DOCSLIB.ORG

Democratic Security Policy in Colombia: Approaches to an Enemy-Centric Counterinsurgency Model

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Democratic Security Policy in Colombia: Approaches to an Enemy-Centric Counterinsurgency Model Democratic Security Policy in Colombia: Approaches to an enemy-centric counterinsurgency model Jerónimo Ríos Sierra Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) Jaime Zapata García Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano (Colombia) Revista de Humanidades, 36 (2019). p. 129-154. ISSN 1130-5029 Democratic Security Policy in Colombia: Approaches to an enemy-centric counterinsurgency model1 Política de Seguridad Democrática en Colombia: aproximaciones a un modelo de contrainsurgencia centrado en el enemigo Jerónimo Ríos Sierra Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) [email protected] Jaime Zapata García Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano (Colombia) [email protected] Fecha de recepción: 3 de octubre de 2017 Fecha de aceptación: 28 de enero de 2019 Abstract The purpose of this document is to reflect upon the Democratic Security Policy (PSD by its abbreviation in Spanish) that took place in Colombia under the presidency of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, between 2002 and 2010. To this end, in the fight against the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC by its abbreviation in Spanish) and the National Liberation Army (ELN by its abbreviation in Spanish), the PSD is understood, in these terms, not so much as a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy, but on the contrary, as a predominantly enemy-centric model. It is also theoretically presented as a hybrid model between the scheme of compulsion and accommodation proposed by Hazelton (2011, 2013, 2017), and the authoritarian model that Zukhov (2012), or Byman (2016) approach, among others. In this regard, the work draws on data from the database on the internal armed conflict expressly facilitated by the Vice- Presidency of the Republic, and by a set of in-depth interviews with the main actors involved in the conflict during the time of the study, from the Government, as well as from the Military Forces, the guerrillas and the paramilitaries. Keywords: Counterinsurgency; Democratic Security Policy (PSD by its abbreviation in Spanish); Armed Conflict; Colombia; Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC by its abbreviation in Spanish); National Liberation Army (ELN by its abbreviation in Spanish) 1 This work was supported by the Observatory for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law - Vice-Presidency of the Republic of Colombia. 131 Democratic Security Policy in Colombia – J. Ríos Sierra y J. Zapata García Resumen El siguiente trabajo tiene como propósito reflexionar sobre la Política de Seguridad Democrática (PSD) acontecida en Colombia bajo la presidencia de Álvaro Uribe Vélez entre 2002 y 2010. A tal efecto, en la lucha contra las guerrillas de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) y el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), la PSD se entiende, a tenor de estas líneas, no tanto como una estrategia contrainsurgente basada en la población sino, todo lo contrario, como un modelo mayoritariamente centrado en el enemigo. Asimismo, teóricamente se presenta como un modelo híbrido entre el esquema de compulsión y acomodación que plantea Hazelton y el modelo autoritario que abordan Zukhov o Baldy, entre otros. Al respecto, el trabajo se nutre de cifras provenientes de la base de datos sobre el conflicto armado interno expresamente facilitadas por la Vicepresidencia de la República, y por un conjunto de entrevistas en profundidad con actores protagonistas del conflicto durante el tiempo objeto de estudio, tanto del Gobierno, como de las Fuerzas Militares, las guerrillas y los paramilitares. Palabras clave: Contrainsurgencia; Política de Seguridad Democrática; Conflicto Armado Colombia; FARC; ELN Para citar este artículo: Ríos Sierra, J. y Zapata García, J. (2019). Democratic Security Policy in Colombia: Approaches to an enemy-centric counterinsurgency model. Revista de humanidades, n. 36, pp. 129-154 ISBN 1130-5029 (ISSN-e 2340-8995). Sumario: 1. Introduction. 2. Theoretical framework: notions, scope and meaning of the counterinsurgency action. 3. Methodological aspects. 4. The Colombian counterinsurgency in the 21st century: demystifying the population-based COIN paradigm. 5. Conclusions. 6. References. 1.INTRODUCTION The main objective of the following work is to analyze the dimension of the Democratic Security Policy (PSD by its abbreviation in Spanish), which took place in Colombia under the presidency of Álvaro Uribe Vélez in his two periods of government (2002-2006 and 2006-2010), emerging from its strong counterinsurgency tendency and despite the fact that, during these years, the official governmental position was always that the FARC and ELN were not guerrillas but terrorist groups. Apart from this consideration, the fact is that most of the academic literature on this subject has always maintained the conception of understanding guerrillas as insurgent actors (Daly, 2012; Gruber & Pospisil, 2015; Marks, 2017) within a scenario of internal armed conflict. However, the PSD integrates in itself a series of changes in the form not only of recognizing but also of fighting the insurgent enemy, which justifies its nourished interest as object of study. And the point is that, a good part of the specialized works with greater academic relevance emphasize that the counterinsurgency strategy (COIN) experienced in Colombia under the PSD, by its characteristics, responds mainly to the population-centric COIN paradigm 132 Revista de Humanidades, 36 (2019). p. 129-154. ISSN 1130-5029 (DeShazo, McLean, & Mendelson, 2009a Berrios, 2017; Ospina, 2017). However, and unlike these, the following work vies for vindicating a dimension of the PSD where instead, it would be possible to find more reactive, even more authoritarian elements, typical of the COIN schemes that are focused on the enemy. This is how this work is organized into four clearly differentiated parts. Initially, a theoretical approach to the concept of COIN, to its main elements and, above all, to the two models that are predominant in the specialized literature: the focus on the enemy, and the focus on the population (Jardine & Palamar, 2013; Paul, Clarke, Grill, & Dunigan, 2016). Subsequently, we present the methodological aspects that characterize this work, proposing not only the starting point of why to conceive the PSD within the models of COIN focused on the enemy, but also identifying some of the variables, sources of information, and research techniques used to this end. In the third part, the Colombian case is carefully studied from two very specific theoretical references that converge in the construction of the COIN model focused on the enemy. On the one hand, the model of compulsion and accommodation suggested by Hazelton (2011, 2013, 2017), and on the other, the authoritarian model proposed by Menjívar and Rodríguez (2005), Zukhov (2012), or Byman (2016). Finally, we present the conclusions that, as a corollary, seek to identify both future lines of research and other debates that are still unresolved after this work. 2.THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: NOTIONS, SCOPE AND MEAN- ING OF THE COUNTERINSURGENCY ACTION The concept of counterinsurgency can not be simplistically reduced to strictly tactical or strategic terms, but, on the contrary, it must be understood as a concept that is in constant redefinition by the state policy-makers in order to satisfy the traditional Weberian idea that substantives the State in strict terms of legitimate and exclusive monopoly of violence over a given territory (Weber, 2005). However, the complexity of the notion of COIN goes through its own academic identification. That is, should COIN be understood as a discipline or sub-discipline of strategic studies, or better as a practice, or even as a tool from the state? Initially, and transcending from a debate that does not involve this work, it can be pointed out that COIN, in any case, is conceived from its beginnings in the sixties, as a kind of programmatic doctrine at the dawn of the influence of the RAND Corporation and whose objective is to respond “to the problems of Cold War low-intensity conflict, under conditions of nuclear superpower confrontation, against agrarian communist insurgencies in the former territories of European empires in Asia and Africa” (Killcullen, 2012, p. 131). Thus, COIN responds in particular to a logic of conflicts that have changed due to the geopolitical order of Post-Cold War (Taylor & Flint, 2002), but which continue to be influenced by the concurrence of national liberation guerrillas acting against a colonizer or post-colonizer agent (i.e. Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria). At the same time, the 133 Democratic Security Policy in Colombia – J. Ríos Sierra y J. Zapata García State (i.e. Peru, Colombia), sensu contrario, seeks to reinforce its legitimacy and, by extension, to defeat the insurgent threat that is taking place in its sovereign territory. That is to say, based on the above it can be pointed out that an irremediable confrontation between the insurgent, who initiates the action, and the State, who responds in COIN mode is being fed. A COIN that counts with issues against it, to say, the development of an armed confrontation generally in peripheral contexts (Saleyhan, 2007; Tollefsen & Buhaug, 2015), inaccessibility where in a conjunctural manner juxtapose unresolved agrarian struggles, national demands, or colonial disputes and that, as McAlister (1967), Taylor (1997) or Dixon (2009), point out, use preexisting networks - being families, tribes, or political parties - for the sake of a popular malaise that feeds the social foundations of popular
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
    Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world.
    [Show full text]
  • PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
    UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents.
    [Show full text]
  • COLOMBIA the Ties That Bind: Colombia and Military-Paramilitary Links
    February 2000 Vol. 12 No. 1 (B) COLOMBIA The Ties That Bind: Colombia and Military-Paramilitary Links TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .............................................................................................................2 COLOMBIA AND MILITARY-PARAMILITARY LINKS .......................................................................................................................6 THIRD BRIGADE .....................................................................................................................................................6 FOURTH BRIGADE................................................................................................................................................10 THIRTEENTH BRIGADE.......................................................................................................................................19 SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS Human Rights Watch here presents detailed, abundant, and compelling evidence of continuing close ties between the Colombian Army and paramilitary groups responsible for gross human rights violations. This information was compiled by Colombian government investigators and Human Rights Watch. Several of our sources, including eyewitnesses, requested anonymity because their lives have been under threat as a result of their testimony. Far from moving decisively to sever ties to paramilitaries, Human Rights Watch=s evidence strongly suggests that Colombia=s military high command has yet to take the necessary steps to accomplish
    [Show full text]
  • Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 5-2006 Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance Lauren Elizabeth Mattox University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Mattox, Lauren Elizabeth, "Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2006. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/1735 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Lauren Elizabeth Mattox entitled "Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in Political Science. Jana Morgan Kelly, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Michael Fitzgerald, David Houston Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Lauren Elizabeth Mattox entitled “Violence, Drugs, and U.S. Foreign Assistance.” I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content, and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts, with a major in Political Science.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
    Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Alliance for Progress to the Plan Colombia: a Retrospective Look at U.S
    1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.28 FROM THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS TO THE PLAN COLOMBIA: A RETROSPECTIVE LOOK AT U.S. AID TO COLOMBIA Luis Eduardo Fajardo Department of Economics Universidad del Rosario, Colombia April 2003 Copyright © Luis Eduardo Fajardo, 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme From the Alliance for Progress to the Plan Colombia: A retrospective look at U.S. aid to Colombia Luis Eduardo Fajardo Universidad del Rosario Introduction This paper presents a history-based perspective on the present controversy surrounding US financial assistance to Colombia through a discussion on how the US government implemented its Colombian aid programme during the Alliance for Progress (AFP) initiative of the 1960’s. The study adds to previous accounts on the political and economic history of Colombia in that period, mainly through the description and analysis of recently declassified US government documents1. It presents a case study that seems to confirm theoretical assumptions on the difficulties of imposing conditionality measures on aid recipient countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Plan Colombia, Ensayos Críticos
    EDICIÓN ESPECIAL La Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia ha querido brindar acceso electrónico a su libro Plan Colombia: ensayos críticos con miras a llevar sus análisis a un público más amplio; y a fin de complementar y facilitar la búsqueda de información a quienes han podido adquirir la versión impresa de esta obra. CONTENIDO Prólogo Víctor Manuel Moncayo ensayos críticos Presentación Jairo Estrada Álvarez Plan PRIMERA SEGUNDA PARTE TERCERA PARTE Globalización, PARTE Colombia Fundamentos geopolítica y Guerra, del Plan relaciones negociación Colombia internacionales política y proceso de paz Jairo Estrada Álvarez Elementos de Consideraciones de Intervención, economía geopolítica guerra y editor política James Petras proceso de Jairo Estrada Una guerra social negociación Álvarez Fermín de la globalización Conflicto, Jaime Caycedo González intervención y Guerra social 2 economía Turriago de media política de la intensidad El guerra Neointervencionismo Miguel Ángel Libardo Herrera Zgaib y la Pax Americana Sarmiento Ricardo Sánchez Cultivos Anzola La “guerra contra ilícitos, Nuevo modelo las drogas”: las conflicto y de dominación relaciones Colombia proceso de paz colonial Ricardo Vargas - Estados Unidos Daniel Libreros durante la Meza Caicedo Universidad Nacional de administración Los efectos Colombia Colisión de Pastrana sobre la guerra Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias intereses Arlene B. Tickner y la paz Políticas y Sociales jurídicos La nueva Alejo Vargas protegidos internacionalización Velásquez Herman Galán del conflicto y los Las Castellanos procesos de paz perspectivas El impacto de del proceso de LAS FUMIGACIONES AÉREAS Marco Alberto las negociación VIOLAN LOS DDHH Y EL DIH Romero fumigaciones Carta a la Alta Comisionada de Álvaro Vásquez aéreas las Naciones Unidas del Real SOLICITE CON SU FIRMA QUE Mery Constanza SE DETENGAN LAS García Vargas, FUMIGACIONES Nubia Esperanza Scientists’ Letter to U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010
    Syracuse University SURFACE Maxwell School – Distinction Theses Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public (Undergraduate) Affairs Winter 11-11-2017 The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010 Wyatt D. Suling Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/distinction Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Economics Commons Recommended Citation Suling, Wyatt D., "The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010" (2017). Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate). 6. https://surface.syr.edu/distinction/6 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate) by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Impact of Kidnapping Characteristics on the Probability of Outcomes in Colombia 1970-2010 Wyatt D. Suling May 09, 2017 Syracuse University Economics Distinction Thesis Program ABSTRACT This paper examines the effect of victim and perpetrator characteristics on the probability of kidnapping outcomes in Colombia from 1970-2010. The data is analyzed using linear regressions and competing risks survival analysis. I find that ransom amounts had very little effect on the probability of ransom payments, indicating a highly inelastic market for the return of loved ones. Sex had a small impact on the probability of being killed in captivity and of being rescued. Childhood improved a victim's chance of rescue by 21.3%.
    [Show full text]
  • Yearbook Peace Processes.Pdf
    School for a Culture of Peace 2010 Yearbook of Peace Processes Vicenç Fisas Icaria editorial 1 Publication: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: Legal registry: This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s School for a Culture of Peace, in conjunction with several members of the School’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Núria Tomás, Jordi Urgell, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Vicenç Fisas also holds the UNESCO Chair in Peace and Human Rights at the UAB. He holds a doctorate in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford, won the National Human Rights Award in 1988, and is the author of over thirty books on conflicts, disarmament and research into peace. Some of the works published are "Procesos de paz y negociación en conflictos armados” (“Peace Processes and Negotiation in Armed Conflicts”), “La paz es posible” (“Peace is Possible”) and “Cultura de paz y gestión de conflictos” (“Peace Culture and Conflict Management”). 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Definitions and typologies 5 Main Conclusions of the year 7 Peace processes in 2009 9 Main reasons for crises in the year’s negotiations 11 The peace temperature in 2009 12 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years 13 Common phases in negotiation processes 15 Special topic: Peace processes and the Human Development Index 16 Analyses by countries 21 Africa a) South and West Africa Mali (Tuaregs) 23 Niger (MNJ) 27 Nigeria (Niger Delta) 32 b) Horn of Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea 37 Ethiopia (Ogaden and Oromiya) 42 Somalia 46 Sudan (Darfur) 54 c) Great Lakes and Central Africa Burundi (FNL) 62 Chad 67 R.
    [Show full text]
  • Marisol Cano Busquets
    Violencia contra los periodistas Configuración del fenómeno, metodologías y mecanismos de intervención de organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión Marisol Cano Busquets TESIS DOCTORAL UPF / 2016 DIRECTORA DE LA TESIS Dra. Núria Almiron Roig DEPARTAMENTO DE COMUNICACIÓN A Juan Pablo Ferro Casas, con quien estamos cosidos a una misma estrella. A Alfonso Cano Isaza y María Antonieta Busquets Nel-lo, un árbol bien plantado y suelto frente al cielo. Agradecimientos A la doctora Núria Almiron, directora de esta tesis doctoral, por su acom- pañamiento con el consejo apropiado en el momento justo, la orientación oportuna y la claridad para despejar los caminos y encontrar los enfoques y las perspectivas. Además, por su manera de ver la vida, su acogida sin- cera y afectuosa y su apoyo en los momentos difíciles. A Carlos Eduardo Cortés, amigo entrañable y compañero de aventuras intelectuales en el campo de la comunicación desde nuestros primeros años en las aulas universitarias. Sus aportes en la lectura de borradores y en la interlocución inteligente sobre mis propuestas de enfoque para este trabajo siempre contribuyeron a darle consistencia. A Camilo Tamayo, interlocutor valioso, por la riqueza de los diálogos que sostuvimos, ya que fueron pautas para dar solidez al diseño y la estrategia de análisis de la información. A Frank La Rue, exrelator de libertad de expresión de Naciones Unidas, y a Catalina Botero, exrelatora de libertad de expresión de la Organización de Estados Americanos, por las largas y fructíferas conversaciones que tuvimos sobre la situación de los periodistas en el mundo. A los integrantes de las organizaciones de libertad de expresión estudia- das en este trabajo, por haber aceptado compartir conmigo su experien- cia y sus conocimientos en las entrevistas realizadas.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption and Plan Colombia
    CORRUPTION AND PLAN COLOMBIA The Missing Link Transparency International (TI) is the world’s leading non-governmental anti-corruption organisation, addressing corruption and corruption risk in its many forms through a network of more than 100 national chapters worldwide. Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS) works to reduce corruption in defence and security worldwide. Author: Hannah Stone Contributors: Adam Isacson, Paul Angelo Editor: Karolina MacLachlan Images: Front Cover - Adobe Stock, P1 - Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff (Flickr - Creative Commons), P11- Adobe Stock, P23 - West Point (Flickr - Creative Commons) © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in parts is permitted, providing that full credit is given to Transparency International and provided that any such reproduction, in whole or in parts, is not sold or incorporated in works that are sold. Written permission must be sought from Transparency International if any such reproduction would adapt or modify the original content. With thanks to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands for its generous support. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Defence & Security and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. Published June 2019. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of May 2019. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Transparency International UK’s registered charity number is 1112842.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
    An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross
    [Show full text]