The Constitution of Japan
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Japan Between the Wars
JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations. -
Implications of Abenomics on Gender Equality in Japan and Its Conformity with CEDAW
TUCKER (DO NOT DELETE) 4/24/2017 6:16 PM RICKY TUCKER* Implications of Abenomics on Gender Equality in Japan and Its Conformity with CEDAW Introduction ....................................................................................... 544 A. Abenomics ...................................................................... 545 B. Female Workforce Participation ..................................... 546 C. History of Japanese Gender Equality Laws .................... 549 I. The Purpose of the Third Arrow Casts Doubt on its Ability to Accomplish Its Goals ............................................. 551 A. Addressing Financial Insecurity ..................................... 551 B. Addressing Gender Equality ........................................... 552 II. The Third Arrow Does Not Conform to the Strict Mandates Imposed Upon Member Countries to CEDAW ..... 554 A. Leadership ......................................................................... 555 1. CEDAW Article II .................................................... 556 2. CEDAW Article XI ................................................... 558 B. Childcare Waiting Lists .................................................. 559 C. Support for a Return to Work ......................................... 561 D. Assistance for Reentering the Workforce ....................... 563 III. Abenomics’ Conformity with CEDAW and the Overall Goal of Boosting the Economy Are Not Mutually Exclusive ................................................................................ 564 IV. A Counterpoint: -
The System of Trade Between Japan and the East European Countries, Including the Soviet Union
THE SYSTEM OF TRADE BETWEEN JAPAN AND THE EAST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, INCLUDING THE SOVIET UNION YATARO TERADA* INTRODUCTION Poor in natural resources, Japan has long been dependent on overseas supply for most of her raw material and fuel requirements. While imports of raw materials and fuel by the United States and West Germany in 197o accounted respectively for 14 per cent and 22 per cent of their total imports, Japan's imports of raw materials and fuel in the same year amounted to about 59 per cent of her total imports. In addition, Japan depends on imports from foreign countries for ioo per cent of her wool, raw cotton, and nickel; 98 per cent of her petroleum; 95 per cent of her iron ores; and 55 per cent of her industrial coal. Such being the case, one of the guiding principles in Japan's foreign trade policy has been to expand trade with any country, regardless of its political system. Japan was plagued by a gap between her economic growth and her international balance of payments until the mid-i96o's and, in order to improve this situation, promotion of exports was given highest priority. Thus, efforts have been made to expand trade with the Soviet Union and East European countries on a commercial basis. After the resumption of private foreign trade in 1949, trade between Japan and the Soviet Union and East European countries was conducted at a low level for some time. However, since the conclusion of a treaty of commerce and an agree- ment on trade and payment with the Soviet Union in 1957, and the conclusion of treaties of commerce with Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1958 and 1959, Japan's trade with Eastern Europe has increased yearly. -
Election System in Japan
地方自治研修 Local Governance (Policy Making and Civil Society) F.Y.2007 Election System in Japan 選挙制度 – CONTENTS – CHAPTER I. BASIC PRINCIPLES OF JAPAN’S ELECTION SYSTEM .........................................1 CHAPTER II. THE LAW CONCERNING ELECTIONS FOR PUBLIC OFFICES.........................3 CHAPTER III. ORGANS FOR ELECTION MANAGEMENT ...........................................................5 CHAPTER IV. TECHNICAL ADVICE, RECOMMENDATION, ETC. OF ELECTIONS...........7 CHAPTER V. SUFFRAGE.......................................................................................................................8 CHAPTER VI. ELIGIBILITY FOR ELECTION..................................................................................9 CHAPTER VII. ELECTORAL DISTRICTS........................................................................................10 CHAPTER VIII. VOTERS LIST ...........................................................................................................15 CHAPTER IX. CANDIDATURE - RUNNING FOR ELECTION .....................................................17 CHAPTER X. BALLOTING ..................................................................................................................22 CHAPTER XI. BALLOT COUNTING AND DETERMINATION OF PERSONS ELECTED...29 CHAPTER XII. ELECTION CAMPAIGNS.........................................................................................33 CHAPTER XIII. ELECTION CAMPAIGN REVENUE AND EXPENDITURES ...........................44 CHAPTER XIV. LAWSUITS.................................................................................................................49 -
Explaining Party Adaptation to Electoral Reform: the Discreet Charm of the LDP?
01-J2906 1/9/04 6:27 AM Page 1 ellis s. krauss and robert pekkanen Explaining Party Adaptation to Electoral Reform: The Discreet Charm of the LDP? Abstract: This article traces the effects of Japan’s 1994 electoral reform on Japan’s governing party, the LDP. Factions have lost their central role in nomi- nating candidates and deciding the party presidency but remain important in al- locating party and Diet posts. Unexpectedly, ko¯enkai have grown stronger be- cause they perform new functions. PARC remains important but diminished by the enhanced policymaking role of party leaders in the coalition government. A central theme is unpredicted organizational adaptation—“embedded choice”— since 1994. We speculate on how this flexibility of the LDP, adapting old orga- nizational forms to new incentives, its “discreet charm,” may affect Japanese politics and the LDP’s potential longevity in power. The decade that has passed since Japan fundamentally reformed the elec- toral system that had been in place since 1947, one that also had been used for part of the prewar period, is enough time to begin to assess the conse- quences of that system for the way the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) mobilizes votes, and for its internal personnel and policymaking organization. It is perhaps most surprising that the LDP continues in power We are grateful to Gerry Curtis and Yoso Furumoto, for their interview introductions and other suggestions, and to Matt Shugart, for his insights on electoral reform consequences. We thank Len Schoppa, Ofer Feldman, and Komako Tanaka for interview suggestions; Meg McKean and Masahiko Tatebayashi for sharing their ongoing research; and Pablo Pinto, Verena Blechinger, John Campbell, Mikitaka Masuyama, Aurelia George Mulgan, Satoshi Machidori, Steve Reed, and Yutaka Tsujinaka for feedback on our research and earlier versions of this ar- ticle. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The Otaku Phenomenon : Pop Culture, Fandom, and Religiosity in Contemporary Japan
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 12-2017 The otaku phenomenon : pop culture, fandom, and religiosity in contemporary Japan. Kendra Nicole Sheehan University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the Comparative Methodologies and Theories Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, and the Other Religion Commons Recommended Citation Sheehan, Kendra Nicole, "The otaku phenomenon : pop culture, fandom, and religiosity in contemporary Japan." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2850. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2850 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE OTAKU PHENOMENON: POP CULTURE, FANDOM, AND RELIGIOSITY IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN By Kendra Nicole Sheehan B.A., University of Louisville, 2010 M.A., University of Louisville, 2012 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Humanities Department of Humanities University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky December 2017 Copyright 2017 by Kendra Nicole Sheehan All rights reserved THE OTAKU PHENOMENON: POP CULTURE, FANDOM, AND RELIGIOSITY IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN By Kendra Nicole Sheehan B.A., University of Louisville, 2010 M.A., University of Louisville, 2012 A Dissertation Approved on November 17, 2017 by the following Dissertation Committee: __________________________________ Dr. -
It Would Make No Sense for Article 9 to Mean What It Says, Therefore It Doesn’T
Volume 11 | Issue 39 | Number 2 | Article ID 4001 | Sep 29, 2013 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus It Would Make No Sense for Article 9 to Mean What it Says, Therefore It Doesn’t. The Transformation of Japan's Constitution 日本国憲法の変容 9条の文面は意味不明。しかるに文 字通り受け止めるべからず C. Douglas Lummis It should be done quietly. One day everybody woke up and found that the Weimar Constitution had been Nihonkoku Kenpo Kaisei Soan (Proposal for changed, replaced by the Nazi Amendment of the Constitution of Japan) Constitution. It changed without anyone noticing. Maybe we could Central Office for the Promotion of learn from that. No hullabaloo. Constitutional Reform: Drafting Committee The Liberal Democratic Party of Japan Aso was bombarded with criticism from within Japan and from around the world, from people 27 April, 2012 shocked to learn that there is a political leader Nihonkoku Kenpo Kaisei Soan: Q&A (Proposal in a major democratic country who could for Amendment of the Constitution of Japan: confess to believing that something useful Q&A) about how to deal with democratic constitutions can be learned from the Nazi Central Office for the Promotion ofexample. After a couple of days, he “retracted” Constitutional Reform the statement. Trouble is, you can’t talk the cat back into the bag once you’ve let it out. And The Liberal Democratic Party of Japan also, if you make a statement that reveals your dreadful ignorance (The Weimar Constitution October, 2012 was never amended by the Nazis; the Nazis did not take over the government “quietly”) There is a rumor in Japan that Aso Taro, former retracting it will not persuade people that you Prime Minister and present Deputy Prime weren’t so ignorant after all. -
Abenomics' Effect on Gender Inequality in Japanese Society And
Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern Honors College Theses 2021 Abenomics’ Effect on Gender Inequality in Japanese Society and the Workplace Arianna C. Johnson Georgia Southern University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses Part of the Japanese Studies Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Johnson, Arianna C., "Abenomics’ Effect on Gender Inequality in Japanese Society and the Workplace" (2021). Honors College Theses. 583. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses/583 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abenomics’ Effect on Gender Inequality in Japanese Society and the Workplace An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in Political Science and International Studies. By Arianna C. Johnson Under the mentorship of Dr. Christopher M. Brown ABSTRACT In this study, I determine the extent to which Japan’s shrinking workforce population has been affected by gender roles. Many Asian countries are experiencing a prominent decline in birth rate and population, which has increased global interest in these issues. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Japanese government officials have eagerly responded, pushing Japanese women into the labor force as a possible solution. However, this decision has unanticipated drawbacks, which requires officials to address Japanese women’s concerns in and outside of the workplace. I argue that the Japanese government will have more success by addressing these needs, creating a more gender-equal society for Japanese women. -
RSF 190X270 Classement4:Mise En Page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 1
RSF_190x270_Classement4:Mise en page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 1 WORLD PRESS FREEDOM INDEX 2014 RSF_190x270_Classement4:Mise en page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 2 World Press Freedom index - Methodology The press freedom index that Reporters Without occupying force are treated as violations of the right to Borders publishes every year measures the level of information in foreign territory and are incorporated into freedom of information in 180 countries. It reflects the the score of the occupying force’s country. degree of freedom that journalists, news organizations The rest of the questionnaire, which is sent to outside and netizens enjoy in each country, and the efforts experts and members of the RWB network, made by the authorities to respect and ensure respect concentrates on issues that are hard to quantify such for this freedom. as the degree to which news providers censor It is based partly on a questionnaire that is sent to our themselves, government interference in editorial partner organizations (18 freedom of expression NGOs content, or the transparency of government decision- located in all five continents), to our network of 150 making. Legislation and its effectiveness are the subject correspondents, and to journalists, researchers, jurists of more detailed questions. Questions have been and human rights activists. added or expanded, for example, questions about The 180 countries ranked in this year’s index are those concentration of media ownership and favouritism for which Reporters Without Borders received in the allocation of subsidies or state advertising. completed questionnaires from various sources. Some Similarly, discrimination in access to journalism and countries were not included because of a lack of reliable, journalism training is also included. -
Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology
Volume 3, Issue 10, October– 2018 International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology ISSN No:-2456-2165 Japan Imperial Institution: Discourse and Reality of Political and Social Ideology Reihani Suci Budi Utami I Ketut Surajaya Under graduate student Japanese Studies Program Professor of History, Department of History, Faculty of Humanities University Indonesia, Depok 16424, Japanese Studies Program Faculty of Humanities University Indonesia Indonesia, Depok 16424, Indonesia Abstract:- This study discussed the position and role of state slogan Fukoku Kyouhei(Strong Military Rich State) the Emperor based on two Constitutions that have been proclaimed by Meiji government. and are in force in Japan, namely the Meiji Constitution and the 1947 Constitution. The focus of this study was to The Japan State Constitution, passed in 1946 and describe Articles governing the position and role of the implemented in 1947, was compiled during the American Emperor in Japanese government are implemented. The Occupation under General Douglas MacArthur. Democracy study found that articles governing the position of and peace were the ideological foundation of the 1947 Emperor in the Meiji Constitution were not properly Constitution. The Imperial Institution was separated from implemented due to military domination in the the State institutions that run the Government. The position government. Emperor Hirohito in reality did not have of the Emperor as symbol of State union shall not interfere full power in carrying out his functions according to the in administration affairs of the Government. institution. Articles governing the position and function of the Emperor in the 1947 Constitution are proper. In the Meiji Constitution, the Emperor was a Head of Emperor Hirohito, who was later replaced by Prince State who had wide prerogative rights. -
Financial Crime
Japan’s Shifting Geopolitical and Geo-economic relations in Africa A view from Japan Inc. By Dr Martyn Davies, Managing Director: Emerging Markets & Africa, Frontier Advisory Deloitte and Kira McDonald, Research Analyst, Frontier Advisory Deloitte The Japanese translation was published in changer” in Africa since the turn of the century; Building Hitotsubashi Business Review geopolitical stature and influence in Africa with a (Vol. 63, No. 1, June 2015, pp. 24-41). potential view toward gaining a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC); and the strategic Introduction need for securing resource assets with special emphasis on energy resources and key metals for its industrial Japan has been grappling with defining its Africa economy.1 strategy. Historically, Japanese engagement with Since 2000, Japan’s strategy toward Africa has begun Africa has emphasised aid and development rather to shift. Whereas previously the relationship was than focused pragmatic commercial interest. Japan’s characterised by a donor-recipient model to a more engagement in Africa is seen as benign due in large part commercially-orientated approach, encouraging to its non-involvement in the continent’s colonial history. development through private investment, and However, Japan’s engagement of Africa is undergoing a incorporating a greater focus on business aligned shift due in large part by the increased prominence of the to the interests of Japan Inc. But as Africa itself is African continent and rising competition from emerging rapidly changing, so too much the foreign policy and actors who this century are rapidly accumulating both commercial strategy of Japan toward the continent. geopolitical and geo-economic capital on the continent.