POL21: the Idea of a European Union
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Rhine Crisis of 1840: Rheinlider, German Nationalism, and the Masses
KU ScholarWorks | http://kuscholarworks.ku.edu Please share your stories about how Open Access to this book benefits you. The Rhine Crisis of 1840: Rheinlider, German Nationalism, and the Masses by Lorie A. Vanchena 2000 This is the published version of the book chapter, made available with the permission of the publisher. “The Rhine Crisis of 1840: Rheinlieder, German Nationalism, and the Masses.” In Searching for Common Ground: Diskurse zur deutschen Identität 1750-1871, edited by Nicholas Vazsonyi. Weimar: Böhlau 2000. 239-51. Terms of Use: http://www2.ku.edu/~scholar/docs/license.shtml This work has been made available by the University of Kansas Libraries’ Office of Scholarly Communication and Copyright. Nicholas Vazsonyi (Hg.) Searching for Common Ground Diskurse zur deutschen Identität 1750-1871 The Rhine Crisis of 1840: Rheinlieder\ German Nationalism, and the Masses Lorie A. Vanchena France's threat in 1840 to reestablish the Rhine as its eastern border proved central to the formation of German national consciousness and identity in the nineteenth century. The Rhine crisis generated intense anti-French, patriotic fervor in the German territories that extended well beyond the Rhineland. One expression of this nationalist sentiment was the poetry written as a direct response to the crisis, the countless Rheinlieder. These poems, including those critical of the Rheinliedbewegung> functioned as a medium of public debate about the crisis with France. Constituting a literary, journalistic, and political phenomenon, the poems enjoyed widespread popularity and resonance among the German public. The periodic press in particular served as a vehicle for disseminating these poems, thus enabling them to become part of the public dialog on the historical developments they addressed. -
INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, the Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), Ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, E
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, The Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), ix. 2. Michael Broers, Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815 (London, 1996), 3. 3. An exception to the Franco-centric bibliography in English prior to the last decade is Owen Connelly, Napoleon’s Satellite Kingdoms (New York, 1965). Connelly discusses the developments in five satellite kingdoms: Italy, Naples, Holland, Westphalia, and Spain. Two other important works that appeared before 1990, which explore the internal developments in two countries during the Napoleonic period, are Gabriel Lovett, Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain (New York, 1965) and Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (London, 1977). 4. Stuart Woolf, Napoleon’s Integration of Europe (London and New York, 1991), 8–13. 5. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 102–5; Broers, Europe under Napoleon, passim. 1 THE FORMATION OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE 1. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 105. 2. Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (New York, 1994), 43. 3. Ellis, “The Nature,” 104–5. 4. On the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and international relations, see Tim Blanning, The French Revolutionary Wars, 1787–1802 (London, 1996); David Chandler, The Campaigns of Napoleon: the Mind and Method of History’s Greatest Soldier (London, 1966); Owen Connelly, Blundering to Glory: Napoleon’s Military 212 Notes 213 Campaigns (Wilmington, DE, 1987); J. -
Download File
Cultural Experimentation as Regulatory Mechanism in Response to Events of War and Revolution in Russia (1914-1940) Anita Tárnai Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Anita Tárnai All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cultural Experimentation as Regulatory Mechanism in Response to Events of War and Revolution in Russia (1914-1940) Anita Tárnai From 1914 to 1940 Russia lived through a series of traumatic events: World War I, the Bolshevik revolution, the Civil War, famine, and the Bolshevik and subsequently Stalinist terror. These events precipitated and facilitated a complete breakdown of the status quo associated with the tsarist regime and led to the emergence and eventual pervasive presence of a culture of violence propagated by the Bolshevik regime. This dissertation explores how the ongoing exposure to trauma impaired ordinary perception and everyday language use, which, in turn, informed literary language use in the writings of Viktor Shklovsky, the prominent Formalist theoretician, and of the avant-garde writer, Daniil Kharms. While trauma studies usually focus on the reconstructive and redeeming features of trauma narratives, I invite readers to explore the structural features of literary language and how these features parallel mechanisms of cognitive processing, established by medical research, that take place in the mind affected by traumatic encounters. Central to my analysis are Shklovsky’s memoir A Sentimental Journey and his early articles on the theory of prose “Art as Device” and “The Relationship between Devices of Plot Construction and General Devices of Style” and Daniil Karms’s theoretical writings on the concepts of “nothingness,” “circle,” and “zero,” and his prose work written in the 1930s. -
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience. -
Making Lifelines from Frontlines; 1
The Rhine and European Security in the Long Nineteenth Century Throughout history rivers have always been a source of life and of conflict. This book investigates the Central Commission for the Navigation of the Rhine’s (CCNR) efforts to secure the principle of freedom of navigation on Europe’s prime river. The book explores how the most fundamental change in the history of international river governance arose from European security concerns. It examines how the CCNR functioned as an ongoing experiment in reconciling national and common interests that contributed to the emergence of Eur- opean prosperity in the course of the long nineteenth century. In so doing, it shows that modern conceptions and practices of security cannot be under- stood without accounting for prosperity considerations and prosperity poli- cies. Incorporating research from archives in Great Britain, Germany, and the Netherlands, as well as the recently opened CCNR archives in France, this study operationalises a truly transnational perspective that effectively opens the black box of the oldest and still existing international organisation in the world in its first centenary. In showing how security-prosperity considerations were a driving force in the unfolding of Europe’s prime river in the nineteenth century, it is of interest to scholars of politics and history, including the history of international rela- tions, European history, transnational history and the history of security, as well as those with an interest in current themes and debates about transboundary water governance. Joep Schenk is lecturer at the History of International Relations section at Utrecht University, Netherlands. He worked as a post-doctoral fellow within an ERC-funded project on the making of a security culture in Europe in the nineteenth century and is currently researching international environmental cooperation and competition in historical perspective. -
Save Pdf (0.05
BOOK REVIEWS ____________________________________________________________ Crisis among the Great Powers: The Concert of Europe and the Eastern Question. By Miroslav Sedivy. London: I.B. Tauris, 2017. xviii, 405 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. Plates. Maps. $120.00, hard bound. doi: 10.1017/slr.2018.214 How stable was the famous “Concert of Europe” that came in the wake of the Napoleonic Wars? When the 1815 Congress of Vienna handed over the Rhine’s left bank to the German Confederation, the French—who felt it to be the natural border between France and the rest of Europe—lost a lot of ground, literally and meta- phorically. Twenty-five years later, they tried to get it back. This precipitated a cri- sis that had wide reverberations. This is a lovely book that shows marvelously how careful treatment of one event can illuminate a vast region and expansive period of history. In this case, such an event is used to interrogate the stability of Europe in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars, and to recast long-standing narratives in new ways. The “event” in question in Sedivy’s new book is the so-called Rhine crisis of 1840, which at first glance appears perhaps as more of a non-event than an event: as Sedivy observes, “it neither lasted nor grew into an armed conflict” (1). The “Rhine Crisis” refers to the ejection of France from the club of Great Powers, after the French Foreign Minister, Adolphe Thiers, pressed for the Rhine River to be reinstated as France’s eastern border. This would have resulted in a significant loss of territory for the German confederation, and would have reversed one of the key components of the Congress of Vienna. -
Eui Working Papers in History
Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, '1 1 European European University Institute, Florence 1 on University Access European Open EUI EUI Working Paper Europe and the Nation-State WORKING EUI HISTORY PAPERS IN Author(s). Available S tuart The 2020. © in W HEC oolf Library No. No. 91/11 EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University Please note Please individually (e.g. EUI Working Paper LAWdivided No. into 90/1). six sub-series, each sub-series will be numberedAs from January 1990 the EUI Working Paper Series is Access European Open Author(s). Available The 2020. © in Library EUI the by produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, Inaugural Lecture of the European University Institute on EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORYAND CIVILIZATION University BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) Access EUI EUI Working Paper delivered at the Badia Fiesolana European Europe and the Nation-State Open for the session 1990-1991 20 February 1991 S Author(s). Available tuart The 2020. © W in oolf HEC No. No. 91/11 Library EUI the by EUR 940 produced version Digitised Repository. Research Institute University European Institute. Cadmus, on University No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form form any in reproduced be may paper of this part No Access European Open without permission of permission the without author. European University Institute University European Printed in Italy in May 1991 Italy in in May Printed 1991 1-50016 San Domenico (FI) Domenico San 1-50016 All rights All rights reserved. -
Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866' and Hewitson, 'Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation'
Habsburg Austensen on Gruner, 'Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866' and Hewitson, 'Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation' Review published on Tuesday, October 9, 2012 Wolf D. Gruner. Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 2010. 128 pp. EUR 8.95 (paper), ISBN 978-3-406-58795-5.Mark Hewitson. Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. xiii + 462 pp. $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4039-1329-6; $34.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4039-1330-2. Reviewed by Roy A. Austensen (Valparaiso University) Published on HABSBURG (October, 2012) Commissioned by Jonathan Kwan A European Germany or a German Europe? As we approach the bicentennial of the Congress of Vienna (1814-15), historians are still very much concerned with the political settlements regarding central Europe that resulted in the creation of the German Confederation (the Deutsche Bund), a loose confederation of thirty-five states and four free cities that included the German territories of two great powers, Austria and Prussia. Under the presidency of Austria, the Bund provided a modest degree of unity for the German states while maintaining the sovereignty of its members. From its very beginning, the Bund was a disappointment to those who argued for the creation of some sort of united Germany; and dissatisfaction with the Bund only grew over the years, given its cumbersome political machinery, its inability to produce needed reforms, and its frequent functioning as a vehicle for the repressive policies of Austria and Prussia. The two volumes under consideration here examine the nature of the “Germanquestion” during the era of the Deutsche Bund, but from very different perspectives. -
Open Thesis.Pdf
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE PURPOSE AND FALL OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE IN THE LOW COUNTRIES AND ITALY NICHOLAS F. BORSUK-WOOMAN Spring 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in History and Economics with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: Sylvia Neely Associate Professor of History Thesis Supervisor Catherine Wanner Associate Professor of History and Religious Studies Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. ABSTRACT The Purpose and Fall of the Napoleonic Empire in the Low Countries and Italy investigates Napoleon’s aims for the Empire and the reasons for its final demise in the Low Countries and Italy. This work will examine these two aspects in Belgium, the Netherlands, Northern Italy, and Naples. First, I scrutinize Stuart’s Woolf’s thesis that Napoleon attempted to integrate Europe in order to create a single-European state that benefitted the entire continent. I attack his thesis by referring to Paul Schroeder’s argument that Napoleon viewed Europe as colonies that were meant to benefit France. Many of those European colonies benefitted from Napoleon’s colonization, Belgium, Piedmont, and the Kingdom of Italy, while others suffered under his demands, especially the Netherlands and Naples. The underlying theme was the institutions Napoleon implanted into these areas in order to extract their resources. The second argument assaults the view that nationalism was the cause of the fall of the Empire. Through analyzing the Low Countries and Italy, I demonstrate that entrenched political factions existed, separated on financial and economic issues, conscription, and religion. -
Italy in the European States System of the Pre-March Period: Some Reflections
i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review V j 2015 j 2 Italy in the European States System of the Pre-March Period: Some Reflections Miroslav Šedivý Department of Historical Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy and Arts University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Tylova 18, 301 24 Plzeˇn Czech Republic [email protected] During the so-called Pre-March Period from the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 to the revolutionary upheaval in 1848, Italy played an im- portant role in the European States System as created at the Congress of Vienna.1 Standing midway between the Ottoman Empire, entirely left out of this system of the public law of Europe, and Germany, pro- tected by its legal rules as well as the strong bonds of the German Con- federation, Italy was a member of the European family but politically disunited, formed by small states without any supranational body that would have offered them protection against external threat. Conse- quently, the Apennines after 1815 were an easier target for the Great Powers’ ambitions than Central Europe, where the German Confeder- ation granted extraordinary security to its members while simultane- ously preserving their sovereignty. The result for Italy was that in the decades following the Congress of Vienna it represented a vulnerable 1 This paper has been written as a part of the research project GA15-04973S financed by the Czech Science Foundation (GA CR).ˇ 75 i i i i i i i i West Bohemian Historical Review V j 2015 j 2 point in the lower regions of the Continent, in other words of the or- der established at this congress, by attracting the attention of the self- serving and sometimes even illegal conduct of the European Powers and failing to offer a suitable environment for the better cooperation of its usually minor princes jealous of their own sovereignty, something the German Confederation actually did. -
The Power of the Past: A
THE POWER OF THE PAST: A H AB E RM AS IAN APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF COLLECTIVE WAR MEMORIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ILLUSTRATED BY RECENT FRANCO-GERMAN RELATIONS LOTHAR RAST SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SEPTEMBER 2006 UMI Number: U221959 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U221959 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 To Beatriz, Valentina and Daniel Written declaration Herewith I declare that this work is my own. Lothar Rast 30 September 2006 3 % 6 %7r 1 I o <\ \ Abstract The central question of this thesis is how to conceptualise the impact of collective war memories in international politics. The main theoretical argument developed in the work is that Jurgen Habermas’ Critical Theory, in general, and his two concepts of social learning and political legitimacy, in particular, are useful and hitherto unexplored ways of advancing our knowledge concerning that question. Based on this premise the thesis highlights the importance of political memory groups for the formulation of practical imperatives in politics and develops a theoretical concept of social learning that can be applied to the remembering of past wars. -
The Ottoman Empire and Europe from the Late
estudos internacionais • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 2317-773X, v. 8, n. 4, (dez. 2020), p. 110-131 The Ottoman Empire and Europe from the late Westphalian Order to the Crimean System: the ‘Eastern Question’ Revisited El Imperio Otomano y Europa desde el último orden de Westfalia hasta el sistema de Crimea: la “cuestión oriental” revisada O Império Otomano e a Europa do final da Ordem Westfaliana ao Sistema da Crimeia: a ‘Questão Oriental’ Revisitada 1. Gabriel Leanca is a lecturer in inter- 1 Gabriel Leanca national history at the Faculty of History, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University, Iași, Romania. He holds a collaborative PhD from Alexandru Ioan Cuza University and Bourgogne University, France. He DOI: 10.5752/P.2317-773X.2020v8.n4.p110 recently edited L’entrée de la Roumanie dans la Grande Guerre. Documents diplomatiques français (28 juillet-29 Received in: September 21, 2020 décembre 1914), Paris, L’Harmattan, Accepted in: February 04, 2021 2020 and he is the author of À l’ère des empires et des nations : la France et les principautés de Moldavie et de Valachie (1711-1859), t. I (1711-1789), Les ABSTRACT Éditions Isis, coll. du Centre d’histoire diplomatique ottomane, Istanbul, 2019. The ‘Eastern Question’ is one of the most controversial and persistent subjects ORCID : https://orcid.org/0000-0001- in the history of international relations. This article looks at two aspects of the 9903-7433. evolution of the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. The first one focuses on the importance of the 18th century in the emergence of the ’Eastern Question’. The second one emphasizes on several episodes that may reopen the de- bate on the origins of the Crimean War.