, RAIN FOR WHOLE , 3.NATURE IS A life: Rain and Water nurture 7.8. PART-WHOLE SACRED and MOTHER” (Lakoff, 2016, Agriculture for nurturing Life, 6. OBJECT 8.RAIN FOR 215-216) metaphors. NUTRIENTS; CHAKRA BLESSING 4.LIFE IS RAIN, 5. Metonymies. SACRED IS RAIN. Via 6. GENERIC IS SPECIFIC metaphor. 2.3. COMPULSION ‘when it rains, the rivers SU and Nature’s Happiness. 07 3.4. ATTRACTION travel drunk of Runa are part of Pachamama. Anqas 4. ENABLEMENT, happiness’ via 1. Runa feel Pachamama’s joy: 4. CONTACT ENTITIES FROM NATURE She/He is Bonded to Her; 1.MATCHING, ARE PERSONS metaphor She/He Feels Her, 1.LINK then, 2. HAPPINESS IS A NATURAL FORCE BEING DRANK; 3.

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HAPPINESS IS A RAPTURE and 4. HAPPINESS IS A NATURAL FORCE metaphor. 1.2.3. 3. URQUCHA 1.NATURE IS A MOTHER/ SU and Pachamama. 08 ATTRACTION, Mountainà PACHAMAMA IS A Runa love Pachamama Anqas 1.2. ENABLEMENT LITTLE M from MOTHER Urqu is part of (Nature). She/He is attracted 2.3. LINK, diminutive to Pachamama. Love for to her. Nature loves runa, 1.4. CONTAINER, affection. urqu is love for gives them life: Affection 2.MATCHING 4.URQU FOR Pachamama. Anqas and for/from Pachamama, 4. PART-WHOLE PACHAMAMA (A Pachamama are closely Connection with her, PART FOR THE related: 2. LOVE IS A A BOND WITH NATURE; WHOLE) BOND A NATURAL FORCE 1.3. MERGING, Cultural symbolic Sustainability and 09 1.3. CONTACT Metonymies Collaboration/Competition. JCPW 1.3. LINK, 1.SAIWA FOR collaboration is stronger than 1.2.CONTAINER CONVERGENCE competition in community: 2. ITERATION 2.KUCHUSCHA Collaboration, Meeting, 2. SCALE FOR Interacting in Saiwa, 3. ENABLEMENT COMPETITION Measuring Physical Strength, 3.TINKU FOR TINKU; CONVERGENCE COMPETITION 1.PATH, MERGING, 1.TINKU FOR SU and collaboration. 10 LINK, CONVERGENCE Community members advance Chafle ENABLEMENT, in same direction, they CONTACT converge in many ways: Community Collaborate, Converge, Contact, Advance TINKU; JOURNEY 2.3. CONTAINER, 3.QAYAKU FOR 1.PURPOSES ARE SU and goals. 11 2.3. CONTACT PURPOSE DESTINATIONS Common clear purpouses, Chafle 1.3. PATH It is TCF, with 2.ENTITIES OF NATURE path and clear end: 2. MATCHING, communication ARE PERSONS Community Communication, 3. ENABLEMENT and common (“Smoke pushes frost Clear Destination and Path, objective away”) JOURNEY 1.2.3. CONTAINER, 4.SOUND FOR 1.LIFE IS A PRECIOUS SU and Nature’s entities. 12 1.3. BALANCE FAIRWORKS (THE POSSESSION Hail harms fields. Runa looks JCPW

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1.2. MATCHING, EFFECT FOR THE 2.ENTITIES OF NATURE after chakra (life for all). 1.2. CONTACT CAUSE) ARE PERSONS Sound pushes hail away: 3.4. ENABLEMENT 3.NATURE IS A LIVING Runa & Sound, Care, 4.PART-WHOLE, ORGANISM A CAREGIVER 1.2.3. CONTACT 3.LUWICHO FOR 1.ENTITIES OF NATURE SU and Nature’s entities. 18 1.2.3. CONTAINER, STRENGHT AND ARE PERSONS Animals look after and teach JCPW 1.2.3. KNOWLEDGE 2.ANIMALS ARE us: By Reciprocity we Must ENABLEMENT PERSONS Look After Them, 1.2. MATCHING, PARITY; A CAREGIVER 2.3. MERGING, 3. PART-WHOLE

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Table 7.3

Outcoming sustainability metaphors underlying their instanced utterances (Utt.), or textiles (Tx)

Outcoming Utt, & Tx, SU Mp I Utt SU Mp I TxI SU Mp (SU Mp I Utt + (SU Mp SU Mp I TxI) frequency in Utt. and SUSTAINABILITY AS TxI) SUSTAINABILITY Utt. No. Utt. or SUSTAINABILITY Instanced AS Tx code AS Utt. and/or Tx code (times Mp emerges) COMMUNAL Utt 1.ART 01, 15, RELATIONSHIPS 01 NUTRIENTS 14 16, 17 ART EMOTIONAL (4 times) NUTRIENTS CHAKRA 02 Utt 2.COMMUNAL 01,04,05, PARITY COMMUNAL 15 RELATIONSHIPS 15, ChI, GUIDE RELATIONSHIPS; (5 times) A BOND WITH NATURE; 3.A CHAKRA ART 02, 05, 06 ChI, ChIIa (6 times) CLEAN CONTAINER 03 GUIDE; ART Utt 4.NUTRIENTS 01,06, 14 16 ChI, ChIIa (5 times) COMMUNAL TINKU; ART; JOURNEY Utt 5.A NATURAL 07, 08 RELATIONSHIP 04 17 FORCE (2) TINKU, 6.A BOND WITH 08, 15 CAREGIVER NATURE (2 times)

CHAKRA 05 NUTRIENTS; CHAKRA; T 7.TINKU 04,05,09, COMMUNAL COMMUNAL ChI 10, 17,

RELATIONSHIPS RELATIONSHIPS ChII (b) TINKU (6 times) NUTRIENTS 06 CHAKRA T 8.GUIDE 02, 16 (2)

CHAKRA NUTRIENTS ChII

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(a) 10,11,17 9.JOURNEY ChII(b) (4 times)

A NATURAL FORCE 07 TINKU T 10.CAREGIVER 04,12,18 JOURNEY ChII (3 times) (b) A BOND WITH NATURE 11.CLEAN 03 A NATURAL FORCE 08 CONTAINER (1 time) TINKU 12.PARITY 02,18 COMPETITION 09 (2 times)

TINKU 10 13.COMPETITION 09 JOURNEY 10,11 (1 time) CAREGIVER 12, 18 PARITY 18

Frequency of identified sustainability metaphors. The above Table 7.3 includes the propositional names of the identified thirteen sustainability metaphors after adding up the outcoming sustainability metaphors from tables 7.1 and 7.2 (SU Mp = SU Mp I Utt + SU Mp I TxI). The following table includes identified SU metaphors, their frequency and integration.

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Table 7.4 Propositional names of identified sustainability metaphors, their frequency and integration

HUANCAVELICA SU METAPHORS FREQUENCY (TIMES AS INTEGRATING SIMILAR (PROPOSITIONAL NAMES) UNDERLYING METAPHOR) METAPHORS SUSTAINABILITY AS 1. ART (4) 2. A BOND WITH NATURE (2) 2. into 10. à 10. (4) 3. A CAREGIVER (3) 4. A CHAKRA (5) 5. A CLEAN CONTAINER (1) 5. into 4. à 4. (6) 6. COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS (5) 7. COMPETITION (1) 8. GUIDE (2) 8. into 9. à 9. (6) 9. A JOURNEY (4) 10. A NATURAL FORCE (2) 11. NUTRIENTS (5) 12. PARITY (2) 12. into 13. à 13. (7) 13. A TINKU (5) The frequency values found are between 1 and 5. Thus, 5=100% and 2.5=50%, and less than 2.5 frequency will be considered low frequency. Observing the identified SU metaphors’ source domains and how frequently they show up we find a) four pairs of similar/related source domains, b) one of the members of the four identified pairs, has low frequency, and c) one source domain has low frequency and it is dissimilar/unrelated to the others. The four pairs of SU metaphors’ similar/related source domains are, 2. A BOND WITH NATURE and 10. A NATURAL FORCE; 5. A CLEAN CONTAINER and 4. A CHAKRA; 8. A GUIDE and 9. A JOURNEY; and 12. PARITY and 13. TINKU. In the above pairs, the source domain with low frequency is the first of the pair (source domains with low frequency: 2., 5., 8., and 12.). Each of these low frequency’ source domains are integrated onto (à) its pair: 2. à 10. (because of their similarity/relation); 5. à 4. (and so on). In each case the frequencies are added up becoming the new frequency for 10., for 4. (and so on) and represented with a bold number (see table 7.5).

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The source domain dissimilar/unrelated to others is 7. COMPETITION and only shows up once. It will be included in the list of identified metaphors (see table 7.5) with referential purpose. Since its propositional name is the same propositional name found in the literature of western metaphors. Sustainability Metaphors from Huancavelica Identifying sustainability metaphors in Huancavelica (Peru) is included in the answer to the first research question of this study. In addition to the methodologies and methods applied, the phenomenological approach of this study has allowed us to experience and learn in the process, often more than we could have expected or imagined. Aspects of the theories supporting this study have been confirmed through our experiences and results. They also show that although culture and language differ between human groups, other features as the ones resulting from our bodily interaction with our surroundings are the same. It is because of the tangible communalities in both our human body’s sensory-motor capacities and our planet’s environments. Being a conceptual metaphor a cross-domain conceptual mapping usually is asymmetrical and directional. The mapping is from a sensory-motor source domain onto a nonphysical or abstract domain (Mark Johnson, 2017). For instance, in the conceptual metaphor SUSTAINABILITY AS TINKU, already described, analyzed and identified, the source domain is a sensory-motor perceived feature in the physical space (the convergence of two rivers to form a new river), and the target domain is any form of sustainable action.

For notational purposes metaphors are given a propositional name, as SUSTAINABILITY AS

TINKU, but the metaphor is the underlying conceptual mapping, and “that mapping is realized neurally as a complex neural binding, typically from sensory-motor areas of the brain to areas responsible for understanding and reasoning about nonphysical or abstract objects or processes” (Mark Johnson, 2017, 156). It was believed that metaphor is linguistic (just a matter of words), especially because the conceptual mapping foster polysemous linguistic expressions with meanings regarding both to physical, sensory-motor experiences and also to abstract notions.

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Thus, the polysemous term joined in “They finally joined” could have both a spatial sense (They finally joined today at the park) or metaphorical sense (They finally joined their lives). The conceptual metaphor is exposed not just in language, but in all types of symbolic expressions like vectors for movement, hand gestures, or other spontaneous gestures. In this study conceptual metaphor is revealed in oral language (utterance) and in visual language (textile images). Because the conceptual metaphor also plays a role in reasoning and inference (Mark Johnson, 2017), in this study numerous times we used our knowledge of the source domain (designed via image-schemata), to reason about the target. The nine conceptual sustainability metaphors we identified, are the underlying conceptual mappings of the propositional names contained in Table 7.5. The SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION metaphor is included although it only showed up once among identified and analyzed instances. The eight remaining metaphors are considered key sustainability metaphors because they are conceptual basic metaphors, that are grounded on conceptual basic metaphors, that are the outcome of a cross-domain conceptual mapping from a sensory-motor source domain onto the nonphysical or abstract domain SUSTAINABILITY. Their source domain (bodily experiences) gained by interacting with our surrounding physical social and cultural environments. In this case, interactions are of members of the collaborating Andean traditional community with their surroundings in their constant actions toward nurturing/sustaining life in their community. Table 7.5 Sustainability metaphors from Huancavelica

HUANCAVELICA SU METAPHORS FREQUENCY (TIMES) AS UNDERLYING SU (propositional names) METAPHOR SUSTAINABILITY AS ART (4) A CAREGIVER (3) A CHAKRA (6) COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS (5) COMPETITION (1) A JOURNEY (6) A NATURAL FORCE (4) NUTRIENTS (5)

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A TINKU (7)

Discussion on Relevant Features of Identified SU Metaphors Apart from the methodologies and methods applied, the phenomenological approach of this study has allowed us to experience and learn in the process, often more than we could have expected or imagined. Aspects of the theories of each of the involved fields of study supporting this study have been confirmed through our experiences and results. They also show that although culture and language differ between human groups, other features as the ones resulting from our bodily interaction with our surroundings are the same and we can find it. The discussion of the found sustainability metaphors will include: a) nouns that the source domain symbolises, b) metaphor’s features, c) meaning/interpretation of the sustainability metaphors (in relation to the sustainability of life approach, their applicability, and possible outcomes from their application, and d) identified image-schemas that characterize concepts supporting metaphors’ source domain. Nouns that the source domain symbolizes. The source domains of sustainability metaphors are nouns. Lakoff and Johnson (1999, 500) establish that the names of persons, places, and things are the best examples of nouns and that “The name-of relation is the relation between something conceptual and something phonological” (i.e., the concept of ball and the phonological form ball); a ball is a thing and ball as a noun is the name of that thing; “neurologically the name of relation is one of activation; when we hear and understand language the phonological form activates the concept; in speaking the concept activates the phonological form; specific cases of naming are conceptual-phonological pairings”; the word name designates the phonological pole of such a pair” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, 500-501). As neural beings, we categorize and since neural systems optimize, we extend categories radially extending minimally the central category structures that we already have. Our earliest categories are perceptual-motor categories, we all have a central physical category of bounded physical objects that gets extended as we grow older. The central category due by optimization gets extended to a radial category based on existing conceptual metaphors and other neurally based cognitive mechanisms. The result is a radial category centered around bounded physical objects (person, places, and things) and extended from this simple center in many ways. Conceptual metaphor extends persons, places, and things to metaphorical persons, places and

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things such as: states (metaphorical locations), activities (metaphorical objects, locations, or paths), ideas (metaphorical objects, or locations), institutions (metaphorical persons), and other abstract concepts; these category extensions vary from language to language (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). The category of Things is a radial category that has a universal center (persons, places and things) that can be extended differently in different languages. Consequently, the names by the Nouns of a Language are not all universal (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Kind of concept, each identified source domain symbolizes. The noun Art could designate activities (metaphorical objects, locations or paths). Thus, in the general category of Things it is thing=T or place=L. • The noun Competition could designate an activity, it is T and L. • Journey designates an activity, it is a T or L. • The noun Tinku designates a state (metaphorical location) and an activity, it is L and T. • Caregiver designates an institution (metaphorical person), it is P. • Chakra designates activities and an institution it is T, L, and P. • Communal relationships designate activities (metaphorical objects/paths), it is T, and L. • The noun, Natural force, designates activities (metaphorical objects, locations or paths). It is T and L. • The noun Nutrients designates objects, it is T. Table 7.6 Kind of concept(s), the source domain (noun) of each of the Huancavelica sustainability metaphor, symbolizes

SU AS TINKU CARE CHAKRA COMM NAT. NUTR- COMPET- ART JOURNEY (Noun) GIVER UNAL FORCE IENTS ITION RELAT.

Concept noun Symbolizes L, T P T, L, P T, L T, L T T, L, P T, L T, L T=thing L=place P=person

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To conclude, in the Huancavelica metaphors’ source domain, the most frequent kind of concept is T=thing (in eight source domains) • The concept of thing (object) is related to activities and ideas. • The source domains L=place (in seven source domains) less frequent than • T, and more frequent than P • and P=person (in three source domains) is considerably less frequent than T and L. In the Andes (where actions and ideas prevail) conditions are changing, weather conditions are uncertain and “runa have to act in agreement with the changing rhythm of Pachamama”. Metaphor’s features and similarities. From the metaphors we found in Huancavelica three have equal propositional names to the Western metaphors we found in the reviewed literature presented in Chapter 1: SUSTAINABILITY AS ART; SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION; and SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY. SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION. The SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION metaphor found in Huancavelica was one of the least representatives of this location because it is less pervasive than the others we found. We pay attention to it because the reviewed literature shown the existence of this propositional name for a metaphor in the Western world (Berry, 2015; Amanda Williams, 2019) and its frequent application to several fields (Pape, 1999; Phillips et al., 2014; Rubin et al., 2019; Sim & Kim, 2019) or its tight relationship to War paradigms and metaphor Koller, (2004) and Krause (1995) Talbot (2003) that has potential negative effects on sustainability (Audebrand, 2010). At Huancavelica’s community in spite of the high altitude (4,000 m above the sea level) mostly youth and men practice sports 1-2 times /week. Women take part in cooking, wool and cotton spinning, and bread baby making contests, organized and supported by the traditional leaders (men and women). They sometimes take place within other celebrations. The most relevant competition in several locations of Huancavelica is the traditional scissors ritual dance of Chanka origin. It is an acrobatic dance where with a musical background, men participate after a process of learning initiation and inheritance. In 2018 in Huancapite some

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women participated in this event.44 The other cultural competition with a musical background is the kuchuscha already described at the chapter 4 within the JCPW’s (09) utterance description. In the industrialized western world, with some differences, still exists the underlying idea that competition is a positive good and a desirable state leading to a fair distribution of benefits. This concept “in the West is related to a degree of individualism, egoism and striving for personal wealth ‘values’ that according to the Western perception are immanent traits of human beings” (Pape, 1999, 444). In other countries there are factors influencing the concept of competition, thus, historical (Asia), religion (Islamic countries), new ideologies (transition countries), and economic upheaval (developing countries). Peru labeled as ‘developing country’ shows through its national leaders an easy political readiness to follow the Western economic development model where international rules and benefits, condition gains for the knowledgeable of the economic game’s rules (based on media, documents, observations and/or experience of the effects of applied economic/ political national and international directives)45. Inside of Peru, exists an unequal distribution of attention and benefits to the Andean traditional communities, from the national centralist, ‘Lima46 oriented’ government. An additional fact is that Andean traditional communities are neither inclined nor equipped for competition in other fields (Gonzales, 1986) apart from sports. Although, westernizing urban politicians and capitalist minded professionals try to include traditional

Andean communities to serve foreign purposes and benefits. The SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION metaphor in the community, was identified underlying expressions about and practice of sports and other leisure activities.

44 In 2010, UNESCO inscribed the scissor’s dance on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. 45 An example is the neoliberal ‘shock therapy’ applied to Peru in the 1980’s by the ‘sellers’ of loans from the capitalist world. It is registered in Sustainability: A cultural history (Grober, 2012, 180). This author feels that M. Friedman’s neoliberal doctrine, broadly supported by Reagan and Thatcher still struggles with sustainable Earth politics. 46 Lima the national capital city established as such by the Spaniard colony. Since then, this status persists as a remnant state of mind that prefers the foreign over the local and benefits one city at expense of a whole nation. 238

The reviewed literature also shows that in the Western industrialized countries, competition a) prevails over environmental concerns in entrepreneurship education (Rubin et al., 2019); b) severely reduces the search for information before choice (Phillips et al., 2014); c) when absent, sustainability investment in the industry can be the highest. The fact that metaphorical expressions and metaphors found in this study a) surfaced through different instances of the same metaphor; and b) these instances are expressed in two different languages; confirms that we dealt with concepts and not with mere linguistic expressions. One metaphor’s multiple metaphorical expression being gestural, ritual, oral and/or visual or in different languages are all instances of the same metaphor because “it is the conceptual work that lies behind the language that makes metaphor what it is” (Lakoff & Turner, 1989, 139). Table 7.7 Sustainability related (integrating) metonymies and metaphors’ source domains found in the process of identifying the SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION metaphor

Huancavelica SUSTAINABILITY AS COMPETITION metaphor – related integrating metaphors SPORTS, KUCHUSCHA (men comparing Physical Strength),

CONTESTS (of spinning, baking, cooking) DANCING, CONVERGENCE, SAIWA (Place or point of reunion for enjoyment) SINGING, PLAYING MUSIC SONGS COMPOSING

SUSTAINABILITY AS ART. Finding the SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor confirms the readiness of humans to constant creativity. At the same time their ability to register impressions from bodily experiences within natural and social environments. Examples of this “embodied immanent meaning” (Mark Johnson, 2007, p. 234) abound in poetry, prose, visual arts and music wherever humans have the possibility of meaning, which depends on a brain in a living active body, and organism-environment interaction (Johnson, 2007). As we presented in chapter 6, scholars inquiring about the meanings of ancient Andean stonework and textiles (Anspach, 2016; Rehl, 2006) have determined the elements of the surrounding mountainous landscape as the sources of those meanings. Current textiles still convey similar meanings that are in fact conceptual metaphors confirmed in this study.

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Often beauty and emotions expressed and experienced cannot be translated into words, then, it is when visual and musical expressions apprehend and operate those embodied meanings.

The SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor is an equal claim from the Andes and other locations in the Western and Eastern worlds. Reviewed art scholars’ (see chapter 1) arguments support this metaphor including art for a more sustainable world. They argue, an intrinsic link art-environment (Kurt, 2020); methods promoting awareness, reflection and creative solving problem (DeVlieg, 2009); recovery from the unsustainable and unnatural by the vigor of local art (Gaffney, 2009; Keng Sen, 2009); ability of art creativity/design to face complexity of world’s culture and problems (Kagan, 2009, 12); art’s ability to translate the “poetics of survival” more accurate than a uniformed sustainability concept (Visvanathan, 2009, 12); integrating art to grassroots’ representatives to support “positive change” (Sood, 2009, 18).

The conceptual metaphors associated (integrating metaphors) with the SUSTAINABILITY AS

ART metaphor found in the process of identifying the above metaphor, are instances of the same metaphor although in different levels or locations in the process of integration. In the experienced case at Huancavelica, they were originated in oral and/or visual expressions from participants in this study in Chanka Qichwa language (Runasimi of the Huancavelica region) (see

Table 8.5). Western scholars like (Berry, 2015) have identified ACTING, SCULPTURE SEWING, and

TAPESTRY as source domains (third level code) for the SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor in that context. Table 7.8 Sustainability related (integrating) metonymies and metaphors’ source domains found in the process of identifying the SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor

Huancavelica SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor – source domain of related (integrating) metaphors SINGING, DANCING, UP, TRANSFER, WEAVING, EMBROIDERING, KNITTING, WAYTA (FLOWER), CONSTELLATION, MANTA, (MANTLE), QUCHACHA (LITTLE LAKE), SACHACHA (LITTLE TREE), CONTAINER. These metaphors inform us about artistic expressions including movement like dancing and acting in Huancavelica and other locations. Similar activities involving mostly women include weaving, embroidering, knitting, sewing, and tapestry. The above activities performed in Huancavelica mostly by women, are intended to complete the making of traditional clothing. This traditional clothing includes images from the 240

surrounding landscape and symbols from Andean cultural principles conforming its worldview (Weltanschauung). Colors and images from traditional clothing in this Andean region are distinctive features informing about the community and extended family (ayllu) membership (Roel & Martinez, 2014).

The SUSTAINABILITY AS ART metaphor may awaken our natural ability for: a) creativity and acting creatively, b) embodiment of beauty in the natural landscape, and in/for the man-made landscape, c) acceptance of the leadership of Nature for human ingenuity actions, and d) active respect for the sources of art: life itself and the planet as a whole.

SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY. The SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY metaphor found in Huancavelica is also another metaphor found in the literature from Western scholars (M. J.

Milne et al., 2006; Sutton, 2001). The sustainability related metaphors’ (integrating metaphors) source domains found in the process of identifying the JOURNEY metaphor are in the following table. Table 7.9 Sustainability related (integrating) metonymies and metaphors’ source domains found in the process of identifying the SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY metaphor

Huancavelica SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY metaphor – related (integrating metaphors) source domains PATH, CONVERGENCE, DESTINATION QINQU (zigzag or sinuous ROAD, PATH) MAP GUIDE In the Huancavelica case the QINQU concept corresponds to the zigzag or sinuous paths that abound in the Andes and consequently are part of the embodied experience of motion knowledge and meaning. The mountainous topography requires this type of trajectory to make it easier to walk up to or down from the hills. Moreover, the concept of roads is very well established in the mind of Andean communities because since Inka times the Qapaq Ñan (The Great Road) was the network of several walking roads. They connected communities from territories located in what currently are Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina (Pope, 2015). Along the Qapaq Ñan, features such as steps, bridges, and contention walls were built following the natural landscape patterns and using local materials under a combination of technical ingenuity and aesthetic harmony. 241

Journey and SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY metaphor. To establish the relationship between Journey and the SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY metaphor in order to understand the nature of this metaphor, we need to introduce the concepts of causation, and the Long-Term Activities Are Journeys metaphor. Causation. Among the basic concepts empirically studied under the experientialism philosophy initiated by the findings of second-generation cognitive science, it is causation (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). This concept, analyzed using the tools of cognitive science and cognitive linguistics, it is relevant because it was recognized of being largely metaphorical and thus, rooted on a basic event-structure metaphor. Our realization of what events and causes are, arises from two fundamental metaphors, the Location and Object Event-Structure metaphors that use the primary metaphors: Causes Are Forces, and Changes Are Movements (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). One conceptualizes events in terms of locations and the other does it in terms of objects.

Within the single complex mapping of THE LOCATIONS EVENT-STRUCTURE (having several submappings), the Source Domain is the domain of motion-in-space and the Target Domain is the domain of events. This mapping delivers our common understanding of the structure of events and applies our daily knowledge of motion in space to undertake them based on our movement and perception of other’s movement. This mapping permits conceptualizing events and all aspects of them based on our experience with and knowledge about motion and space. Although the consideration of all the submapping allows us to accomplish all the above, our interest is considering its sub-mapping, Long-Term, Purposed Activities Are Journeys. Long-Term Activities Are Journeys. Lakoff and Johnson (1999, 194-195) describe journeys as, lasting a long time; covering a lot of ground; often stopping at a number of destinations along the way before arriving to a final destination, if there is one. Under the rest of the Event- Structure metaphor, the above scholars propose that journeys are long-term activities with intermediate purposes in which, “intermediate purposes are intermediate destinations; ultimate purpose is the ultimate destination; actions performed are movements; progress is movement toward a destination; the initial state is the initial location; and achieving the purpose is reaching the ultimate destination. Because every aspect of the source domain of the Event-

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Structure metaphor may happen in some kind of journey, talking about long-term activities in general can be done by using journeys” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, 193). As Lakoff and Johnson (1999) write, Journeys may or may not prescribed or ultimate destinations. Some journeys are just wanderings. Some are semistructured with some intermediate, perhaps vague, destinations, but not ultimate destination. Some are well planned with a course and destinations completely specified ahead of time. The very flexibility of the concept of a journey makes it extremely useful in metaphorical thought.” (p. 194)

Considering the above, the nature of the SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY metaphor, including the flexibility of the journey concept, could mean an opportunity for introducing changes to improve the process and purposes achievement, but also could be used to mislead, avoiding clarity (i.e., on measurable indicators, final destination and so on) or slowing the process and purposes’ achievement especially when it benefits to a specific organization affecting a human or non-human community.

In metaphors like SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY there is a designated ontological mapping in which a list of slots in the JOURNEY schema maps in exactly one way onto a corresponding list of slots in the SUSTAINABILITY schema (Lakoff & Turner, 1989).

A journey “schema” has a slot for TRAVELER that can be filled by a person whom we understand to be on a journey. The metaphor SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY is a mapping of the structure of the JOURNEY schema onto the domain of SUSTAINABILITY in such a way as to set up the appropriate correspondences between, (Lakoff & Turner, 1989), Journey (Source Domain) Sustainability (Target Domain) The Traveler and the organization leading the sustainability Destinations and Its purposes (Sustainability goals) The starting point and the system to be sustained initial state Routes to follow and the means for achieving the purposes Impediments to travel and the difficulties in sustainability The guides and the counselors (stakeholders) Distance traveled and Progress Landmarks and Things the organization gauges its progress by

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Crossroads and Choices in sustainability Provisions and Moral principles, talents, material resources

Metaphors like SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY are called “specific-level metaphors” because they are specific about having defined source and target domains, and have fixed lists of entities in their mappings (Lakoff & Turner, 1989).

In the Andean world the SUSTAINABILITY AS A JOURNEY metaphor is the foundation of expressions about well-defined vertical movement and sustainability related metaphors (integrating metaphors) with source domains including Andean landscape elements. This metaphor is often visually incorporated into Andean textiles. The nature of this metaphors facilitates its often too flexible application in the western world. For instance, Milne et al. (M. J. Milne et al., 2006) found that ‘sustainable development’ is appropriated into business discourse with a commitment to continuous improvement; that invoking the journey metaphor, organizations claim they may be just beginning their engagement with sustainability, that there are difficulties involved, that sustainability demands continual learning; businesses discourse gives little emphasis to destination, or a statement on no- destination. Sutton (2001) argues that journeying towards sustainability is not enough but actually acting with results on the several configurations that organizations propose as unreachable horizons. Meaning, interpretation, and applicability of the sustainability metaphors. The meaning and interpretation of the identified metaphors will be explored to determine their applicability and/or already observed effects of their application. Metaphors will be addressed alone or compared with others depending on the relationship that could be established between them.

SUSTAINABILITY AS A NATURAL FORCE. The SUSTAINABILITY AS A NATURAL FORCE metaphor originates behaviours toward nature and society. Although the foundation of the behaviour this metaphor underlies is not to keep a business or industry ongoing. It could have certain features similar to the SUSTAINABILITY AS TRIPLE BOTTOM LINE (Henriques & Richardson,

2004) or to the SUSTAINABILITY AS MOVEMENT (Chadha, 2019; Sweeney & Connors, 2019) metaphors (discussed in Chapter 1) . They could have certain similitude which is minimized because runa (humans) consider themselves part of Nature (Pachamama). Thus, their joy,

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sadness, action, or inaction, is the continuation of the state and action of Nature. This metaphor is exemplified by the joy of the community members when the river joyfully runs after the first rain or when during the dry season wildlife seek for food as runa (humans) do.

SUSTAINABILITY AS A CAREGIVER. The SUSTAINABILITY AS A CAREGIVER metaphor is a personification of sustainability attributing to it the characteristics of a caregiver, a person that looks after life in the planet. The caregiver looks after life in the planet because she/he is also an alive entity and cares about the planet not only because of the benefits she/he obtains but because she/he is part of the planet. In several opportunities during the interaction with members of the community, instances of this metaphor were perceived, through the affectionate way they relate with elements of the landscape, including the constant care of them, the communication between runa and Sallka (environment), the awareness of the received gifts, and the reciprocal offerings (pagapu) and behaviour with natural landscape elements. In the western world personification is creating complex ideas from simpler conventional ideas, “metaphors to understand other things as people” (Lakoff & Turner, 1989).

SUSTAINABILITY AS COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS. The SUSTAINABILITY AS

COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIP metaphor is a natural way of conceptualizing sustainability of life in the Andean Highlands because without the communal work and reciprocal support sustainability could not be possible. Sustainability is the outcome of the harmonic relationship between environmental and social (including economy) factors. One way of developing personal relationships at individual and communal level, is through better ways of exercising compassion and empathy especially in certain roles such as healthcare, teaching, humanitarian (and so on) and as members of a community where sharing responsibilities and benefits is constant. In the Western world as it was implied by Pape, in the discussion about competition individualism is a prevalent feature (Pape, 1999). This conditions interpersonal relationships that may support the existence of a

SUSTAINABILITY AS INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS metaphor. This and the SUSTAINABILITY AS COMMUNAL

RELATIONSHIP share the fact that both of them are human relationships established to support sustainability of life. The following account supports the importance of human interaction: John Makransky, professor at the Boston College in his conference on sustainable compassion, defined compassion as empathy and concern that someone may have for an

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individual who is suffering (King, 2019). Makransky discussed the social baseline theory of James Cohen who supports that human brain functions best when it is connected to others and mentioned that when a person undergoes an electric shock the pain is less when holding a friend’s hand. Makransky argues that social baseline theory ties with attachment theory, it proposes that in a person’s social maturation process, people who feel they are loved are likely to act lovingly toward others. He mentions that humans are wired by evolution for human connection. Makransky underlines that the experience of being as held in care and love, it is crucial to develop “becoming a person that feels at home enough in our world, secure enough, welcomed enough, that we can then welcome others”(King, 2019). Thus, if we remember or awaken the ability to feel compassion for somebody that belongs or not, to our personal or professional circle, country, culture, or even species, we will also be able to exemplify personal and communal relationships through our attitudes and actions for sustaining life in this planet. Communal and interpersonal relationships have differences because communal relationships are the focus on the wellbeing of the whole community and not on the wellbeing of one or two individuals. Work at the family plot (chakra) is done in Ayni (reciprocal support between participating blood and spiritual relatives) allowing members of the community to follow the sudden weather changes. Personal relationships, existing in other places where the focus is on the individual person, work is paid with money, agriculture is not the most important activity, and work is not determined by weather changes although can influence some determined occupations. The human connection existing in both personal and communal relationships that I experienced in Urban Huancavelica and in the community respectively, support the conclusion of Makransky concerning the human nature. Sustainability conceptualized as personal and/or communal relationships are simple, clear, and make sense in the Andes or wherever humans relate to each other.

SUSTAINABILITY AS A CHAKRA. The SUSTAINABILITY AS CHAKRA metaphor includes complexity since it comprises ecosystem and humans as interacting and collaborating components. It is relevant to reflect on the type of relationship that runa (humans) maintain with

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ecosystem(s) within the chakra, where community members spend most of and the most rewarding moments of their life. It is where men and women help Pachamama to give birth to life, playing the role of midwives. SUSTAINABILITY AS CHAKRA metaphor emerged from the harmonious combination of its components. It was not set up or given by science or policy but by life and for life itself. This metaphor correlates sustainability of life with the concept, place, and people, where the Andean life unfolds, the chakra where runa support Pachamama to continue the flow of life as it is explained in Chapter 2 within the Andean worldview (cosmovision or Weltanschauung). Since the chakra also includes ecosystem, a complex concept introduced by ecology and economy it has to be established that the ecosystem concept implies an unequal relationship humans-ecosystem. This relationship causes negative effects for ecosystems and useful effects for humans. The ecosystem, as a whole or focused on specific types of relationships of its components, has been used to make sense of diverse systems in several fields of formal knowledge. However, the complexity of ecosystems adds a factor of risk when sustainability and ecosystems are correlated in a metaphor as it occurred in the following case assessed by Norgaard (2010): 1. To communicate the delusion of economic growth and the meaning of sustainability, nature was presented as a fixed stock of capital that can sustain a limited flow of ‘ecosystem services’ (Norgaard, 2010). 2. Development and environment were thought in terms of ‘ecosystem services’ (Pagiola, S., et al., 2004; World Bank, 2009). 3. This particular application of the concept of metaphor considered an eye-opening metaphor, had unintended effects as it was found by Norgaard (2010): (a) the ecosystem service metaphor impedes us to see the complexity of natural systems, the ecological knowledge available to work with that complexity, and the amount of effort, or transactions costs, necessary to seriously and effectively engage with ecosystem management; (b) as we consider how significant our environmental problems are, we find how inappropriate has been the partial equilibrium and project- by-project approach for utilizing the concept of ecosystem services; and (c) the focus on optimizing economy by including ecosystem services has blinded us to more

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questions related to institutional changes to reducing human pressure on ecosystems specially by the rich, and to adapt to sudden ecosystem changes caused by current and future climate dynamics . Consequently, the ecosystem’s multiple aspects require additional frameworks to understand how it works. Moreover, the climate change adds more factors of complexity to natural systems. A sustainability metaphor intended to help on clarifying the already subjective nature of the sustainability concept, finds in the ecosystem concept only an increment in complexity.

SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS. The SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS metaphor was instanced by several oral, ritual, and other expressions about the importance of nutrients for runa and for all the forms of life existing at the community in the Huancavelica highlands. The closest western concepts related with the ones underneath sustainability as nutrients are sustainable agriculture and food security. Sustainable agriculture may be defined by practices that leave the soil and surrounding environment in as good if not better conditions after harvest (Hatfield & Karlen, 1993). The above-mentioned expressions on the importance given to nutrients to sustain life in the Andes include activities such as crops and plot rotation, use of natural fertilizers, manual weed control, traditional prevention of frost and hail, maintaining or increasing diversity and avoidance of monoculture. The importance given to a nurturing agriculture is based on respecting and supporting life of people and the other forms of life including more than animals and plants. Rituals are the emotional and spiritual nutrients closely linked to agricultural activities. It is important to notice that the sustainable and/or organic agriculture in the western world include activities similar to the ones practiced in the Andes such as, crop rotation, elimination of synthetic pesticides and other agrochemicals, and biological control of insects and diseases (Redick, 2014). The SUSTAINABILITY AS NUTRIENTS metaphor it is the mapping of concepts supporting agriculture including organization, principles and human activities to nurture (sustain) life in the Andes regenerating at the same time the conditions to allow the Pachamama cycles and rhythm to keep the flow of life.

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SUSTAINABILITY AS TINKU. The above metaphors source’s domains have in common that in both there are two entities meeting in a point (in time and space) although, instances of them are different. The earlier sensory-dynamic perception of a tinku in the life of a person in the Andes is the convergence of two rivers to form a new river, they meet because the topographic and /or seasonal conditions allow that event to happen. Later the concept is applied to meetings with specific and relevant purpose. For instance, building a house in ayni within an Ayllu (extended family under blood and spiritual ties basis of an Andean community). Harmony, and good humor are the common advice and practice in every ayni (reciprocal supporting work among ayllu’s members) and minka (obligatory work contribution to benefit the whole community or other organization or family in need). Community celebrations often include minka, then, communal effort makes it possible to offer tokens of appreciation to every attending guest. Sustainability conceptualized as TINKU proposes a merging of principles, purposes, and actions of participants or groups of participants in the process of sustaining life in the planet Earth. Moreover, since the tinku occurs within a time and place as containers the sustainability process requires that we take into account the correspondent features to be successful. In conclusion a) sustainability metaphors in general are an expression of the concern humans have for social, environmental, and economic wellbeing, b) Andean sustainability metaphors are influenced by natural environment, traditional practices and organization and they are oriented to sustaining all forms of life based on agriculture, c) Some western sustainability metaphors found in the reviewed literature are oriented to support human life, to influence businesses and industry, to enable attention to the social and environmental factors, d) many approaches in different fields of the western world started using natural systems to compose their message which sometimes needed improvement as the inherent complexity of natural systems was realized and because of the prevalent interest of the capitalist approach on the economic factor, and e) Andean sustainability have emerged from the daily life experiences of runa interacting with their environment and culture including emotions, feelings, and beliefs. Numerous Andean sustainability metaphors are based on conceptual structures arising from our sensorimotor experience and the neural structures that gave rise to it. These conceptual

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structures are characterized by image-schemata and motor schemata. Thus, the two of the image-

schemata identified (Mark Johnson, 1987) for TINKU are: MERGING, and CONTAINER. Image-schemas of metaphor’s source domain. Image schemas are sensory-motor patterns that give shape connection and significance to what we experience (Mark Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). The image-schemas corresponding to the concepts supporting the source domains of the sustainability metaphors are other criteria’s component to characterize the identified metaphors of this study. Table 7.10 includes the identified image schema for each source domain’s concept of the identified sustainability metaphors. The image-schemas characterizing the concept could be more than one as we can see in the table. The identified image-schemas were defined/listed by Johnson (Mark Johnson, 1987). Table 7.10 Image-schemas characterizing the concepts underpinning the source domain of the identified sustainability metaphors

HUANCAVELICA METAPHORS IMAGE-SCHEMATA (I-s) I-s I-s Adding SUSTAINABILITY AS… Occurrences/metaphor Occurrences ART CONTAINER 2+2+2+3=9 9 ENABLEMENT 2+2+3+4=11 11 PATH 0+2+3+0=5 5 BALANCE 0+2+2+0=4 4 LINK 0+2+3+0=5 5 MATCHING 0+1+0+0=1 1 WHOLE-PART 0+1+0+0=1 1 CONTACT 0+0+3+5=8 8 CYCLE 0+0+2+0=2 2 MERGING 0+0+2+1=3 3 PART-WHOLE 0+0+2+2=4 4 16. 16 PROCESS 0+0+1+0=1 OBJECT 0+0+1+0=1 ATTRACTION 0+0+1+0=1 1 VERTICALITY 0+0+0+1=1 COLLECTION 0+0+1+0=1

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A CAREGIVER LINK 2+0+0=2 7 CONTACT 2+2+3=9 17 MERGING 2+0+2=4 7 ENABLEMENT 2+2+3=7 18 ATTRACTION 1+0+0=1 2 MATCHING 1+2+2=5 6 9. PART-WHOLE 1+1+1=3 7 CONTAINER 0+3+3=6 15 BALANCE 0+2+0=2 6 A CHAKRA CONTAINER 4+3+3+2+4+4=20 35 ENABLEMENT 4+2+1+2+2+6=17 35 PART-WHOLE 3+2+0+2+1+2=10 17 SURFACE 1+1+0+1+0+2=5 OBJECT 1+1+0+1+3+1=7 BALANCE 0+2+0+0+0+6=8 14 MERGING 0+1+0+0+2+0=3 10 VERTICALITY 0+0+2+0+0+0=2 COUNTERFORCE, 0+0+0+2+0+0=2 13 18 CYCLE 0+0+0+2+2+0=4 PATH 0+0+0+1+2+0=3 23 CONTACT 0+0+0+0+2+0=2 19 MATCHING 0+0+0+0+0+1=1 7 COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS CONTAINER 2+4+3+1+4=14 49 ENABLEMENT 4+4+4+2+2=16 51 CONTACT 4+0+5+2+2=13 32 LINK 3+0+0+2+0=5 12 MERGING 3+0+1+2+2=8 18 PART-WHOLE 0+3+2+0+0=7 24 SURFACE 0+1+0+0+0=1 OBJECT 0+1+0+0+3=4 VERTICALITY 0+0+1+0+0=1 13 ATTRACTION 0+0+0+1+0=1 MATCHING 0+0+0+1+0=1 8 PATH 0+0+0+1+3=4 CYCLE 0+0+0+0+2=2 27

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COMPETITION MERGING, 2 20 CONTACT 2 34 LINK, 2 14 CONTAINER 2 51 6 20 ITERATION 1 SCALE 1 19

JOURNEY CONTACT 3+2+2+3+1=11 45 ENABLEMENT 3+2+2+0+1=8 59 LINK, 3+0+0+0+1=4 17 PATH 3+0+0+1+1=5 10 BALANCE, 2+1+1+0+0=4 18 CYCLE 2+0+0+2+0=4 MERGING 2+2+2+0+1=7 27 CONTAINER 2+3+3+2+0=10 61 PART-WHOLE 2+1+0+0+0=3 27 PROCESS 1+0+0+0+0=1 OBJECT 1+1+1+0+0=3 ATTRACTION 1+0+0+0+0=1 3 COLLECTION 1+0+0+0+0=1 SURFACE 0+1+1+0+0=2 VERTICALITY 0+0+0+2+0=2 COUNTERFORCE 0+0+0+2+0=2 A NATURAL FORCE CONTAINER 2+0+2+2=6 67 ENABLEMENT 4+0+2+2=8 67 CONTACT 4+0+0+0=4 49 LINK 3+1+2+2=8 25 MERGING 3+0+0+0=3 30 8 MATCHING, 0+1+2+2=5 13 ATTRACTION, 0+0+3+3=6 PART-WHOLE 0+0+1+1=2 29 NUTRIENTS CONTAINER 3+4+3+3+2=15 82 ENABLEMENT 3+4+2+4+6=19 86 LINK 2+0+0+0+0=2 27 PART-WHOLE 0+3+2+2+2=9 38 COLLECTION 1+0+0+0+0=1 BALANCE 1+0+2+0+6=9 27 CONTACT 1+0+0+5+0=6 55

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11 SURFACE 0+1+1+0+0=2 OBJECT 0+1+1+0+1=3 MERGING 0+0+1+1+0=2 32 VERTICALITY 0+0+0+1+0=1 TINKU CONTACT 3+2+2+2+2+6+3=20 75 ENABLEMENT 3+2+2+2+1+0+3=13 99 LINK, 3+0+2+0+2+0+0=7 34 PATH 3+0+2+3+0+2+0=10 20 BALANCE, 2+1+0+0+0+0+0=3 30 CYCLE 2+0+0+2+0+4+0=8 MERGING 2+2+2+2+2+0+2=12 44 CONTAINER 2+3+0+4+2+4+3=18 100 PART-WHOLE 2+1+1+1+0+0+1=6 44 PROCESS 1+0+0+0+0+0+0=1 OBJECT 1+1+0+3+0+2+0=7 16 ATTRACTION 1+0+1+0+0+0+0=2 5 COLLECTION 1+0+0+0+0+0+0=1 SURFACE 0+1+0+0+0+0+0=1 MATCHING 0+0+1+0+0+0+2=3 9 VERTICALITY 0+0+0+0+0+4+0=4

Source of image-schemata: The Body in the Mind (Mark Johnson, 1987, 126). Table 7.10 includes the identified image schemata that surfaced as the origin of the source domain concept in each of the identified sustainability metaphors. For the discussion on concepts and the image-schemata originating them, the most frequent and appropriate image schemata will be chosen. As indicated in bold in table 7.10. The most frequent image schemata originating the concept of ART are ENABLEMENT, CONTAINER, and CONTACT. Because of the ENABLEMENT image-schema, Art expresses feelings, wishes, views, messages (and so on) enabling in different ways the artist and the receptor of these expressions. The concept of Art is originated by the CONTAINER image- schema causing Art to develop inside of a culture and also in an influencing geographic location. The CONTACT image -schema makes possible for Art to get the attention of persons contacting

them by communicating its message. The concept of CAREGIVER has its origin in the CONTACT, ENABLEMENT and CONTAINER image-schemata because it is manifested in the close relationship (CONTACT) 253

existing between humans and other existing forms of life in our planet. The above relationships enable all interacting forms of life to maintain life within a physical location (CONTAINER) that belongs to a bigger container, the planet Earth. The concept of CHAKRA includes the following underlying image-schemas: CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT, PART-WHOLE, BALANCE, and CYCLE. These image- schemata give a sense of the complexity of the CHAKRA concept. Chakra is the place (CONTAINER)where traditional Andean inhabitants spend most of their life. It is where spiritual, physical, and emotional, events occur, and familial and communal interactions happen. The chakra is where food grows, to nurture runa’s life which is the BALANCE that makes sustainability of life possible in her/his ayllu and community. Chakra as an integral sample of the Andean universe makes evident the Part-Whole image-schema as one of its origins. Agriculture practiced in the Chackra shows the cyclical character of this complex system that includes humans as one of its components. COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS are also a rich distinctive Andean feature confirmed by the image-schemata originating this concept: ENABLEMENT, CONTAINER, CONTACT, LINK, MERGING, PART-WHOLE. The communal organization is the source of strength of the Andean culture. It enables community members to face the uneasy climatic and topographic conditions at the Andean highlands. The Andes ecological, and cultural context are the container where the contact among community members and other forms of life get linked for mutual support. All of the community members and living organisms share the physical environment being part of a universe where survival is a constant challenge. The COMPETITION concept is originated in the following sensory-motor patterns or image-schemas, CONTAINER because competitions are in specific areas or disciplines (including Kuchushcha). ITERATION, because the participants improve their abilities by trying and practicing many times. SCALE since it implies measurement of the performance of competitors. Moreover, in the Andes MERGING sensory-motor pattern is relevant because competition is undertaken within a friendly event where community members merge to strengthen their relationships.

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JOURNEY’s image-schemas include CONTACT, ENABLEMENT, PATH (SOURCE- PATH-GOAL) and MERGING that clearly describe the structure of the concept of journey and guides in the mapping of the SUSTAINABILITY AS JOURNEY metaphor. The concept of movement is general and is originated in the PATH image-schema. The image-schemata ENABLEMENT, LYNK, CONTAINER, and ATTRACTION are the origin of the NATURAL FORCE’s concept showed by the support humans receive from Nature to keep alive and a place (CONTAINER) to enjoy. The relationship between humans and Nature makes us to feel attracted to enjoy natural settings. Recognizing the gifts, we received could help us build reciprocal relations with Nature. In the Andes runa becomes a continuation of Nature by experiencing the joy and suffering of Nature along her/his life. ENABLEMENT together with CONTAINER, BALANCE, and PART-WHOLE image- schemata are the origins of the concept of NUTRIENTES. These image-schemata show up in the effect that nutrients have in both humans and Nature to overcome sudden changes and other events. Balance is an image-schema that provides with conditions that make possible life, and Part-Whole is shown through the successful relationship of living forms with their surrounding environments. The TINKU concept is originated in the CONTACT, CONTAINER, ENABLEMENT, MERGING and PATH image-schemata. These image schemata are the outcome of the sensory- motor interaction of runa with the mountainous high-altitude Andean landscape. There, a hydrological system including glaciers, lakes, and rivers, allows the sensorial experience of successive convergence of rivers (Tinku) to become part of basins that eventually end up in the Pacific or Atlantic Ocean. The Contact and Merging image -schemata underly the meeting of two entities, the Container the context of the meeting, the Enablement is the outcome of the meeting that is the beginning of a better venture and the Path image-schema underlies the movement of the new entity after the meeting. The BALANCE image-schema has been found underlying the two concepts related with life, CHAKRA and NUTRIENTS. This is explained because: a) only when all the necessary factors are in equilibrium life is possible, b) at the chakra runa looks after plants that provide

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fruits for nurturing (sustaining) life in the community, and c) nutrients are factors contributing to the balance that makes life possible. The patterns of our rationality are linked to the preconceptual schemata that give comprehensible order and connectedness to our experience. The Balance schemata has originated in our early experiences when from crawling we learned to stand up and walk somehow coordinating forces, positions, movements and other factors. The PATH image-schema is one of the origins of the JOURNEY and TINKU concepts because both imply movement. The MERGING image-schema is among the origins of the concepts of JOURNEY, TINKU, and COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS since in these concepts, entities come together to generate a better and stronger outcome. In addition, TINKU and COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIP are originated by the CONTAINER image-schema since they occur in a place and/or socio-cultural context. The CONTACT image-schema is among the origins of the ART, CAREGIVER, COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIP, JOURNEY, and TINKU concepts because in all of these concepts exist interaction with participant entities. The ENABLEMENT image-schema is one of the origins of all the identified concepts (source domains) except Competition. These outcomes confirm the commitment existing in the human’s mind (product of bodily experience) to find enabling ways for survival within any physical social or cultural context. The CONTAINER image-schema is one of the origins of all the identified concepts except Journey. This is explained by the fact that all the concepts imply actions occurring within a specific context while JOURNEY does not imply a determined end location of its trajectory. Conclusions. First, (a) an image-schema is a metaphor’s feature that helps to identify the origin of the concept of the metaphor’s source domain, to clarify and describe its meaning and consequently the nature and meaning of the sustainability metaphor in this case; b) image schemas, applied in any case as other basic experiential structures, help us to become aware of their role in our conceptual system and facilitate identifying/formulating metaphorical expressions instanced by metaphors about human relations like social interaction; (c) in the nine metaphor’s source domain that were analyzed, a total of twenty image-schemata were found as

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origins of the concepts from these source domains, d)The image-schemata CONTAINER and ENABLEMENT have more occurrences than the others. That means that they are two of the origins of source domains of eight (more than 50%) of the found nine sustainability metaphors. Our rationality is embodied and never based only on abstract conceptualizations and propositional judgements. The significant occurrence of the CONTAINER image-schema could be explained based on the fact that “the experiential basis for in-out orientation is that of spatial boundedness. And the experientially sense for boundedness seems to be that of three-dimensional containment (i.e. being held in a tridimensional enclosure such as a womb, a crib, or a room)” (Mark Johnson, 1987). The significant occurrence of the ENABLEMENT image-schemata could be explained by the outcomes of humans’ bodily interaction with their environment translated into resilience, adaptation, and several physical, social, and emotional learnings to sustain their life in this planet. In the following chapter, based on outcomes found and discussed in this chapter, the research questions will be answered, and final conclusions will be presented.

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Chapter 8: Answers to Research Questions and Conclusions Introduction Sustainability (SU) has been defined in many ways. Often as something external to us including only one form of life, the human and one of the inventions of human mind, economy. Frequently, monetary variables are presented to us as unescapable measure of success, goals to achieve, even the means to validate our life. Thus, financial poverty and illiteracy are presented to us as world problems. This study shows that poverty of emotion (and feelings) for Nature and ecological illiteracy are problems to consider when sustaining life. As we discover ourselves and immerse in a broader reality of deep dependence from other forms of life, sustainability of life emerges as a priority to attend. Ecological literacy calls for consciously experiencing the ecosystems that generously protect us and provide life for us. Perhaps realizing that we do not possess ecosystems and life, but they possess us, this literacy may start. And searching ways of reciprocal care with those living ecosystems and beyond with what we call “space” life may keep flowing and more interpretations of her will follow. We humans are not respecting the “limits to growth”. Rather we are imposing unnatural paths of over-exploitation of ecosystems. Here, where unequal distribution of what does not belong to us, what we call “natural resources”, requires a quick and immediate change. This study was proposed as a way of learning more about conceptual structures related to sustainability that are exemplified and communicated through language, and action. In this way we can find more effective modes of learning and sharing about sustaining life on/in our planet. Searching for the above knowledge I got accepted as a guest within a community where long passed ancestors are today constantly honored. A place where a river, a mountain, and a child inspire equally tender oral expressions of love and compassion that translate themselves into actions of care and respect. Through very valuable experiences and thanks to persons that share all that they have, we had access to experiencing other conceptions and praxis of sustainability, other ‘interpretations in the flow of life.’

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No less generous are the scholars that share the outcome of their efforts and knowledge about sustainability in general and sustainability metaphors (SU Mp) in particular; cognitive science, conceptual metaphor, metonymy (Mn), and image-schema (I-s); phenomenology, worldview, ethnography, and Andean culture, to cite a few. Purpose. The purpose of this chapter is to summarize a response for each of the questions of this study. To underline and integrate the conclusions of this research. And finally identify relevant themes to continue exploring more ways of improving attitudes and actions of humans towards sustaining life in/on Earth. Answering Question One What are the key metaphors in relation to sustainability within the discourse of Andean and Western cultures? Although the question includes both Andean and Western sustainability metaphors, given the existent conditions when the fieldwork started: a) time constraints, b) absence of scholarly sources on conceptual sustainability metaphors from a traditional Andean community, and c) existence of scholarly sources on western conceptual sustainability metaphors in general. An experiential qualitative research focused on searching the Andean key conceptual metaphors was undertaken for ten months within an Andean context. The nine key sustainability metaphors found are contained in the following table.

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Table 8.1 Conceptual sustainability metaphors identified in Huancavelica (Peru)

HUANCAVELICA METAPHORS (propositional names) SUSTAINABILITY AS ART A CAREGIVER A CHAKRA COMMUNAL RELATIONSHIPS COMPETITION A JOURNEY A NATURAL FORCE NUTRIENTS A TINKU These metaphors are the cognitive mechanisms that give raise to thought and language in the physical, social, and cultural, context where they were identified. Considering that metaphor makes use of, and amalgams with, all the elements of embodied meaning (sensory motor concepts, image-schemas, executing schemas for action structures, and others for the structure of grammatical constructions) (Mark Johnson, 2017). It is necessary to include (even to experience) elements of the physical, cultural, and social, context of the persons whose metaphorical expressions are instances of the metaphors being searched, thus these expressions will guide the identification of the metaphor(s). Because the Western sustainability metaphors found in the reviewed literature did not include/report the above considerations they could not be part of the answer and the time constrains did not allow extending the inquiry to a western location. The Western sustainability metaphors from the reviewed literature were sometimes referred when discussing the identified metaphors in the Andes. The following section will introduce the finding of the correspondent local word for the meaning of the English word ‘sustainability’. This word and its meaning were imprescindible for this study because SUSTAINABILITY was the defined target domain of the metaphors to be found. ‘Sustainability’ in the Andean highlands. Motivated for the need to find ‘in situ’ the ‘equivalent’ in Chanka-Qichwa or Runasimi from the region ( the preferred of two languages) of

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the word ‘sustainability’, I initiated my early observations and conversations in the community around the most important ‘motif’ for the community members to keep going every day. Temperature changes were frequent (sometimes from -6 to +5 to -3) on the slope of a mountains, surrounded by higher mountains; with a view of more than one little (due to the distance) towns on farther mountain tops where the altitude makes it hard to breath. After observing the daily interaction community members have with their natural landscape and with their chakra (agricultural plot given to a family) where they spent most of their time every day, I asked them about their work during our conversations. Following there is an excerpt of my journal including some of the answers I got. The conversations were originally in Runasimi and Spanish. Box 8.1 Journal excerpt on informal conversations in the community. Q: Why do you look after your chakra and the field? Q: what do you look after in your chakra or the field? A: “because we want to live”; “because that it is our A: “Life”; “Food for life”; “here we nurture life work”; if we do not plant and harvest who will do it for everywhere”; “in the field all is alive” when you walk, us?”; “in the field animals also need food like us, all the stones the river, the spring, they look at you too”. need help” Q: Why are you interested in the stars at night and in Q: How do you nurture the chakra and the field? the sky during the day? A: “with work, with manure”; “with music and warm A: “because we want to live”; “they tell us when to words too”; “they are like us, like animals”; “you prepare soil, to plant, to hill, to burn”; “we nurture the nurture them, they nurture you” chakra, the field, and they nurture to us all.” (Conversations with Ela, Coya, Frey and Anki., E. Brownlee Journal, Huancapite, Huancavelica, Oct. 2018) After this, more conversations and participation in the actual chackra tasks followed, allowing us to conclude that a) in the community most daily activities were oriented to support agriculture to produce food for self-consumption, b) the closest meaning for sustainability is “nurturance”, c) considering everything alive in the chakra and the field, nurturance needs to be completed as “nurturance of life”, d) nurturance is constant and works in two directions, it is reciprocal, you nurture and allow to be nurtured, e) sustainability in the Andes is sustainability of life.

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Answering Question Two What are the differences in nature, role, and effect of Western and Andean metaphors found in the sustainability discourse? Consistent with the answer of the question one, this question will be answered about nature, role, and effect of Andean metaphors. Nature. Symbolized concept. Since (a) neurologically, as we hear and understand language the phonological form activates the concept and when we talk the concept activates the phonological form; (b) source domains of metaphor are nouns; (c) the noun category is a phonological form of the conceptual Thing category; and (d) the category Thing has a universal center, namely, persons (P), places (L), and things (T), the source domain of each sustainability metaphor we identified, symbolizes a kind or kinds of concept (P, L, T) (see the seventh chapter). About the source domain (noun) of the Huancavelica metaphors we found that: a) the most frequent kind of concept is T=thing, b) the concept of thing (object) is related to activities (related to processes) and ideas, c) the concept of place (location) is related to states and ideas. We can conclude that the source domain (name) of the metaphors found confirm that in the Andes, where actions (related to processes) and ideas prevail, conditions are more changing, and weather conditions are uncertain, “runa have to act constantly in agreement with the changing rhythm of Pachamama” as they say. The two metaphors with source domain in Runasimi: TINKU and CHAKRA Social origin. In the Andes the sustainability metaphors underlying practices, rituals and symbols have been identified in a highland community actively collaborating throughout this study. However, the other (urban) Huancavelica and its westernizing society often copies the sustainability metaphors underlying foreign approaches that could raise dangerous actions on its megadiversity. At the national and regional levels, there are several examples of implanted, unsuccessful (for the environment and social grassroots) metaphors such as “NATURAL CAPITAL,

ECOSYSTEM SERVICES, MINING IS DEVELOPMENT” and so on (Huancavelica local and regional newspapers and websites and conversations with students of the regional university, Dec 2017, Mar 2018, Sept 2018).

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Role and effect. The sustainability metaphors from Huancavelica because they emerge from the grassroots as in this study, have a role of affirmation, underlying, education for environmental action (on Pachamama, on Mother Nature) to sustain life in the Andes and by inspiration, in other locations on the planet. The role of sustainability metaphors generated in other realities and with purposes oriented to other priorities (i.e. monetary growth) may work in these other realities but not in Huancavelica. When these foreign metaphors are applied in westernizing Huancavelica, they create confusion and unsustainability affecting the environment (Nature) and its components locally and globally, among them, us. Often, foreign businesses (i.e. mining, monetary loans) established in the Huancavelica region, with the support of local politicians use ‘sustainable development’ metaphors in disagreement with the local understanding, environment, and culture. The consequences include social conflicts and environmental disasters (Cuarto Poder, 2019; Pinto, 2010; Slack, 2009). Answering Question Three Which are the metaphors that inspire influence, and persuade, to action for sustaining life in the planet Earth? Similar sustainability metaphors. Three of the metaphors we found in Huancavelica seem similar to the ones existing in the western world as reported in the reviewed literature. They are Sustainability as: Art, a Journey, and Competition. They could be considered as persuasive enough in both Andean and Western contexts. However, and because the metaphor Sustainability as a Journey has been already proven to be susceptible of lack of precision about goals and defined time periods, it could be necessary to find ways of wider participation to improve its precision factors. The Sustainability as Art metaphor needs to be exemplified through specific cultural and artistic expressions. To detail a representative art from each of the contexts where this metaphor was identified a more detailed study is required. In Huancavelica the art of ‘away’ (textile design and weaving) is the most representative for the Andean context consequently it would be persuasive enough to be used as a sustainability metaphor. In this way actions on the environment especially in the westernizing part of the region could correlate with the process of devoting the best of the efforts to “weave”. A piece of art can talk about the weaver and her/his

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attitude, care, and devotion when acts on the environment no matter what activity she/he is involved in. The Sustainability as Competition metaphor is applied in the field of sports in the Andes. This metaphor is applied for different gains in other fields and contexts in that region. Commercial towns wishing to be inserted into the neoliberal economic doctrines of “privatization, deregulation, and fetishization of economic growth” (Grober, 2012, 180) apply this metaphor. Sustainability of life on the planet cannot agree with this application. In the Andean traditional communities for the celebrations of the Dead, groups of women work together making bread and often get “prices” from the traditional authorities as a token of recognition for participating in these events. The whole group participates to teach and learn. It is at the university that community’s young women and men experience competing with each other in other fields. The complementarity principle does not leave room for competition between men and women at the community. Sport competition is more noticeable among young and adult men at the highlands. In conclusion competition is not the best option for persuasion towards sustainability of life in any context. The relationship that lasts more time and overpasses more difficulties is love not competition. Runa demonstrates that we can love Pachamama as we depend entirely on her generosity to be alive. Image-Schemas and inspiring metaphors. The metaphors that inspire us to sustain life in the Earth are the ones that are structured by image-schemata like MERGING (see Table 7.10) since it means coming together to strengthening the purposes and actions to building or maintaining something together. Examples are the Sustainability as Tinku metaphor, and Sustainability as Communal Relationships metaphor. An image-schema that could enable us to sustain life in Earth is ENABLEMENT. This image-schema structures all the identified SU metaphors except Sustainability as Competition. This metaphor is actually not as representative as the other eight metaphor are. This confirms that competition is in opposition to what is required to sustain all forms of life on our planet. The metaphors of sustainability that are originated by the image schema ENABLEMENT like the Sustainability as Nutrients metaphor, may enable humans to reciprocate Nature’s nurturance and may inspire principles attitude and actions to sustain life in this planet.

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In general, among the metaphors that inspire us to sustain life in the planet are the ones that remind us our dependence from other forms of life (from Nature). The ones that make us aware of the need to experience the physical and social environment deeply and intentionally, without bracketing our emotions from reason. And perhaps then, we will remember our primordial common origin with this planet and with others we call stars. Conclusions Specific conclusions. Throughout this document there are already several specific conclusions about the findings. Based on reviewed bibliography there are conclusions about sustainability in chapter one, and about worldview (Weltanschauung) in chapter two. Since chapter three included, philosophical, methodological, and data collection approaches, it is the source of conclusions about their pertinence for this study. In chapters five and six there are specific conclusions about the nature and importance of the findings. They include sustainability related metaphors, metonymies and image-schemas underlying oral and visual utterances in the Andean context. These chapters include recommendations on theory’s transferability and findings testing. Conclusions about the identified sustainability metaphors and their features are presented in chapter seven. Chapter eight answers the research questions and describes and concludes on the meaning of ‘sustainability’ in the context of the traditional community (TC) where this study was undertaken. Quality of conclusions. To help us to judge the quality of conclusions along the study, practical standards suggested by Miles et al. (2014) are applied. These standards were introduced and summarized in chapter three (boxes 3.2 – 3.6). Objectivity/confirmability. During this study a relative neutrality and realistic freedom from researcher biases were maintained. The inevitable unconscious bias was the affection of the researcher for the Andean culture because of her background. This, however, could have been a source of endurance and motivation to overcome obstacles found in the process. The applied methods and procedures in this study are described explicitly and in detail. Their record can be audited by an outsider. The actual sequence of data collection, processing, condensation, and display for obtaining specific conclusions, can be followed. The conclusions are explicitly related to exhibits of displayed data.

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The researcher has been self-aware of personal values and affective states, mostly implicitly. Self-awareness is a condition of the phenomenological approach of the study that implies bracketing personal assumptions. The study’s data are available for re-analysis by others under the university’s regulations. Reliability/dependability/auditability. The study was conducted with reasonable care, there is consistency and reasonable stability across methods. The research questions are clear although the study design required to be adapted to be congruent with conditions of time and distance. The role and status of the researcher within the collaborating community were explicitly explain in the community and in chapter three (p. 66-67) of this document. The findings of this study show a meaningful parallelism with participants, context and time. In this study basic theories and analytic constructs are clearly specified. Theory and applied methods and procedures are connected assuring the reliability of the outcomes of the analysis. In the study this reliability determines the reliability of successive applied methods. The collection of data was through settings, times, participants, and so on in relation to Andean metaphors and considering the reasons explained in the section “answering question one” of chapter eight (p. 285) of this document. Data quality checks have been made by conversing with academics from the regional university (professors and students) and with community members residing in towns of the region (outside of the TC lands). Supervisor’s reviews are part of this study. Internal validity/credibility/authenticity. Considerable time was spent experiencing life in the community. The researcher had the opportunity of experiencing constant learning during that period. Participants contributed with constant validations and suggestions during that time. Some examples are discussed in meaning of sustainability in the Andean highlands pages 262- 263, CBC-Cwt pages 101-102, CBC-Crs pages 104-105, and CBC-Act page 105. All the above

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makes us confident of the authenticity of the ‘portrait of what we were looking at.’ (Miles et al., 2014). Although when there was a need for one or two successive translations between the included languages (Chanka-Qichwa, Spanish, and English), descriptions in this study are context-rich, significant and “thick” (Geertz, 1973). The account truthfulness is supported by the existence of traditional Andean communities that by overcoming severe conditions are able to sustain life in their region. Triangulation among complementary methods and data sources produced generally converging conclusions. Examples are image schemata frequency, and outcoming sustainability metaphors; and representative utterances from IPA and SU metaphors from MA. The data presented are well linked to the categories of the emerging theory about the identification of SU metaphors analyzing utterances/textile’s images, SU related metonymies and metaphors, under contextual considerations Findings are clear, consistent and thoroughly related (Charmaz, 2006; E. W. Eisner, 1991) More than one finding (SU metaphor, cultural principles’ application) has been replicated in other parts of the data base (participants’ utterances, conversations, observations). Specific preliminary conclusions were considered to be accurate by the participants. Final conclusions were not put under consideration of participants because i) a formal guaranteed anonymity was signed ii) the final conclusions were finalized in Canada and communication with the community is difficult. External validity/transferability/fittingness. The conclusions of this study are transferable to other contexts because they are related to instances of metaphors that are the outcome of bodily interactions with physical, social, and cultural contexts. Among cultural conditions there are some differences that could be attended by making specific adaptations/changes of methodology, methods, and procedures. The features of the examples, settings, and processes are abundantly described to allow suitable comparison with other examples.

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In the CBC method the report, i) does not examine the number of participants in conversations, ii) implies availability of participants vs seasonal type of agricultural activities iii) describes the number and type of visits to organizations. In the IPA method the report critically examines the limits on sample selection and its ability to generalize to other settings. The diversity of the participants within the community, shows a strong possibility of a broader applicability. The findings include enough explanation for readers to evaluate the potential transferability and pertinence for their own settings. The findings are congruent and/or confirmatory with prior ethnographic and cognitive theory. On sustainability, the Andean approach is an outcome of the unique physical and cultural conditions characterizing this context. The processes and outcomes described in the conclusions are appropriate for equivalent locations. Any theories and their transferability are explicitly indicated. The report suggests settings where the findings could successfully be tested further (at the end of this document). Utilization/application/action orientation. This study has demonstrated interest and attention for its participants and their teachings. The Andean culture that proven resilience and deep love for Nature (Pachamama). For learners and searchers of sustainability, it provides one more interpretation in the flow of life that hopefully will encourage us to act towards sustaining life in our planet. There are ethical concerns implicitly and explicitly raised in the report. In chapter three and four: i) community access to full disclosure of the study plans, purposes, and outcomes accessibility ii) participants access to detailed information of the study and guaranteed anonymity iii) underlying the poor behaviour of colonizers by destroying rich sources of data storage systems of Andean ancestors iv) underlying the inappropriate unconsulted labeling of some social sciences to other cultures as important as their own. The outcomes of this study will be intellectually and physically available to potential users, through this document (PhD dissertation). The findings are intellectually stimulant and provide research ideas for the reader.

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The offered knowledge ranges from i) awareness on the need to sustain life in/on the planet Earth, ii) to a theory dealing with the search for and the effect of oral and visual metaphorical expressions for action towards sustainability of life. The study’s activities undertaken in the community generated among participants: i) increment of awareness on knowledge of their landscape and ecosystems, ii) ability to teach by doing, deep respect for Nature (i.e. ecosystems health maintenance), iii) increased self-stem as community keeper of an ancient culture. The reaffirmation on their culture is significant for Andean inhabitants since, in spite of not being the priority of national authorities, they have demonstrated sustainability of life. Based on the process and findings of this study users of them have and will develop new capacities. General conclusions. On approach, theory, and methods. The approach, selected theory of knowledge, theoretical perspectives (methodologies) and methods, have shown their pertinence for the purposes of this study because, The constructionist theory of knowledge, the Andean worldview, and the theoretical interpretivist perspective including phenomenology, allowed us: 1. an understanding of the Andean reality through shared experiences and communication along the study, 2. the application of the CBC (community-based collaboration) and IPA (interpretative phenomenological analysis) provided representative oral and visual expressions from participants to apply the MA (metaphor analysis), and 3. the MA supported for the outcomes of CBC and IPA identified the sustainability metaphors that answer the research questions. Methods’ appropriateness for the study. Conclusions on the applied methods appropriateness for this study: 1. principles and activities of the CBC ethnographic method designed and inspired on and in agreement with the Andean worldview, 2. healthy and respectful interaction with the community was a result of the above and making explicit the community’s contributions to the study, and 3. acceptance from the researcher as a guest member of a community encouraged collaboration from other regional organizations and communities. Two features of the IPA method deserve noting: 1. its versatility to be applied to another field(s) of study different than health sciences where it is more frequent, and 2. its key role in this

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study by providing representative “oral and visual metaphorical expressions that together with the outcomes of the CBC method guided the MA method to success. The aim of the MA, grounded on the new cognitive science principles, is “searching for sustainability metaphors”. Its features include procedures for: 1. analysis of utterances and textile’s images under the above cognitive principles, participants’ contextual experience (physical, social, cultural), and local sustainability approach, 2. integration of the three imaginative mechanisms resulting from the analysis under a sustainability-context relationship, 3. identification of the SU metaphors, one of the purposes of the study, and 4. characterization of the identified SU metaphors which responds the two remaining research questions of the study. On sustainability metaphors. Apart of the above, each and all the participants in this study, especially the collaborating community, contributed to the identification of the SU metaphors. The meaning suggested for the source domain of each of the identified metaphors makes sense of values, priorities, organization and daily concerns of Andean traditional communities, devoted to sustaining life, their supreme value. Being life, the undeniable common human supreme value, the ‘sustainability of life’ conceptual metaphors are fully applicable to any context. Two of the identified SU metaphors’ source domains may need to be translated paying attention to the concepts. Three of them share identical propositional names with western sustainability metaphors found in the reviewed written sources. The image- schemata structuring the source domain of the SU metaphors allows us to find their nature, meaning, degree of similitude and consequently their effect when mapped onto the SUSTAINABILITY target. The most common image-schemata are, ENABLEMENT and

CONTAINER followed by CONTACT

Metaphors that inspire actions to sustain life on/in the planet have source domains structured by image schemata that inspire collaboration among humans (CONVERGENCE), mutual nurturance between all forms of life (ENABLEMENT), recognition

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that we all live in the same planet (CONTAINER) and that we are all related (LINK) by common features. On validity and an ongoing relationship with the TC Andean community. In addition to the standards previously presented, the validity of this study is supported by the continuity of the relationship between the researcher and the TC Andean community. It is implicit in the meaning of the last step of the CBC method: CBC-Ftp closing, farewell, and a future tinkuy. The next tinkuy is for submitting to the community a summary of this study’s learnings in written Spanish form and in oral Chanka-Qichwa form. Then, more collaborative activities will be decided, designed, and undertaken together with another tinkuy. This is a way of keeping the reciprocal relationship and validity of this experience sustainable and alive although the PhD research ends. On this study’s contribution. Among the contributions of this study are: 1. interdisciplinary approach interrelating ethnography, phenomenology, and cognitive science based methods; 2.procedures to identify SUr metonymies, SUr metaphors and eventually SU metaphors underlying: i) current Andean textile’s images ii) oral expressions of participants, 3. application of IPA in the ethnographic field, 4. use of three languages Chanka-Kichwa, Spanish, and English keeping the conceptual dimension of oral expressions, 5.verification that fundamental Andean principles such as reciprocity, complementarity, communal organization, and verticality are still been applied in traditional communities.

Future research More research on identifying sustainability metaphors underlying linguistic and non- linguistic diverse cultural expressions is required. Research about cognitive mechanisms like sustainability metaphors should be designed with the participation of grassroots representatives. The interdisciplinary approach for research done by scholars should include the participation of community members and holders of other types of knowledge. In the search for better ways of human-Nature dialogue towards sustaining life in our planet, cultural groups keepers of ancient principles, should be invited to participate and/or collaborate.

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Appendix A: Basic Concepts NATURE, ENVIRONMENT, PACHAMAMA is the whole where “humans are integrated to the creation” (Leclerc, 1977) and mutually nurtured (Grillo 1998, Rengifo, 2012). Here, living organisms and their surroundings interact (Uexcüll, 1909). It is not only for humans, as misunderstood by minimized translations (Grober, 2012). SUSTAINABILITY: a property of a system interacting with its external world, existing in old cultures. Nachhalt (root for nachhaltig, “sustainable” in German) is “that which one holds on to when nothing else holds any longer” (Campe, 1809). When people, deities, and wild collectivities nurture each other (Grillo, 1998). METAPHOR: a property of concepts not of words or based on similarity; used every day by everybody as process of human thought and reasoning not as linguistic ornament (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003). Used mostly for nonverbal associations (Rozik,1992,1994). PHENOMENOLOGY: questions separation of subject (thinking mind) from object (material world). Considers: i) perception is a perceiver- perceived interactive, reciprocal, and participatory event ii) linguistic reciprocity is engendered and sustained by of our body and landscape perceptual reciprocity (Abram, 1996). ANDEAN COSMOVISION: no subject-object separation; humans are part of life as a whole; pacha (world) is an organism/animal that comprises three living equivalent collectivities, runa (humans), sallka (‘nature’), apus (deities) (Grillo, 1990; Valladolid, 2001). Language is alive and does not belong only to humans (Ishizawa & Grillo, 1991; Arguedas, 2011). DEVELOPMENT: the removal of “unfreedoms” that deprive us of rational agency (Sen, 1999) to flourish, nourishing life (Ishizawa & Grillo, 1991, Ishizawa 2012), free of the myth of “economic growth” in the ecological limits of a finite planet (Jackson, 2009). CAPITALISM: an economic system with private/corporate ownership of capital goods, investments decided privately and prices, production, and goods distribution, mainly by competition in a free market (Merriam Webster, 2016). It creates wealth, but improperly bridled, causes poverty (Hausman, 2015; Johnson, 2014). NEOLIBERALISM: shapes western politics and economy by competition (Monbiot, 2016; Rozzi, 1998). Proposed by Austrian economists in mid-twentieth century it caused a financial meltdown (2008), health, education, and ecosystems collapse (Monbiot, 2016). Bagus (2015) disagrees. 297

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Appendix B: Relevant NTL Principles for Metaphor Analysis Primary Metaphor and the Neural Theory of Metaphor Box. 1. The neural theory of metaphor. The neural theory of metaphor establishes that, “…where source and domain are active simultaneously, the two areas of the brain for the source and the target domains will both be active. Via the Hebbian principle, Neurons that fire together wire together, neural mapping circuits linking the two domains will be learned. Those circuits form the metaphor” (Lakoff, 2010, 26); these metaphors are called “primary metaphors” and they are learned the same way everywhere because we have the same bodies and basic environment; neural metaphorical mapping is learnt without awareness; by best fit, cultural frames and primary metaphors combine to give metaphor systems; a correlation in experience is recognized in the brain for each case, as the co-activation of distinct neural areas, where circuits linking those areas are formed (Lakoff, 2010). The neural theory, “…establishes that complex metaphors, that are extensions of existing primary metaphors bound together, should be easier to learn and understand than new conceptual metaphors” (Lakoff, 2010, 27); predicts that the most immediate component metaphors for a complex metaphor will be activated and used in the mapping; and predicts that when we hear a metaphorical expression, the words’ literal meanings should activate the source domain circuitry and the context should activate the target domain circuitry and together they should activate the mapping, the resulting circuit, activation, and processing occurs at the same time; conceptual metaphor and nonmetaphorical processing should take the same time (Lakoff, 2010). The neural theory, “establishes that each neuron fires asymmetrically with a flow of ions from its cell body going down through the axon and spreading out from there; different neurons have different firing capacities, depending on the receptors at the synapses that regulate ions flow; and neurons that fire more tend to develop greater firing capacity, neurons involved in physical bodily functioning tend to fire more, this is why the metaphorical maps learned are asymmetric and tend to have physical source domains (some have social source domains)” (Lakoff 2010, 28). Lakoff (2010) proposes that a) systems of primary metaphors are built in childhood, experiences motivate primary metaphors; b) in learning the abstract domain is built by projections from the embodied domain; c) “in processing source domain words in the context of a target domain subject matter, the fixed connections result in co-activation of the two domains”; and d) Consequently, source domain activations coming from inferences are projected onto the target domain through the preestablished mapping (Lakoff, 2010, 28).

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Mirror neurons. Occur in fiber bundles connecting premotor/SMA cortex (which choreographs actions) with the parietal cortex (which integrates perceptions). The same mirror neurons fire when we execute an action, or we see somebody else performing such action. Mirror neurons are multimodal because they are active when acting or perceiving the same action and when imagining that we are perceiving or performing an activity. A word like “grasp” applies to performing and perceiving grasping, it is multimodal. Feldman proposes that for meanings of physical concepts, meaning is mental simulation, the activation of the neurons needed to imagine perceiving or performing an action. Not all imagination or memory is conscious, then, not all mental simulations are. Meaningful node. It is a node that if activated, the whole neural simulation results activated, and when inhibited, inhibits the simulation. Inferences occur when the activation of one meaningful node or more, results in the activation of another meaningful node. Neural maps. Our brain neural circuitry effectively activates a “map” of one part of the brain in another part of the brain. Before birth, the 100 million neurons from the retina grow connections to other areas including the primary visual cortex at the back of the brain. These connections form a topographic map of the retina in V1. The connections preserve topology (relative nearness) though not absolute orientation or absolute distance. When neurons next to each other coming from the retina fire, the corresponding neurons fire in V1 and are next to each other in V1. Spatial relations in human language also preserve topology (Talmy, 2000). Thus, containers remain containers, and paths remain paths. Neural Binding. Color and shape are not computed in the same place in the brain but a shape with color appears to us as a unity. This is known as “neural binding” and is responsible for two or more conceptual or perceptual entities considered a single entity. The three types of neural binding are: i) permanent obligatory bindings as the stored mental image of a parrot, neuronal groups of color binds with shape neuronal groups, ii) permanently-ready-but- conditional bindings, like binding neural structure for an election-night map in which any given state can be either red or blue depending on the outcome of the vote, iii) Nonce bindings occurring on the fly as they happen to arise in context. It is not known how neural binding operates in the brain.

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A gestalt circuits. In a collection of nodes A, B, C, and D, and a “gestalt node” G; when G is firing, all A, B, C, and D fire; when sufficient set of A, B, C, or D is firing, G fires, which results in all other nodes firing; one salient node or a threshold and any total activation summed over all nodes above the threshold results in G firing; when G is inhibited, at least one of the other nodes is inhibited. G characterize frames’ structure, where semantic roles and scenarios are gestalt elements. In a gestalt the whole is more than the sum of its parts. In a gestalt circuit the whole -G- cannot be inhibited and all its parts activated. The activation of even some of the salient parts activates the whole, and the activation of the whole activates all the parts. Linking circuits. Two nodes, A1 and A2, a linking node L, and an activating connection C from A1 to A2. When A1 and L are firing, A2 is firing; but when A2 is firing, A1 need not be firing, then linking is asymmetric. When A1 is firing and L is not, the connection C is not active (L “gates” the connection C). When A1 and A2 are both firing, L is firing, and C is active; A1 can fire without A2 firing (if L is not firing) A2 can fire independently of A1. Linking circuits are used in metonymy. Mapping circuits. Two groups of nodes: A1, B1, C1, D1, E1, and A2, B2, C2, D2, and E2; linking nodes LA, LB, LC, LD, LE in linking circuits that respectively link A1 to A2, B1 to B2, C1 to C2, and so on; a gestalt circuit with nodes LA, LB, LC, LD, and LE with M as the gestalt node; when M is inhibited, the linking circuits are all inhibited; when M is activated, all the linking circuits from A1 to A2, B1 to B2 and so on are activated. The mapping is asymmetric. Mapping circuits characterize conceptual metaphors. Two-way mapping circuits (maps with two-way linking circuits) characterize the structure of grammatical constructions. Mapping circuits are also used as part of the asymmetric connections across mental spaces. Mental space. It is a neural simulation S that can be activated by a single gestalt node G with semantic roles A, B, … in the simulation. A cross-space map has two mental spaces: G1 consisting of simulation S1 with semantic roles (or referents) A1, B1, …, and G2 consisting of simulation S2 with semantic roles or (referents) A2, B2, …. Gi and G2 are linked by a cross-space connection made up of (i) a gestalt node G, consisting of a space builder B, (ii) a linking circuit L with a connection C from G1 to G2 and

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(iii) a mapping circuit M mapping semantic roles or (referents) A1, B1, … in simulation S1 to semantic roles (or referents) A2, B2, … in simulation S2. For instance, in the sentence If Clinton had been president of France, there would have been no scandal over his affair. The mental spaces are G1= the US. During Clinton’s presidency with A1 = Clinton and S1 = his affair in US. And G2 = France at that time, A2 = a Clinton- correlate and S2 = A2 is president of France who has an affair in France with no scandal; L1 is the circuit that links A1 (the real Clinton) with A2 (the Clinton correlate Clinton). Image-schema. Primitive image-schemas such as, container, source-path-goal, degree of closeness, direction, and amount of force, are computed by our brain structures that are innate or form early. Action schemas and frames are build using primitive image-schemas. The neural theory of metaphors proposes the use of source domain image-schemas in inferences about target domain situations. Blending and metaphor vs blends. Blending is about neural binding. Lakoff illustrates it with the monk blend which includes two mental spaces structured by frames. In each there is a mountain and a path; day 1 the monk goes up; day 2 walks down, same path. The blend includes bindings and a gestalt circuit. Being on the same path, the up-going monk will “meet” the down- going monk in the simulation generated by the bindings at some place and time. Metaphors (mappings) and blends (instance of neural bindings) occur within a context. The difference between blends and metaphors shows that metaphor exist separate from blends; metaphoric blends are formed when a source and a target element of a metaphor are bound together via neural binding; and a mere metaphor (understanding the target in terms of the source) is different from that metaphor plus a binding of source entities to target entities.

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Appendix C: Ethics Review and Forms for Participants Ethics Review

Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board Research Services Office 2500 University Drive, NW Calgary AB T2N 1N4 Telephone: (403) 220-4283/6289 [email protected]

CERTIFICATION OF INSTITUTIONAL ETHICS REVIEW

The Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board (CFREB), University of Calgary has reviewed and approved the below research. The CFREB is constituted and operates in accordance with the current version of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS).

Ethics ID: REB17-1154

Principal Investigator: Noel Gerard Keough

Co-Investigator(s): There are no items to display

Student Co-Investigator(s): Edme Brownlee

Study Title: More Meanings In The Flow Of Life: Sustainability Metaphors

Sponsor:

Effective: Monday, July 23, 2018 Expires: Tuesday, July 23, 2019

Restrictions:

This Certification is subject to the following conditions:

1. Approval is granted only for the research and purposes described in the application. 2. Any modification to the approved research must be submitted to the CFREB for approval. 3. An annual application for renewal of ethics certification must be submitted and approved by the above expiry date. 4. A closure request must be sent to the CFREB when the research is complete or terminated.

Approved By: Date:

John H. Ellard, PhD, Chair , CFREB Monday, July 23, 2018

Note: This correspondence includes an electronic signature (validation and approval via an online system).

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Delivered Forms at the Collaborating Community

ILS Introduction letter to the Community leader in Spanish Carta de Presentación dirigida al líder de la comunidad de Huancapite

Sr. Eusebio Machuca Taype Presidente de la Comunidad Campesina de Huancapite

Mi nombre es Edme Brownlee, nací en Huancayo y crecí en Concepción (Región Andina de Junín). Soy estudiante de doctorado en Diseño Ambiental en la Universidad de Calgary. Estoy investigando como se cría (sustenta) la vida en diferentes comunidades y como nos comunicamos sobre esto.

Aprecio y agradezco su acogida, y la de las otras autoridades y miembros de la comunidad de Huancapite para efectuar este estudio.

Debido a que su comunidad está en nuestra Región Andina, donde maneras de sustentar la vida han sido practicadas por varias generaciones, le solicito su autorización para permanecer en su comunidad desde el 25 de noviembre 2018 hasta el 25 de febrero de 2019. Durante ese tiempo seguiré aprendiendo sobre esas maneras y como es la comunicación sobre ellas.

Los resultados del estudio ayudaran a mantener los valores y tradiciones de la comunidad para criar (sostener/sustentar) la vida aquí. Para que así, presentes y futuras generaciones de su comunidad recuerden como se aplican sus saberes, y para que otras comunidades también los conozcan. Copias del resumen de los resultados del estudio escritas en español serán presentadas a la comunidad al final del estudio. Por los propósitos antes expuestos, se ha planeado las siguientes actividades que presento a su consideración:

Actividad Del estudio Participantes de la Duración de Cuando dentro de

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comunidad c/participación los 3 meses Entrevista Sobre vida 08 60-120 min dentro del mes 2 diaria 1-2 /personas Conversaciones (+05*-10*) 2 horas última semana del Grupales mes 2 y del mes 4 Entrevista sobre 08 60-90 min el mes 3 sostenibilidad 1/persona Generación 15 15 min la segunda de Dibujos 1 vez/persona semana del mes 3 números en paréntesis* son numero de miembros de la comunidad participando en otras actividades del estudio que también participaran en esta actividad.

TOTAL: 31 participantes de la comunidad

Los participantes deben ser miembros de su comunidad sin límites de edad, género, estado civil, religión, o idioma. Todas las actividades serán implementadas bajo condiciones de respeto, confidencialidad y anonimato. Los miembros de la comunidad que participen darán su consentimiento informado (oral o escrito) antes de participar en las actividades propuestas. Ellos podrán cesar su participación cuando lo deseen.

También me gustaría participar en trabajo familiar y comunal y otras actividades que me permitan aprender más sobre la comunidad.

Si Ud. requiere mi colaboración profesional o la de otros profesionales acerca de los cuales puedo proveer información, por favor, hágamelo saber. Gracias por la atención que Ud. dispense a mi solicitud. Deseándole éxitos en su importante función, Sinceramente, Edme Brownlee

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ILU E Introduction letter to the Huancavelica University Authority

The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board has approved this research study. Huancavelica, August 20, 2018 Ms./Mr. Academic Authority of the University of Huancavelica

My name is Edme Brownlee, I am student of the PhD program of Environmental Design at the University of Calgary. I am investigating the ways life is sustained in different communities and how they communicate about these ways.

Considering the geographic location of your institution and the cultural influences existing in this region I would like to undertake a research activity in this university.

The activity requires the participation of 30 students from any specialty. It could be undertaken within the 3rd week of the 2nd month of the research (1-6 October 2018) within the university campus in settings outside of the classroom context. For this purpose, the students will be individually invited to participate in the activity of generating pictorial metaphors.

The duration of the activity including information, acceptance, informed consent signing, and pictorial generation, is 15 min. Participation will be under voluntarily basis, with the condition of being student from this institution. Participants will not be requested personal identification, their names will not be disseminated, and their collaboration will be de-identified. They will access to the research outcomes that will be sent to the Municipal Library of Comunidad Campesina de Huancapite, Andabamba, Acobamba, Huancavelica. Therefore, I request your permission to undertake the above research activity. Sincerely, Edme Brownlee

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Participant Forms The consent of each person to participate.

Nombre del Investigador, Facultad, Departamento, Teléfono e Email:

Edme C. Brownlee, Facultad of Diseño Ambiental Departamento de Postgrado S, Teléfono: (403) 220-6601, email: [email protected]

Supervisor:

Dr. Noel Keough, EVDS. The University of Calgary

Título del Proyecto:

Mas Interpretaciones en el Flujo de la Vida: Metáforas de Sostenibilidad ______Este formato de consentimiento, del cual se le ha dado una copia, es solo una parte del proceso de consentimiento informado. Si usted quiere más detalles acerca de algo mencionado aquí, o información no mencionada aquí, siéntase libre de preguntar. Por favor tómese el tiempo para leer esto cuidadosamente y para entender cualquier información complementaria.

El Comité Conjunto de Ética de Investigación de las Facultades de la Universidad de Calgary ha aprobado este estudio de investigación.

Propósito del Estudio: Este estudio tiene el propósito de aprender como las comunidades sostienen (nutren) la vida en los Andes Peruanos. Este aprendizaje se dará participando en las experiencias de la vida diaria de una comunidad y sus expresiones orales, visuales y rituales. Los resultados serán reportados, un resumen será traducido al español y un documento sobre las formas de cómo la comunidad sostiene la vida será escrito en español para generaciones presentes y futuras.

¿Que Se Me Pedirá que Haga?

Cada uno de los ocho miembros de la comunidad participando en esta actividad de investigación será entrevistado(a) acerca de sus sentimientos y experiencias sobre la vida diaria en la comunidad y su relación con el ambiente circundante.

Cada uno de los 08 miembros de la comunidad participando será entrevistado sobre los tópicos siguientes:

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a. ¿Que siente por y como interactúa con el paisaje circundante y las comunidades humanas y no- humanas viviendo en él? b. Que enseñanzas relevantes ha recibido Ud. de sus ancestros y/o que experiencias ha ganado acerca de: i. Conocimiento y tratamiento del clima y otros eventos naturales ii. La mejor organización del trabajo en y las técnicas para las actividades cotidianas de agricultura, textiles/tejido, y construcción. iii. Cuidado y uso de animales y plantas a. ¿Podría Ud. hablarme de las fiestas en la comunidad que son de su preferencia? b. ¿Toma Ud. o su familia parte en la elaboración de vestimenta tradicional? c. ¿Podría Ud. decirme el significado de los dibujos en su lliclla, chumpi y/o manta?

La duración de las entrevistas será entre 45 y 90 minutos. Será conducida por la investigadora, grabada, anónima y transcrita. Los participantes serán consultados para ser grabados. Esto es debido a que uno de los idiomas empleados (quechua) es solamente oral. Así, las grabaciones permitirán exactitud en las traducciones al español e inglés. Sin embargo, las grabaciones procederán solo si son aceptadas por los participantes.

La participación es completamente voluntaria. El miembro de la comunidad puede reusarse a participar completamente, puede reusarse a participar en partes del estudio, puede declinar el responder alguna o todas las preguntas, y puede retirarse del estudio en cualquier momento sin castigo alguno.

¿Qué Tipo de Información Personal Sera Recogida? Si Ud. acepta participar en esta actividad, se le preguntará su nombre y seudónimo.

Sólo la investigadora y su supervisor tendrán acceso a las grabaciones. Las grabaciones nunca serán escuchadas en público.

Hay varias opciones para que Ud. considere si decide tomar parte en esta investigación. Puede escoger todas, algunas, o ninguna de ellas. Por favor revise las opciones y escoger Si o No:

Doy permiso a la investigadora para leer y llenar esta forma a mi nombre Si: _ No: ___

Doy permiso para ser grabado: Si: ___No: ___

Deseo permanecer anónimo: Si: __ No: ___

Deseo permanecer anónimo, pero pueden referirse a mí por un seudónimo: Si___ No: ___

El seudónimo que escojo para mi es: 308

Ud. puede reproducir mis palabras y usar mi nombre: Si: ___ No: ___

Ud. puede reproducir mis palabras y usar mi seudónimo: Si: ___ No: ___

¿Hay Riesgos o Beneficios si Participo? No hay riesgos predecibles si Ud. participa en esta entrevista. Aparte de contribuir con el documento sobre las formas en que la comunidad sostiene (nutre) la vida, los participantes recibirán un honorario de 30 soles (15 $Can.). Los participantes podrán recibir una tercera parte de la cantidad anterior si ellos deciden retirarse antes de que el estudio se complete.

¿Que Pasa con la Información que Proveo? Las personas que tendrán acceso a la información recogida son la investigadora y su supervisor.

Para asegurar anonimidad, se usarán seudónimos en las transcripciones de las entrevistas. Sus contribuciones serán guardadas en un lugar seguro por cinco años después de finalizado el estudio. Entonces, estas serán destruidas en una forma que proteja su privacidad y anonimidad. Ud. tiene el derecho de solicitar una copia de la grabación de su entrevista y su respectiva transcripción. Si usted desea recibir estos materiales converse con la investigadora. Si decide retirarse, toda la data con la que Ud. contribuyo al estudio será destruida.

La participación es completamente voluntaria, anónima and confidencial. Ud. es libre de descontinuar su participación en cualquier momento durante el estudio. Nadie excepto la investigadora y and su supervisor tendrán permiso para escuchar cualquiera de sus respuestas al cuestionario de la entrevista.

No hay nombres en el cuestionario. Solamente información de grupo será resumida para cualquier presentación o publicación de resultados. Los cuestionarios son guardados en un armario bajo llave y solamente accesible para la investigadora. La data anónima será guardada por cinco años en un disco de computadora al termino de los cuales será permanentemente borrada.

Firmas Su firma en este formato indica que: 1) Ud. entiende satisfactoriamente la información brindada sobre su participación en este proyecto de investigación, y 2) usted está de acuerdo con participar en el proyecto de investigación.

De ninguna manera esto anula sus derechos legales o libera a los investigadores promotores, o instituciones participantes de sus responsabilidades legales o profesionales. Ud. es libre de retirarse de este proyecto de investigación en cualquier momento. Ud. debiera sentirse libre de preguntar por clarificación o nueva información durante su participación.

Nombre del Participante: (en imprenta por favor) ______

Firma del Participante: ______Date: ______

Nombre del Investigador (en imprenta) ______

Firma del Investigador: ______Date: ______

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Preguntas/Inquietudes Si Ud. tiene más preguntas o quiere clarificación sobre esta investigación y/o su participación, por favor contacte:

Edme Brownlee Faculty of Environmental Design Teléfono:(403) 220-6601, email: [email protected] o Dr. Noel Keough Faculty of Environmental Design Teléfono:(403) 220-8588, email: [email protected]

Si tiene alguna inquietud acerca de cómo ha sido tratado como participante, por favor contacte al Analista de Ética de la Investigación, Research Services Office, University of Calgary at (403) 210-9863; email [email protected].

Una copia de este formato de consentimiento se le ha dado a Ud. para su archivo personal y referencia. La investigadora guarda una copia del formato de consentimiento

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Appendix D: Chanka Qichwa-English Glossary The widely used word for the Andean Language Qichwa is the Spanish word Quechua. The Andean language Quichwa has several variations. In Huancapite, where, part of this study was undertaken, it is spoken the Chanka-Qichwa. Branch: Southern Qichwa. Its variety under DIGEIBIR is Chanka-Qichwa (Peru MINEDU, 2013). In this document, Runasimi (human language) or Chanka Qichwa is indistinctly used.

Runasimi or Chanka Quichua (Quechua) – English Glossary

Runasimi English Awilos Ancestor’s protective spirits Apachita (achachilla) stones pile set up at the mountains with ritual sense Apu Protective spirit inhabiting hills, powerful lord Aulli Kaitu Warp yarn Awana Loom Awaq Weaver Atoq Fox Ayni Joy of giving, reciprocal support Chachu Spring’s spirit of sickness Chakana Andean cross Chakma Loosing up the rested soil Chakra Planting family plot Chakitaqlla Foot plough to work in group Chaqma Breaking a rested soil Chirapa Rainbow Chiwaku Small hoe with a leaf shaped metal part Chopqa, Chopcca Traditional Andean nation located within Paucará Chullu Traditional knitted tuque cap Chumpi Traditional belt Hermanos (Spanish) Brothers 311

Inti Sun Intiquchan Light and wet halo around the sun Ishkay Yachay Two types of knowledge Killa Moon Killaquchan Light and wet halo around the moon Killawañu Dying moon Kuchushcha Competitive pushing elbows game Kukuli A type of dove Llaqta Town Llamapanawin Eye of the llama constellation Luwicho, (venado gris) Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) Makitu Traditional removable sleeve Manta/lliclla Square textile to wear as a mantle or to carry things Mayu River Michqa Early planting/sowing Minka Communal work organized by leaders to benefit all Miñi Weft yarn Miñi Quma Bobbin Murucha Little seed Ñuqanchik We all (inclusive) Pachamama Mother Earth Pagapu Offering Paku (yatiri) Andean priest Para Rain Pito Andean small pipe Puchka Drop spindle Pullu Woolly long mantle Puquio Spring Qalaywa Lizard Qallpa Coca leaves sharing ritual 312

Qapiparunchiki/chachu More than a physical sickness Qasa Frost Qayaku Organized action to prevent frost or hail Qinqu Zigzag or sinuous path, line, road Qipu Spring’s poison Quchacha Little lake Qullqa Storage place (at home) Rastrojo (Spanish) Dried plants to burn Riti Snow Runa Human(s) Saiwa Refuge built by youth at the hills Sachacha Little tree Sallqa Wild community’s world, nature Sijus Shoes made with animal skin Siqipi Ordered in line (aligned) Simpa Braid Suqta Constellation of six stars Sunqupa Shed string in a loom Taruqa Deer Terroneo (Spanish) Breaking soil lumps Tinku Confluence of two rivers, roads, people Tinkuna Place close to a tinku Tinkunakuspa Marriage at a tinku Tinya Little drum Tutapuri Quilla Late night full moon Uma atoq Fox head Unkuña Little ritual mantle Urqu Hill, mountain Urqucha Little hill, mountain Viga Wuantuy Community celebratory minka Waka Deity or spirits’ world Wali Traditional skirt 313

Wamani God of the Chanka’s mythology Wuantuy To carry something over the shoulders Wasikatay Culmination of a house building Wawawañuy Death of a child celebration Wayta Flower Willakun Messages Yachachin Teachings Yachay Knowledge Yaku Water

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Appendix E: IPA Master Table of Themes for The Group Themes for the Group (of Six Participants)

A. Focus on relationships

Andean spirituality: Wamani and Runa Page Line(s) Wayta: I also like to sing and dance at Wawawañuy 4. 24-25 (death of children) Quilla: Only some people know how to communicate with Wamani. 1. 36-37 This capacity is passed from parents to children Yuraq: When you fall sleep on the Earth’s floor, you feel the Wamani 3. 18-21 world, and dream about los abuelos…, you do not fully understand them…you can feel them. They look after you and love you. Anqas: Wamani come together to talk. Male and female meet. 1. 43-45 They receive offerings for good and bad intentions. Wamani are double faced. They make fun of people. Chafle: Who knows brings pagapu to the hills. Sacsalla’s name is 1. 13-16 Cristina… Wamani (hill spirit) they are good and bad JCPW: We can communicate with the hills because they answer 1. 8-10 when we call them. Wamani live in the hills. They are powerful Apu.

Pachamama and runa relationship: Wamani, Sallka, and Runa

Wayta: I have learned… working. About cold, heat, frost, hail, how 3. 1-2 to protect animals, people and plantations. We look after animals in the cold or the rain, with dogs, children or women work…at the field. Quilla: watching the moon and if there is a sort of rainbow: killaquchan 2. 7-9 close to her means that it will rain. If the intiquchan appears close to the sun means that it will not rain. Yuraq: With permission, prayer, or pagapu. You take only what 1. 20-21 you need, not in excess, without destroying. It is good and fair when receiving and giving is accomplished

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Anqas: My uncle … when his wife got sick and he made pagapu to 1. 47-48 BVC Wamani. It was at his house. Chafle: The birds who announce good events are: Quillincho and 2. 38-39 Opawuaman. JCPW: Thanks to the Creator and Pachamama we have help from 2. 37-39 the sky, sun, clouds, thunder, and stars to know when to undertake each activity.

Animals and people

Wayta: Yes, Grandmother how couldn’t I be sad when kukuli cries? 2. 12-13 In spite that kukuli eats michqa. Quilla: I like Santiago celebration because is devoted to the animals. 2. 35-37 We sing and dance for them. We play with them painting our and their faces… We the shepherds enjoyed a lot playing with our animals Yuraq: I only have dogs and hens at my mom’s. Animals adopt 4. 20-22 and follow you or not. It depends on both people and them. Anqas: Birds know when something bad, good, happy is going to 2. 41-43 happen. Akakllo and akchi, sing…when somebody is going to damage you… Quillinchu dances in front of you to announce good luck Chafle: Animals also look after us to heal wounds, even the 1. 31-33 little ones like qalaywa that heals broken bones of runa JCPW: Some animals like pigeons and bees leave your house before 3. 16-17 somebody from there dies. Their population increases if in that home there is peace and love

B. Focus on agriculture for life

Agriculture to nurture life

Wayta: Michqa grows from the first seeds we plant. They grow with 2. 13-14 lots of effort and care, even watering if there is not rain. Quilla: Today animals are given medicines for everything and some 1. 19-20 poisons are spread in the chakras over soil and plants Yuraq: Because we put the chakra to rest one year, every three 3. 44-47 316

years… In ayni, before opening furrows with chiwaku, men undertake chakma with chaquitaqlla and terroneo with chiwaku Anqas: I like working at the chakra. We all learn to cultivate early in 4. 16-17 our life. Mostly we work in ayni having the support of our family and friends including our godparents and godchildren Chafle: the Suqta (six stars) … visible from the end of August … 3. 26-29 sowing/planting season… we can see when to plant the first, second, third sowing/planting phase… we divided in three JCPW: There is a time to prepare the soil chakma, to sow or 2. 27-29 plant, to hill, to harvest and to let the chakra rest after three-four years of cropping.

Rain for life

Wayta: In August, there is not water because it does not rain. Plants 1. 10-11 need to be watered to grow. It is sad to see them thirsty and small Quilla: The atoq tells you when it is going to rain. He screams with 2. 6-8 a very high (acute) voice when it will rain and will be a good agricultural year. But if the rain will not come the atoq will scream with a very low voice. Yuraq: Without rain, ñuqanchik (we all) do not live. Rain is sacred 1. 36-39 and important to all communities of Pachamama… to drink, to grow, to clean… We all want rain to live. We only thank God the Creator for the rain He gives us. Anqas: When it rains, the rivers travel drank of happiness. They 3. 19 take your clothing. Chafle: The river sounds stronger when it is going to rain or when it 2. 9-11 is raining and is going to stop, his voice changes when change is coming JCPW: When the moon dies, is not a good time to plant, because 2. 42-44 at the quillawañu (dying moon) there is too much rain already.

Stars: messengers for agricultural calendar

Wayta: Star at Tutapuri Killa (late night full moon), is at the sunset. She tells you when to sow/plant… 1. 31-34 317

The moon, and stars advise you… They are messengers from Pachamama, and they are alive. Quilla: when stars that form Mayu and Taruka got aligned, it will rain 2. 11 Chafle: The stars advise us about many things. The constellation the 3. 22-24 llama’s eye comes clear in May at the harvesting time. JCPW: For planting at end of August /September you see the 2. 40-42 llamapanawin (eye of the llama) and the killa (moon) too.

C. Focus on landscape

Hills (Mountains) and people

Wayta: …they get healed when you pay with coca to the hill. Giving 1. 16-17 pagapu (offering) to get healed Quilla: From hills we pick plants to heal, other plants for food, 2. 26-27 others for fire. Yuraq: I feel connected to the hills as to a family. I converse 1. 10-11 with them. Yes, I have prayed them too. Anqas: I feel glad in the hills, like in my town where we sing, talk 1. 7-9 and laugh. We … see other little towns from them. I feel love for the hills, they inspire me to call them “little” (urqucha) Chafle: When I am somewhere else, I miss the hills… to fly my kite 1. 34-38 …see down from the hills, … sat down the whole day having such a wonderful view… our community … is up enough on a slope. JCPW: Saiwa was also a tinku (convergence point) for kuchushcha.

Trees and people

Yuraq: I also like the Mutuy because he is at all our roads. 2. 25-27 It blossoms with yellow flowers and makes the paths happy. I was told that when my community did not have food, people ate Mutuy’s roasted seeds. He prevented us of dying Anqas: Trees communicate to each other. I feel sorry for them 4. 1-3 when they get afraid because somebody wants to cut them off. If you go to cut them, they cry: queirkuch, queriqech, queirqech. 318

The ones who cry the most are the eucalypts Chafle: Mutuy always allows grass and other plants to grow. Mutuy 2. 27-29 is the best. He is always there even when there is not rain and other trees do not grow. JCPW: Our ancestors used to sing for the trees and brought them 2. 7-8 offerings with tinya and pito they used to walk among the trees.

Rivers, lakes, and/or puquios (springs)

Wayta: Chirapa (rainbow) comes from the puquios. Sometimes 2. 28-29 they are twins. If it enters in your body makes you sick. Quilla: Puquios are important for water but you need 1. 45-46 to know them well. They are alive and have a spirit that can take you, it is chachu. Yuraq: With springs, we need to relate as we do with family. 1. 11-13 If you don't do so, they get upset and could harm you. You need to become known by rivers and springs. Anqas: Each puquio is different, when he knows you, he does nothing 2. 37-47 to you. From them comes out Chirapa if it is sunny and rainy at the same time… we chewed coca leaves avoiding qipu (puquio poison) that could make our stomach to swallow. Chafle: the river of Paucará goes to Huayanay, towards Lircay 2. 4-5 and finds another river at Manyac in a tinku. JCPW: From the springs come up chirapa. It could come as huma 1. 29-31 atoq (fox head) or as a big drum that sounds. It often happens when there is rain and sun at the same time

D. Focus on weather

Forecast of and response to frost and hail

Wayta: Clean sky says is going to frost. Authorities organize qayaku… 2. 4-6 we burn rastrojo for smoke, put water in containers close to potato plants burn fireworks for noise. Water protects us when frost is coming. Quilla: In the past we didn’t use shoes but sejos to protect our feet. 1. 27-28 319

Sijus were made with animal skin and used for cold, rain, or snow. Yuraq: before hail, the sky cries. Its crying is the voice of thunder. 2. 4-5 Thunder sounds different when hail is coming and also the sky gets very dark almost black Anqas: It is said that frost comes like donkeys without ears, eyes, 3. 31-32 and legs. Some of them eat qasa (frost) and riti (snow). Chafle: hail is a bad family… They come well dressed … go out … with 1. 7-11 their clothing all broken because of our fireworks and dog’s attacks. JCPW: When hail is coming, heat is intense, and the clouds get armed. 2. 44-46 Then, you need to get noisy fireworks. The sound will push the hail away.

E. Focus on cultural expressions

Traditional clothing as cultural sustainability

Wayta: I only spin and ply with my puchka with sheep and alpaca wool 2. 5-6 and an awaq (weaver) weaves my thread for me in a loom Quilla: I always wear my chumpi for strength from Pachamama, 3. 13-16 in my work, and to hold my wali… It has cochacha, sachacha, qinqu Yuraq: communities have their own figures, colors and patterns in 5. 23-25 traditional clothing. They represent animals, plants, people, water and stars. We wear chullu, makitu, manta, lliclla, wali, and pullu Chafle: My mother’s manta for me, only had qinqu (zigzag). In her 4. 11-12 lliclla only simple wayta (flower), chakana (cross), and yaku (water). JCPW: Who wears an embellished luwicho (deer) skin is strong and 2. 16-17 knowledgeable.

Runasimi’s tender description of Pachamama

Wayta: Women…, measure distances with naked feet, and carefully 3. 20-21 put the murucha in the furrow Quilla: I can see they describe/represent cochacha and urqucha 3. 11-12 siqipi (in line, aligned). Yuraq: I needed to pray to the river for not harming me, since 1. 27-29 am also his child. This I told him. I prayed for protection. 320

Anqas: I feel love for the hills, they inspire me to call them 1. 8-10 urqucha (“little hill”). They are good, when you climb them you feel different more animated, including the air feels very special there. It makes me feel more alive and gladder.

Andean traditional organization sustaining life

Wayta: Sowing and harvesting is by ayni, if chakra is big there is no 3. 13-15 other way. If it is ordered by community authority is done by minka Quilla: In sowing/planting and harvesting man, woman, and 2. 17-18 children work together in sharing different task in agreement with their strength and our ways Yuraq: Qayaku is a calling from our authorities, to make smoke … 2. 14-18 to avoid frost together, “wake up, wake up, soon frost will arrive” … Smoke undoes frost. There is also Qayaku when there is not rain. Anqas: Children also help … tasks such as: adding manure, bringing. 4. 19-22 manure, harvesting, cutting leaves… children… constantly laugh while playing and working. Perhaps this is why we like to work glad and laughing Chafle: When the task is big, we work in ayni because time can gain us. 3. 46 JCPW: We learn about medicinal plants by helping to pick them 2. 23-24 up, watching and listening, or when our parents or grandparents heal us.

Economic independence

Wayta: There are much more people at the community that 4. 9-11 know weaving, but they only weave for their spouse or her/his other families. Quilla: what you find in the market is ugly, it does not last, it does 1. 9-13 not keep you warm, and it is expansive. I cut wool of my animals and spin with my puchka. Today, some people only know how to buy and bring garbage to the community. Chafle: With trees we make yoke for the plow and other 2. 15-16 tools for the chakra

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Andean knowledge and teaching(yachay)

Wayta: The Mayu is visible then you know. Also, animals and 1. 42-43 plants bring you willakun and yachachin (messages and teachings). Quilla: I think both types of knowledge are good, ishkay yachay: 2. 32-33 tradition and school teachings, for maintaining life in our community Yuraq: …Qayaku when there is not rain… all the communities burn 2. 18-21 straw… including Chopqa … smoke ascends to the sky blacking it up. From this black sky rain falls down…Together we make it rain. Anqas: … without watching the rainbow… we hide all the plastics 2. 43-45 to avoid being followed by the colored dogs from the rainbow… Then, we escaped far away. Anqas: Qasa (frost) comes with cold wind. It feels cold, cold in all your body. The serqillo bird and the leqle bird sing announcing coming frost. 3. 27-28 Chafle: My father used to know about the stars, he taught me. 3. 36 JCPW: We learn about medicinal plants by helping to pick them 2. 23-24 up, watching and listening, or when our parents or grandparents heal us.

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Appendix F: Features from Huancapite Huancapite Mountains From the Huancapite Plaza:

SW: Cubribina (female), Cuchinillas, Apu Urqu (male),

NE: Wasipata, Haqaqallanqa

E: Puquiopata

SE: Punta Orqo (old male’s house), Qesqepata, Llaqtapata

Huancapite’s Puquios (Springs)

Name of the Spring Name of the Spring Name’s Meaning Name’s Meaning Wikuña Upyana Yana Puquio Where Vicuñas drink Black soil Spring Hierbabuena Puquio Teofilapa Puquio Hiervabuena Spring Close to Teofila Spring Escuela Puquio Warekaqa School Spring Rock with water Wasqapuquio Socllapuquio Rope of water Pit of water Sumaqyacu Ñawinpuquio Good water Eye of Water Vicuñapuquio Huancapitepuquio Vicuña Spring Huancapite puquio

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Cultural Features Origin of the name of Huancapite. Using a road that passes close to the cemetery, Huanca traders used to bring clothing to sell. Because in that route abounded “pishtacos” (killers), the Huancas were assaulted around the cemetery. The Huancas escaped running towards the community while the criminals were following them. People from the community screamed “Huanca pitan! Huanca pitan!”. That is the origin of the name Huancapite. Stories from Huancapite:

The wawa wañuy celebration in Huancavelica.

By Gina Landeo A., Nov 21, 2018, Lima, Peru

In our rural Peru, in this case at Paucará district, Acobamba province, and Huancavelica department, exist deep and significant traditions. One of them is the Wawa Wuañuy (death of a child) celebration. When this event occurs, the deceased child is dressed all in white and carefully sat up in a small white box.

This ritual is in charge of the relatives specially the mother and godmother and/or the godfather and the parents. Wawa is a term meaning “my baby” as said by a mother. A father does not use that word, he uses the word churi to mean “my son”. Following this, the child’s body in its wooden box, is moved to the cemetery. The moving of the child’s body from home to the cemetery, has to be done very rapidly, almost running. It is because of the belief that the child, a pure being or an angel, should not be contaminated by this world. The event is motive of great happiness for all. Instead of lamenting their loss, they perceive this death as a motive for joy and within an environment of celebration because a new angel has been gained for all the relatives. All the celebration activities are undertaken with the full participation of blood and spiritual relatives and friends. This celebration is a manifestation of the Andean worldview. I personally experienced this cultural event when I was chosen to be the godmother of one child in Paucará.

(Translated to English from its original in Spanish by E. Brownlee, Dec 29, 2018. Edmonton AB, Canada) 324

The two Headed Eagle.

By E. C. Brownlee, 2018.

A story answering a question about a two headed bird. It was knitted in a chullu of a Huancapite head. In Huancapite, Huancavelica Peru, in November 2018, a story for an answer…was given to me. It was in Runasimi and Spanish, and today, it is given to you in English.

In the Andean highlands, there was a widower left with two children a boy and a girl. This man found a new wife that did not like to be a stepmother and requested her husband to get rid of his children. He did not want to remain companionless again and accepted the condition. Then, he took the children to go for firewood. Going up with the children towards the closer hill, the father walked with them for the last time. Chiriwayra the cold wind, whispered sad songs to his heart while the last laughing at him from the children, made a rare duet with the wind’s voice. The children trusted their father as all children do. The walking was too prolonged, and the children started to wonder. Questions came from one child to the father, more questions, but answers from the father, none. Many unanswered questions made the children to feel anxious, tired, and thirsty. Could we rest? We are tired. Does this path could go to water? Weren’t we looking for wood? Maybe it will be for both? The father felt going downwards and took a hard path going up. After climbing more walking, dancing clouds and flying eagles, made the wind to whistle them. Tired but walking, hungry but quiet, as children at the field are, they saw a bright green surprise of some hope. Queñua trees weaving their branches promising water and more. The small forest had a talking little puquio, eager to have some new friends. The children ran to find water but “wait” one said, “isn’t this a very new puquio?” the other replied, “for him, we are also new”. First pagapu second water was the lesson of our grandma. They did what all Andeans do.

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The father remained to pick leaves. His anxiety turned to be action and with leaves, old branches, and hope? for a changing heart could you guess? built a small refuge for the children and perhaps for his sadness too. No more comments, no more answers but a hollow monologue. I have to leave for a while. It is hard but I have to go. This is a good place to wait, trees are good company you know. You have water, I will come back, you just rest. Here, take, some boiled potatoes to eat. They waited, and waited, and waited no more. No more rest, no more hope. Soon the children understood that they have been abandoned with only few potatoes to eat. The boy, as a good adventurer, went away to find his father. He left behind his sister alone. She cried, as often little girls will do. In despair asking for help, for somebody to come and find her, she prayed as her grandma used to do. To Sacsalla, the big mountain, to Yakumama far in clouds, to Chiriwayra the cold wind... As she prayed, she felt the comfort that pure prayers can bring to us. Then yes! She could remember... flying eagles over her head. The memory became a sound and the image a display. A big flying eagle came down and softly landed close by the girl. The girl begged to the eagle for help. The eagle with friendly gesture invited her to ride on her back. The girl accepted the ride with great joy. As the eagle started flying bringing the child on her back, the child and the eagle together turned into a two headed one. In some nights far away up at the highlands, with a full moon or two. A two headed eagle wanders perhaps looking for the child in you. Pretend that you do not know about her, she is strong and then who knows. She may want to be in your head. As a chullu, as a story, as a dream, or something else. Don't be afraid of looking closer, it could be still a place on her back. For a child missing a mother, for your child wishing a ride. Huancapite, 2018.

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