Beyond Words: the "Kokutai" and Its Background
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Mother of the Nation: Femininity, Modernity, and Class in the Image of Empress Teimei
Mother of the Nation: Femininity, Modernity, and Class in the Image of Empress Teimei By ©2016 Alison Miller Submitted to the graduate degree program in the History of Art and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson Dr. Maki Kaneko ________________________________ Dr. Sherry Fowler ________________________________ Dr. David Cateforis ________________________________ Dr. John Pultz ________________________________ Dr. Akiko Takeyama Date Defended: April 15, 2016 The Dissertation Committee for Alison Miller certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Mother of the Nation: Femininity, Modernity, and Class in the Image of Empress Teimei ________________________________ Chairperson Dr. Maki Kaneko Date approved: April 15, 2016 ii Abstract This dissertation examines the political significance of the image of the Japanese Empress Teimei (1884-1951) with a focus on issues of gender and class. During the first three decades of the twentieth century, Japanese society underwent significant changes in a short amount of time. After the intense modernizations of the late nineteenth century, the start of the twentieth century witnessed an increase in overseas militarism, turbulent domestic politics, an evolving middle class, and the expansion of roles for women to play outside the home. As such, the early decades of the twentieth century in Japan were a crucial period for the formation of modern ideas about femininity and womanhood. Before, during, and after the rule of her husband Emperor Taishō (1879-1926; r. 1912-1926), Empress Teimei held a highly public role, and was frequently seen in a variety of visual media. -
It Would Make No Sense for Article 9 to Mean What It Says, Therefore It Doesn’T
Volume 11 | Issue 39 | Number 2 | Article ID 4001 | Sep 29, 2013 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus It Would Make No Sense for Article 9 to Mean What it Says, Therefore It Doesn’t. The Transformation of Japan's Constitution 日本国憲法の変容 9条の文面は意味不明。しかるに文 字通り受け止めるべからず C. Douglas Lummis It should be done quietly. One day everybody woke up and found that the Weimar Constitution had been Nihonkoku Kenpo Kaisei Soan (Proposal for changed, replaced by the Nazi Amendment of the Constitution of Japan) Constitution. It changed without anyone noticing. Maybe we could Central Office for the Promotion of learn from that. No hullabaloo. Constitutional Reform: Drafting Committee The Liberal Democratic Party of Japan Aso was bombarded with criticism from within Japan and from around the world, from people 27 April, 2012 shocked to learn that there is a political leader Nihonkoku Kenpo Kaisei Soan: Q&A (Proposal in a major democratic country who could for Amendment of the Constitution of Japan: confess to believing that something useful Q&A) about how to deal with democratic constitutions can be learned from the Nazi Central Office for the Promotion ofexample. After a couple of days, he “retracted” Constitutional Reform the statement. Trouble is, you can’t talk the cat back into the bag once you’ve let it out. And The Liberal Democratic Party of Japan also, if you make a statement that reveals your dreadful ignorance (The Weimar Constitution October, 2012 was never amended by the Nazis; the Nazis did not take over the government “quietly”) There is a rumor in Japan that Aso Taro, former retracting it will not persuade people that you Prime Minister and present Deputy Prime weren’t so ignorant after all. -
A Brief Summary of Japanese-Ainu Relations and the Depiction of The
The road from Ainu barbarian to Japanese primitive: A brief summary of Japanese-ainu relations in a historical perspective Noémi GODEFROY Centre d’Etudes Japonaises (CEJ) “Populations Japonaises” Research Group Proceedings from the 3rd Consortium for Asian and African Studies (CAAS) “Making a difference: representing/constructing the other in Asian/African Media, Cinema and languages”, 16-18 February 2012, published by OFIAS at the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, p.201-212 Edward Saïd, in his ground-breaking work Orientalism, underlines that to represent the “Other” is to manipulate him. This has been an instrument of submission towards Asia during the age of European expansion, but the use of such a process is not confined to European domination. For centuries, the relationship between Japan and its northern neighbors, the Ainu, is based on economical domination and dependency. In this regard, the Ainu’s foreignness, impurity and “barbaric appearance” - their qualities as inferior “Others” - are emphasized in descriptive texts or by the regular staging of such diplomatic practices as “barbarian audiences”, thus highlighting the Japanese cultural and territorial superiority. But from 1868, the construction of the Meiji nation-state requires the assimilation and acculturation of the Ainu people. As Japan undergoes what Fukuzawa Yukichi refers to as the “opening to civilization” (文明開化 bunmei kaika) by learning from the West, it also plays the role of the civilizer towards the Ainu. The historical case study of the relationship between Japanese and Ainu from up to Meiji highlights the evolution of Japan’s own self-image and identity, from an emerging state, subduing barbarians, to newly unified state - whose ultramarine relations are inspired by a Chinese-inspired ethnocentrism and rejection of outside influence- during the Edo period, and finally to an aspiring nation-state, seeking to assert itself while avoiding colonization at Meiji. -
Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology
Volume 3, Issue 10, October– 2018 International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology ISSN No:-2456-2165 Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology Reihani Suci Budi Utami I Ketut Surajaya Under graduate student Japanese Studies Program Professor of History, Department of History, Faculty of Humanities University Indonesia, Depok 16424, Japanese Studies Program Faculty of Humanities University Indonesia Indonesia, Depok 16424, Indonesia Abstract:- This study discussed the position and role of state slogan Fukoku Kyouhei(Strong Military Rich State) the Emperor based on two Constitutions that have been proclaimed by Meiji government. and are in force in Japan, namely the Meiji Constitution and the 1947 Constitution. The focus of this study was to The Japan State Constitution, passed in 1946 and describe Articles governing the position and role of the implemented in 1947, was compiled during the American Emperor in Japanese government are implemented. The Occupation under General Douglas MacArthur. Democracy study found that articles governing the position of and peace were the ideological foundation of the 1947 Emperor in the Meiji Constitution were not properly Constitution. The Imperial Institution was separated from implemented due to military domination in the the State institutions that run the Government. The position government. Emperor Hirohito in reality did not have of the Emperor as symbol of State union shall not interfere full power in carrying out his functions according to the in administration affairs of the Government. institution. Articles governing the position and function of the Emperor in the 1947 Constitution are proper. In the Meiji Constitution, the Emperor was a Head of Emperor Hirohito, who was later replaced by Prince State who had wide prerogative rights. -
The Constitution of Japan (1947)
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) THE CONSTITUTION OF JAPAN (1947) Introduction The American Occupation of Japan was premised on the notion that the thorough demilitarization and democratization of the defeated nation would make the world forever safe from the renewed threat of Japanese aggression. The drafting of a new, democratic constitution was considered essential to Japan’s recasting as a peaceful member of the community of nations. After a Japanese commission failed to produce a new national constitution sufficiently progressive for the Occupation’s liking, a document was drafted (over the span of only a week’s time) in-house by American staff and presented to the Japanese government for translation and enactment. The Japanese had no choice but to follow orders and the new constitution, somewhat awkwardly worded as the result of its English-language origins, was promulgated in November 1946 and came into effect on May 3, 1947. Many scholars have noted the irony of the Occupation installing democratic political institutions in Japan through transparently authoritarian means: the Japanese, it has been said, were “forced to be free” by their American occupiers. Nonetheless, the 1947 Constitution was readily embraced by the Japanese people and has endured (with not a single amendment over the past six decades) as a sound basis for Japan’s postwar democracy. The most celebrated section of the 1947 Constitution is Article 9, often called the “no war” clause. Debate swirled immediately around Article 9, which was very popular among the Japanese people but which proved troubling to the United States. Although American Occupation officials drafted the “no war” clause, American military planners soon sought a remilitarized Japan as an ally in the Cold War and found Article 9 a serious impediment. -
Constitutional Reform in Japan
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2019 Constitutional Reform in Japan Nobuhisa Ishizuka Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Nobuhisa Ishizuka, Constitutional Reform in Japan, 33 COLUM. J. ASIAN L. 5 (2019). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/2714 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 2019] CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN 5 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN Nobuhisa Ishizukm INTRODUCTION Over seventy years ago it would have seemed inconceivable in the aftermath of a calamitous war that a complete reorientation of Japan into a pacifist society, modeled on Western principles of individual rights and democracy, would succeed in upending a deeply entrenched political order with roots dating back centuries.2 The post-war Japanese constitution lies at the heart of this transformation. Drafted, negotiated and promulgated a mere fourteen months after Japan's formal surrender, 3 it has remained a model of stability amidst transformational changes in the domestic and international political landscape. 4 In the seventy-plus years since its adoption, it has not been amended once.s 1 Executive Director, Center for Japanese Legal Studies, and Lecturer in Law, Columbia Law School. The author would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Nicole Frey, Columbia Law School LL.M. -
Geography of Japan
Family (The Emperor’s Family) Ie (family) system • The Civil Code of Meiji, 1898 Ie (family) consists of the head of the household and other members who live in the same house, and registered in one registry (Koseki) • This system was abolished in the new constitution in 1947. The Traditional Family • Head of the household is the unquestioned boss • The wishes and desires of individual family members must be subordinated to the collective interest of family • The eldest son is the heir both to the family fortunes and to the responsibility of family (primogeniture) • Marriages often arranged by parents • Several generations of family members live together Responsibilities of the Head of the Household • Economic welfare of the family, duty to support the family • Administration of family property • Welfare of deceased ancestors, conducting proper ceremonies in their honor • Overseeing conduct and behavior of family members Joining the Family • By birth • By marriage • Adoption The Contemporary Family • Nuclear Family • Marriage: Miai & Ren-ai marriages • Husband and Wife Relationships • Divorce • Old Age Koseki: Family Registration System • Today’s koseki system: only two generations of family, husband and wife and children who share the same family name. • Jūminhyō: residence card • Ie (Kazoku) seido : institutionalized family system • 1898 Civil code • 1947 New Civil Code: Family system and the right of primogeniture were abolished. Equal rights for men and women Changing Status of Women The first female governor of Tokyo since August 2016. Japanese Women in the Modern History • 1868 Meiji Restoration • 1872 The Fundamental Code of Education requires four years of compulsory education for both boys and girls. -
Kamikaze Diaries: Reflections of Japanese Student the Broader Question the Book Raises Is to What Ex- Soldiers
774 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007 Although Miller is brave to put her body in the hands The seven soldiers whose writings are translated in the of quack practitioners, at times I felt that I wanted to hear book were student soldiers, three of whom were in the “Spe- more how “believers” in the beauty work experienced the cial Attack Forces” (tokubetsu kougeki tai). Most attended products and services. Also, for some of her sources, she re- Japan’s highest-ranking public or private universities and lies on surveys conducted in popular magazines. A discus- came from families of considerable learning and privilege. sion of their reliability—or, perhaps, of their complicity— (Of the approximately 4,000 young men recruited into the in the pushing of trends or conceptualizations of the body special forces, 1,000 were university students, graduated would have been quite useful to better understand Miller’s early so they could be drafted.) data and analysis. Finally, it would have been interesting The writings offer compelling reading, both for stu- had there been a discussion of the counter-globalization dents who may harbor stereotypical images of sword- of Japanese beauty ideas and products. Japanese cos- wielding samurai and resolute pilots, and for those metic companies and fashion designers, forms of “soft interested in prewar intellectual history. The students’ en- power,” are increasingly powerful players on the world gagement with thinkers from Immanuel Kant to Natsume market. Suseki opens a window into not only the ideas available to In conclusion, Beauty Up is well-written, accessible, and intellectual citizens in the years surrounding Japan’s mili- an excellent contribution to the recent discussions on glob- tary ambition but also into how these ideas were embraced. -
The Birth of the Parliamentary Democracy in Japan: an Historical Approach
The Birth of the Parliamentary Democracy in Japan: An Historical Approach Csaba Gergely Tamás * I. Introduction II. State and Sovereignty in the Meiji Era 1. The Birth of Modern Japan: The First Written Constitution of 1889 2. Sovereignty in the Meiji Era 3. Separation of Powers under the Meiji Constitution III. The Role of Teikoku Gikai under the Meiji Constitution (明治憲法 Meiji Kenp ō), 1. Composition of the Teikoku Gikai ( 帝國議会) 2. Competences of the Teikoku Gikai IV. The Temporary Democracy in the 1920s 1. The Nearly 14 Years of the Cabinet System 2. Universal Manhood Suffrage: General Election Law of 1925 V. Constitutionalism in the Occupation Period and Afterwards 1. The Constitutional Process: SCAP Draft and Its Parliamentary Approval 2. Shōch ō ( 象徴) Emperor: A Mere Symbol? 3. Popular Sovereignty and the Separation of State Powers VI. Kokkai ( 国会) as the Highest Organ of State Power VII. Conclusions: Modern vs. Democratic Japan References I. INTRODUCTION Japanese constitutional legal history does not constitute a part of the obligatory legal curriculum in Hungary. There are limited numbers of researchers and references avail- able throughout the country. However, I am convinced that neither legal history nor comparative constitutional law could be properly interpreted without Japan and its unique legal system and culture. Regarding Hungarian-Japanese legal linkages, at this stage I have not found any evidence of a particular interconnection between the Japanese and Hungarian legal system, apart from the civil law tradition and the universal constitutional principles; I have not yet encountered the Hungarian “Lorenz von Stein” or “Hermann Roesler”. * This study was generously sponsored by the Japan Foundation Short-Term Fellowship Program, July-August, 2011. -
Chapter 1. Meiji Revolution: Start of Full-Scale Modernization
Seven Chapters on Japanese Modernization Chapter 1. Meiji Revolution: Start of Full-Scale Modernization Contents Section 1: Significance of Meiji Revolution Section 2: Legacies of the Edo Period Section 3: From the Opening of Japan to the Downfall of Bakufu, the Tokugawa Government Section 4: New Meiji Government Section 5: Iwakura Mission, Political Crisis of 1873 and the Civil War Section 6: Liberal Democratic Movement and the Constitution Section 7: End of the Meiji Revolution It’s a great pleasure to be with you and speak about Japan’s modernization. Japan was the first country and still is one of the very few countries that have modernized from a non-Western background to establish a free, democratic, prosperous, and peace- loving nation based on the rule of law, without losing much of its tradition and identity. I firmly believe that there are quite a few aspects of Japan’s experience that can be shared with developing countries today. Section 1: Significance of Meiji Revolution In January 1868, in the palace in Kyoto, it was declared that the Tokugawa Shogunate was over, and a new government was established under Emperor, based on the ancient system. This was why this political change was called as the Meiji Restoration. The downfall of a government that lasted more than 260 years was a tremendous upheaval, indeed. It also brought an end to the epoch of rule by “samurai,” “bushi” or Japanese traditional warriors that began as early as in the 12th century and lasted for about 700 years. Note: This lecture transcript is subject to copyright protection. -
The Legalization of Hinomaru and Kimigayo As Japan's National Flag
The legalization of Hinomaru and Kimigayo as Japan's national flag and anthem and its connections to the political campaign of "healthy nationalism and internationalism" Marit Bruaset Institutt for østeuropeiske og orientalske studier, Universitetet i Oslo Vår 2003 Introduction The main focus of this thesis is the legalization of Hinomaru and Kimigayo as the national flag and anthem of Japan in 1999 and its connections to what seems to be an atypical Japanese form of postwar nationalism. In the 1980s a campaign headed by among others Prime Minister Nakasone was promoted to increase the pride of the Japanese in their nation and to achieve a “transformation of national consciousness”.1 Its supporters tended to use the term “healthy nationalism and internationalism”. When discussing the legalization of Hinomaru and Kimigayo as the national flag and anthem of Japan, it is necessary to look into the nationalism that became evident in the 1980s and see to what extent the legalization is connected with it. Furthermore we must discuss whether the legalization would have been possible without the emergence of so- called “healthy nationalism and internationalism”. Thus it is first necessary to discuss and try to clarify the confusing terms of “healthy nationalism and patriotism”. Secondly, we must look into why and how the so-called “healthy nationalism and internationalism” occurred and address the question of why its occurrence was controversial. The field of education seems to be the area of Japanese society where the controversy regarding its occurrence was strongest. The Ministry of Education, Monbushō, and the Japan Teachers' Union, Nihon Kyōshokuin Kumiai (hereafter Nikkyōso), were the main opponents struggling over the issue of Hinomaru, and especially Kimigayo, due to its lyrics praising the emperor. -
Sample Chapter
Constructing Empire The Japanese in Changchun, 1905–45 Bill Sewell Sample Material © UBC Press 2019 Contents List of Illustrations / vii Preface / ix List of Abbreviations / xv Introduction / 9 1 City Planning / 37 2 Imperialist and Imperial Facades / 64 3 Economic Development/ 107 4 Colonial Society / 131 Conclusion / 174 Notes / 198 Bibliography / 257 Index / 283 Sample Material © UBC Press 2019 Introduction The city of Changchun, capital of the landlocked northeastern province of Jilin, might seem an odd place in which to explore Japan’s pre-war empire. Just over fifteen hundred kilometres from Tokyo, Changchun is not quite as far away as the Okinawan capital, Naha, but lies inland more than six hundred kilometres north of Dalian and Seoul and five hundred kilometres west of Vladivostok. Cooler and drier than Japan, its continental climate compounds its remoteness by making it, for Japanese, a different kind of place. Changchun, moreover, has rarely graced international headlines in recent years, given Jilin’s economic development’s lagging behind the coastal provinces, though the city did host the 2007 Asian Winter Games. In the twentieth century’s first half, however, Changchun figured prominently. The Russo-Japanese War resulted in its becoming the boundary between the Russian and Japanese spheres of influence in northeast China and a transfer point for travel between Europe and Asia. The terminus of the broad-gauge Russian railroad track required a physical transfer to different trains, and, before 1917, a twenty-three- minute difference between Harbin and Dalian time zones required travellers to reset their watches.1 Following Japan’s seizure of Manchuria, Changchun, renamed Xinjing, became the capital of the puppet state of Manchukuo, rec- ognized by the Axis powers and a partner in Japan’s Greater East Asia Co- Prosperity Sphere.