Terrorism Issues
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Marisol Cano Busquets
Violencia contra los periodistas Configuración del fenómeno, metodologías y mecanismos de intervención de organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión Marisol Cano Busquets TESIS DOCTORAL UPF / 2016 DIRECTORA DE LA TESIS Dra. Núria Almiron Roig DEPARTAMENTO DE COMUNICACIÓN A Juan Pablo Ferro Casas, con quien estamos cosidos a una misma estrella. A Alfonso Cano Isaza y María Antonieta Busquets Nel-lo, un árbol bien plantado y suelto frente al cielo. Agradecimientos A la doctora Núria Almiron, directora de esta tesis doctoral, por su acom- pañamiento con el consejo apropiado en el momento justo, la orientación oportuna y la claridad para despejar los caminos y encontrar los enfoques y las perspectivas. Además, por su manera de ver la vida, su acogida sin- cera y afectuosa y su apoyo en los momentos difíciles. A Carlos Eduardo Cortés, amigo entrañable y compañero de aventuras intelectuales en el campo de la comunicación desde nuestros primeros años en las aulas universitarias. Sus aportes en la lectura de borradores y en la interlocución inteligente sobre mis propuestas de enfoque para este trabajo siempre contribuyeron a darle consistencia. A Camilo Tamayo, interlocutor valioso, por la riqueza de los diálogos que sostuvimos, ya que fueron pautas para dar solidez al diseño y la estrategia de análisis de la información. A Frank La Rue, exrelator de libertad de expresión de Naciones Unidas, y a Catalina Botero, exrelatora de libertad de expresión de la Organización de Estados Americanos, por las largas y fructíferas conversaciones que tuvimos sobre la situación de los periodistas en el mundo. A los integrantes de las organizaciones de libertad de expresión estudia- das en este trabajo, por haber aceptado compartir conmigo su experien- cia y sus conocimientos en las entrevistas realizadas. -
The Farc-Ep and Revolutionary Social Change
Emancipatory Politics: A Critique Open Anthropology Cooperative Press, 2015 edited by Stephan Feuchtwang and Alpa Shah ISBN-13:978-1518885501 / ISBN-10:1518885500 Part 2 Armed movements in Latin America and the Philippines Chapter 4 The FARC-EP and Consequential Marxism in Colombia James J. Brittain Abstract The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) has maintained its base among small-holders including coca farmers and expanded its struggle through a local interpretation of Marxism and Leninism. This chapter reviews current accounts of its history and contemporary presence. The author then provides his own analysis of their strategy, namely that they have successfully pursued a gradual expansion of a separate power base and economy from that of the state and its capitalist economy, a situation that Lenin described as ‘dual power’, or, as Gramsci elaborated, a challenge to the hegemony of the ruling bloc. His visits and interviews and two recent documentary films in the FARC-EP areas show that the economy under FARC leadership, while taxing and controlling the processing and selling of coca, is still one of private small-holders. Many farmers grow coca as their main crop but all to some extent diversify into subsistence crops. This is a successful preparation for eventual state power of a completely different kind under which the economy will be socialised. For a half century the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas-Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP) have played a key role in organising, sustaining, and leading revolutionary activity within the Latin American country of Colombia. -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict: Dealing the Right Card
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12 -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12 -
The Hope for Peace in Colombia Pedro Valenzuela
armed conflict and peace processes 47 II. Out of the darkness? The hope for peace in Colombia pedro valenzuela On 24 November 2016, after more than five decades of armed conflict, several failed peace processes and four years of negotiations, the Colombian Gov- ernment and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia–People’s Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo, FARC– EP) signed the Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace (the Accord).1 The Accord ended a conflict that has cost the lives of around 220 000 people, led to the disappearance of 60 000 more, forcibly recruited 6000 minors and left 27 000 victims of kidnapping as well as more than 6 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.2 This section discusses the circumstances that made the Accord possible, the development of the process and the challenges that lie ahead. Factors leading to negotiations The origins of FARC can be traced to the peasant self-defence units created by the Communist Party during the inter-party conflicts of the 1940s and 1950s, known to Colombians simply as ‘The Violence’. After its formal cre- ation in 1966 and throughout the 1970s, when the armed conflict was fairly marginal, FARC was closely allied with the Communist Party of Colombia. In the 1980s, however, it distanced itself from the Communist Party and promoted clandestine political structures, while attempting to expand into every province of the country, gain power at the local level, bring the war closer to the -
Timeline of Events; January 18, 2015-June 24, 2019
Timeline of Events; January 18, 2015-June 24, 2019 January 18, 20151 - Prosecutor Alberto Nisman is found dead from a gunshot to the head, hours before he is scheduled to appear in front of a Committee of the Argentine Congress to present his findings that President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner and her Foreign Minister sought to cover up Iran’s involvement in the AMIA bombing. Within hours, Kirchner called it a suicide, which was later refuted by formal investigations. January 29, 20152 - Nisman’s IT technician and aide Diego Lagomarsino says that the prosecutor had asked to borrow a gun from him prior to his death saying Nisman told him he feared for his and his daughters’ lives. (Lagomarsino was later found to be an accomplice to Nisman’s murder). February 10, 20153 – Forensic investigators find that there was no trace of gun powder on Nisman’s hands. February 18, 20154 – Tens of thousands of Argentine protestors marched the streets of Buenos Aires in honor of Alberto Nisman. The demonstration was a call for justice and a fervent denunciation of the government’s handling of the investigation into Nisman’s death. February 26, 20155 - Federal judge Daniel Rafecas dismisses Nisman’s allegations against Kirchner, saying the evidence fails to meet “the minimal conditions needed to launch a formal court investigation.” January 15, 20166 - New president Mauricio Macri orders the declassification of files related to Nisman’s death. August 5, 20167 - Federal Judge Claudio Bonadio ordered the reopening of Nisman’s criminal complaint against former president Cristina Kirchner, which accused her of conspiring to shield from prosecution former Iranian officials believed to be behind the AMIA attack in exchange for favorable trade agreements. -
“YOU'll LEARN NOT to CRY” Child Combatants in Colombia
“YOU’LL LEARN NOT TO CRY” Child Combatants in Colombia HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH New York • Washington • London • Brussels Copyright © September 2003 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN 1564322882 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2003109212 Addresses for Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 290-4700, Fax: (212) 736-1300, E-mail: [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, DC 20009 Tel: (202) 612-4321, Fax: (202) 612-4333, E-mail: [email protected] 33 Islington High Street, N1 9LH London, UK Tel: (171) 713-1995, Fax: (171) 713-1800, E-mail: [email protected] 15 Rue Van Campenhout, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Tel: (2) 732-2009, Fax: (2) 732-0471, E-mail:[email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org Listserv address: To subscribe to the list, send an e-mail message to [email protected] with “subscribe hrw-news” in the body of the message (leave the subject line blank). Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. -
The International Tactics of the Amia Case: the Relevance of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in the Pursuit of Justice
THE INTERNATIONAL TACTICS OF THE AMIA CASE: THE RELEVANCE OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE PURSUIT OF JUSTICE Gastón Chillier* ABSTRACT The AMIA bombing of 1994 is the most scarring terrorist attack in the history of Argentina. As of today, the attack remains a divisive and highly sensitive topic in Argentinian politics. However, the current political relevance of the case does not derive as much from the attack itself than from the initial manipulation of the criminal investigations. The case today exists as a symbol of impunity fabricated by deliberate collusion between intelligence authorities, the judiciary and a part of the political system. The manipulation in the AMIA investigations was so pervasive that the Argentinian government recognized it before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in 2005. However, the case remains unresolved and the victims still await justice. This article traces how the struggle of the victims evolved to pursue different claims of justice. For this purpose, the article uses the concept of “boomerang” mechanisms, a well-known conceptualization of human rights politics, to offer a more complex perspective of the fluid interaction between domestic and international activity. The victims relied on the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) to boost the investigations and the implementation of a decree meant to provide reparations. Memoria Activa and their allies activated these interactions at contingent moments of the struggle to overcome impasses and * Gastón Chillier is the Executive Director of Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales [CELS]. This paper is a collective effort of CELS’s team in which Erika Schmidhuber, Edurne Cárdenas and Michelle Cañas have taken part. -
Download Print Version (PDF)
Operación JAQUE The Ultimate Deception by Charles H. Briscoe and Daniel J. Kulich VERITAS | 10 Note | Pseudonyms used in the Colombian government-sanctioned official history by Juan Carlos Torres, Operación JAQUE: La Verdadera Historia (Bogotá, CO: Editorial Planeta Colombiana, 2008) will be duplicated while true names in that account will remain. (meaning ‘check’ as applied in the This article, based extensively on COLAR participant JAQUE game of chess) was a highly compart- interviews, will demonstrate that Operación JAQUE was mented, unilateral Colombian military (COLMIL) a unilateral COLMIL operation, separate from the Joint deception operation that successfully recovered fifteen Chiefs of Staff-authorization to U.S. Southern Command VIP hostages from Las Fuerzas Revolucionarios de Colombia (SOUTHCOM) to conduct combined operations with (FARC) on 2 July 2008 without a shot fired or anyone Colombia [Operation WILLING SPIRIT (OWS)]. The injured. The Colombian Army (COLAR) intelligence- deception within the ‘grand deception’—JAQUE― orchestrated ‘sting’ was made possible by a highly effective was 97 percent COLMIL; 3 percent U.S. technical ‘grand deception’ operation. ‘Unwitting’ Colombian ‘platform’ intelligence. Embedded ‘unwitting’ USSOF and American special operations forces (COLSOF/ with ‘unwitting’ COLSOF reconnaissance, sensitive site USSOF) were operationally deployed to conduct exploitation and PSYOP teams who were to search for the combined reconnaissance, sensitive site exploitation, and FARC VIP hostage holders in the ‘restricted’ area, was part psychological operations (PSYOP) in a ‘restricted’ region. of GEN Montoya’s ‘grand deception.’ JAQUE was not They diverted FARC attention from the area arranged for part of OWS; its success nullified the reason for OWS.5 The the ‘sting.’1 three Americans, Ingrid Betancourt Pulecio, and eleven This “deception within the ‘grand deception’” operation other Colombians were recovered by the Colombian succeeded because all aspects of Operación JAQUE were military. -
Why Rebels Stop Fighting Why Rebels Stop Enzo Nussio and Fighting Juan E
Why Rebels Stop Fighting Why Rebels Stop Enzo Nussio and Fighting Juan E. Ugarriza Organizational Decline and Desertion in Colombia’s Insurgency The unauthorized exit from an armed organization, what we call “desertion,”1 is a highly con- sequential act. If caught, deserters may face drastic punishment, including exe- cution. Why, then, do some members of armed groups nevertheless decide to Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/isec/article-pdf/45/4/167/1911587/isec_a_00406.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 stop ªghting? This question has relevance because, among other things, desertion also can have severe consequences for military organizations. During the invasion of Afghanistan, for example, the Soviet Union’s allied Afghan regime forces and Soviet troops recruited from Central Asia suffered massive rates of desertion. Deserters were replaced with soldiers ill-equipped to ªght the mujahideen in mountainous areas, contributing to the Soviet Union’s defeat.2 In Vietnam, the largest wave of U.S. military desertions, from 1969 to 1971, led to the “collapse of the armed forces.”3 Additionally, desertion can destabilize the military bal- ance in times of conºict, as the prolonged civil war in Syria demonstrates. Un- like the Syrian armed forces, which found suitable replacements for troops Enzo Nussio is Senior Researcher in the Center for Security Studies at ETH Zürich. Juan E. Ugarriza is Professor in the Faculty of Jurisprudence at the Universidad del Rosario, Bogotá. The authors thank the Colombian Ministry of Defense for granting access to data on desertion. They also thank the National Center for Historical Memory, the Universidad de los Andes, Pascual Restrepo, and the Fundación Ideas para la Paz for access to additional data. -
La Segunda Marquetalia: Disidentes, Rearmados Y Un Futuro Incierto
La Segunda Marquetalia: Disidentes, rearmados y un futuro incierto Informes 34 La Segunda Marquetalia: Disidentes, rearmados y un futuro incierto Informe 34 Bogotá, Julio 2021 Directora Ejecutiva de la FIP La Segunda María Victoria Llorente Marquetalia: Disidentes, rearmados y Director Área de Dinámicas del Conflicto un futuro incierto Juan Carlos Garzón Autores Juan Carlos Garzón Andrés Cajiao Paula Andrea Tobo Juan David Corredor García Edición y corrección de estilo Martín Franco Vélez Fotografías Tomadas del video de creación de la Segunda Marquetalia, publicado en agosto de 2019 Diseño y diagramación Ladoamable ltda www.ladoamable.com ISBN 978-958-5517-74-5 Fundación Ideas para la Paz (FIP) Calle 100 No. 8A - 37 Torre A. Of. 701. Bogotá Tel. (57-1) 218 3449 www.ideaspaz.org / e-mail: [email protected] Serie Informes No. 34 / Julio 2021 Contenido 4 INTRODUCCIÓN DISIDENCIAS, REARMADOS Y LOS PROCESOS DE 9 FRAGMENTACIÓN E INTEGRACIÓN 14 EL ADN DE LA “SEGUNDA MARQUETALIA” 23 ÓRGANOS DE DIRECCIÓN: RESUCITANDO A LAS FARC DE ARRIBA HACIA ABAJO 28 LA TRAYECTORIA: DEL VIDEO Y EL DISCURSO A UN PROCESO DE EXPANSIÓN LENTO Y CON DIFICULTADES LA RESPUESTA DEL GOBIERNO COLOMBIANO 36 A LA “SEGUNDA MARQUETALIA” 40 EL ESCENARIO FUTURO 45 BIBLIOGRAFÍA INTRODUCCIÓN La Segunda Marquetalia: Disidentes, rearmados y un futuro incierto / Julio 2021 5 Introducción El 29 de agosto de 2019, mediante un video to- lan que las disidencias tienen distintas motivaciones mado en algún punto de la frontera entre Colombia y y que no se restringen a los incentivos económicos, Venezuela, rodeado de un grupo de excomandantes sino que incluyen variables políticas, organizaciona- de la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucio- les y territoriales. -
In Spite of a Concerted Effort by the Colombian Government, with Close
FARC - InSight Crime | Organized Crime in the Americas Page 1 of 7 As the biggest irregular army in Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC) operates in various regions of the country in search of resources to fund their 50-year-old war against the government. The FARC is the oldest and most important guerrilla group in the Western Hemisphere. It has long financed its political and military battle against the Colombian government by kidnapping, extortion and participating in the drug trade on various levels. In spite of a concerted effort by the Colombian government, with close to $8 billion in US assistance, the rebel group still operates in 25 of Colombia's 32 provinces and is estimated to have approximately 8,000 guerrillas in its ranks. Over the decades, the FARC has frequently adapted its tactics in order to survive, from its 1982 decision to begin taxing coca growers and cocaine laboratories, to its failed attempt at establishing a political party, the Patriotic Union (Union Patriotica - UP), in 1984. Following the military defeats suffered during Alvaro Uribe’s presidency (2002-2010), and the 2008 death of its longtime spiritual and military commander, Pedro Antonio Marin, alias "Manuel Marulanda," the rebel group has focused less on controlling territory and more on guerrilla warfare tactics combined with building up its urban networks and increasing its political outreach. In 2012, the group began peace talks with the government of Juan Manuel Santos. • Origins • Modus Operandi • Resources http://www.insightcrime.org/groups-colombia/farc-ep?print=1&tmpl=component 9/19/2014 FARC - InSight Crime | Organized Crime in the Americas Page 2 of 7 Origins The FARC’s roots can be traced back to the outbreaks of violence that afflicted rural Colombia following the assassination of the populist leader of the Liberal Party, Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, in Bogota on April 9, 1948.