Theocracy Vs Constitutionalism in Japan Constitutional Amendment and the Return of Pre-War Shinto Nationalism
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The Significance of Nippon Kaigi in the Revisionist
Tomomi Yamaguchi The “HistoryWars” and the “Comfort Woman” Issue: The SignificanceofNippon Kaigi in the Revisionist Movement in ContemporaryJapan Introduction In December 2012,Abe Shinzō became Japan’sPrime Minister for the second time. From the beginning of his political career in 1993asanew member of the House of Representativesfrom the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (hereafter,LDP), Abehas been apolitician committed to historical revisionist causes. Both times that he served as the primeminister in 2006–2007 and then since 2012,Abe showed extensive interest in denying Japan’sresponsibility over the “comfort woman” issue, and the issue gained lots of political attention, both in Japan and abroad.¹ At the national political level, the revision of the Kōno statement issued on 4August 1993, by then-Chief Cabinet Secretary, Kōno Yōhei, became the topic of intense discussion. The statement includes the phrase, “[a] government studyhas revealed thatinmanycases they werere- cruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that,attimes, administrative/military personneldirectlytook part in the recruitments.”² Right- wing forces arguetothis daythatthe Kōno statement’sindication that the “com- fort women” wereforciblyrecruited by the Japanese military is false. After the building of the “comfort woman” statue (Statue of Peace) in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul in December 2011, the Japanese right-wingand the government have been obsessed with “comfort women” statues and memo- rials in different overseas locations, giventheir heavy interest in the internation- al reputation of Japan. The building of the first “comfort woman” memorial in the U.S. in front of alibrary in Palisades Park, New Jersey,in2010,gainedatten- tion of Japanese conservativesinspring 2012.Subsequently,statues werebuilt in The term “comfortwomen” was aeuphemism used during WWII, which does not reflect the harsh realities of women forciblyengaged in sexual slavery.When used in English-languageac- tivism and academia this term is often put in quotation marks. -
In Silent Homage to Amaterasu: Kagura Secret Songs at Ise Jingū and the Imperial Palace Shrine
In Silent Homage to Amaterasu: Kagura Secret Songs at Ise Jingū and the Imperial Palace Shrine in Modern and Pre-modern Japan Michiko Urita A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Patricia Shehan Campbell, Chair Jeffrey M. Perl Christina Sunardi Paul S. Atkins Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Music ii ©Copyright 2017 Michiko Urita iii University of Washington Abstract In Silent Homage to Amaterasu: Kagura Secret Songs at Ise Jingū and the Imperial Palace Shrine in Modern and Pre-modern Japan Michiko Urita Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Patricia Shehan Campbell Music This dissertation explores the essence and resilience of the most sacred and secret ritual music of the Japanese imperial court—kagura taikyoku and kagura hikyoku—by examining ways in which these two songs have survived since their formation in the twelfth century. Kagura taikyoku and kagura hikyoku together are the jewel of Shinto ceremonial vocal music of gagaku, the imperial court music and dances. Kagura secret songs are the emperor’s foremost prayer offering to the imperial ancestral deity, Amaterasu, and other Shinto deities for the well-being of the people and Japan. I aim to provide an understanding of reasons for the continued and uninterrupted performance of kagura secret songs, despite two major crises within Japan’s history. While foreign origin style of gagaku was interrupted during the Warring States period (1467-1615), the performance and transmission of kagura secret songs were protected and sustained. In the face of the second crisis during the Meiji period (1868-1912), which was marked by a threat of foreign invasion and the re-organization of governance, most secret repertoire of gagaku lost their secrecy or were threatened by changes to their traditional system of transmissions, but kagura secret songs survived and were sustained without losing their iv secrecy, sacredness, and silent performance. -
Religion and the Secular State in Japan1
KYOKO KIMPARA Religion and the Secular State in Japan1 I. SOCIAL CONTEXT The contemporary society of Japan appears to be comprised of both secular and religious influences. The reality is that the Japanese society reflects an ambivalent feeling towards religion shared by the majority of the Japanese people and is the key to understanding the social, political and legal context in the theme of “Religion and the Secular State.” In this setion of the report, both the current breakdown of religious affiliations in Japan and a brief historical explanation of the major religious traditions in Japan are given. According to the latest reliable statistics available concerning the religious affiliation of the Japanese, 51.2 percent are Shintoists (Shinto is traditional polytheistic religion of Japan), 43.3 percent are Buddhists, 1.0 percent are Christians, and 4.4 percent are other religions. The total number of Shintoists and Buddhists combined make up approximately two hundred million, which is almost twice as many as the total population of the country. How could that be explained? First, as the statistics are based on a questionnaire answered by religious communities, each community may have declared a number slightly more than actual membership. Another explanation could be the possibility that each community counted the number of people who had simply participated in some religious events of the community or worshipped in some way or other, even though there is no such clear-cut sign of one’s religious affiliation in Shinto and Buddhism as baptism is in Christianity. Many Japanese tend to participate in religious events of different religions, such as the New Year’s celebrations at Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples, Saint Valentine’s Day and Christmas Eve, romantic wedding ceremonies at Christian churches, and funeral ceremonies done in a Shintoist or Buddhist style. -
The History Problem: the Politics of War
History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement. -
MARUYAMA Masao
MARUYAMA Masao ‘I’d rather believe in the falsity of post- war democracy than the actuality of the Empire of Japan’ Maruyama Masao (1914-1996) was a Japanese intellectual historian, perhaps best known for the quote mentioned above. It is from the afterword of the revised edition of his seminal Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics from 1964 (the English edition was published in 1969). Within its opening essay, first published in 1946, he unearthed the psychological sanctions in modern Japan’s ultra-nationalism, which led the country to the devastating Pacific War. With this essay, Maruyama became an icon of 20th century Japanese political thought. The aforementioned quote indicates that within two decades after the end of the war, the new democracy brought by Americans had already turned out to be something plastic for him, whilst the nightmare of the Japanese empire still remained. To date, he has been the most praised and the most criticized scholar both from the political right and left in Japan. This was not because his discourse was equivocal, but because Maruyama consistently tackled the same essential question of humanity in the rapidly changing intellectual landscape in Japan: that is, the question of subjectivity in the context of global knowledge (re)production and dissemination. Here, his puzzle can be paraphrased as follows: Is the democracy the Japanese imported really the same democracy as that in the West? It is hardly unusual in the political world that a dubious statement by a politician is supported by the majority. This is the enigma of ideology that many thinkers, including Maruyama, have tackled in the era of democracy. -
The “Japan Is Great!” Boom, Historical Revisionism, and the Government
Volume 15 | Issue 6 | Number 3 | Article ID 5021 | Mar 15, 2017 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The “Japan Is Great!” Boom, Historical Revisionism, and the Government Tomomi Yamaguchi This is the first of a two-part article. Part two, ideology can enter the mundane, everyday entitled “The National Story of ‘Japan Is Great’” spheres of life. In doing so, Hayakawa by Hayakawa Tadanori, is available here. brilliantly demonstrates how the nationalistic movement “Japanism” (Nihonshugi) took off. Abstract: As the Tokyo Shimbun reported in its He shows that these books “discover” the recent article, the expression “Japan Is Great!” greatness of Japan everywhere, from rice and and a distinctive nationalistic sentimentfish consumption to etiquette, hygiene, and associated with it flood the mass media in physical training methods. And through his Japan today. Journalists and televisionexamination of nationalistic publications in the personalities praise Japan ad nauseam.country’s past—those that like the “Japan Is Hayakawa Tadanori is an editor and writer who Great” publications today also overstated the has extensively covered this “Japan-Is-Great” uniqueness of the country’s culture and phenomenon. Analyzing issues surrounding technology—he clarifies how that older “Japan nationalism and propaganda both in pre-war Is Great” discourse bolstered the mobilization and contemporary Japan, he examines topics for the Greater East Asia War, thereby ranging from patriotic mobilization in pre-war awakening us to the danger of history and war-time Japan to post-war propaganda repeating itself. promoting nuclear energy. His most recent book, The Dystopia of “Japan Is Great”: The Genealogy of Singing One's Own Praises in Wartime (“Nihon sugoi” no disutopia: senjika jiga jisan no keifu, Seikyūsha, 2016) analyzes “precursors to the current ‘Japan Is Great!’ discourse” in publications between 1925 and 1945. -
The Enduring Ambiguities of Japan's Postwar Secularism
THE ENDURING AMBIGUITIES OF JAPAN’S POSTWAR SECULARISM David Rangdrol Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctorate in Philosophy degree in Political Science School of Political Studies Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa © David Rangdrol, Ottawa, Canada, 2018 ABSTRACT Following decades of state control of religion, a secular constitution was introduced in Japan in 1947, presenting favourable prospects for safeguarding freedom of conscience and equality. However, the vague language used in Articles 20 and 89 of the constitution arguably complicated the task of creating a strong, liberal secular regime. This thesis, therefore, will describe how institutional flaws have compounded the secularism-related challenges linked to the revival of Shinto’s public role in the postwar era, as well as the controversies surrounding the creation of a powerful Buddhism-based political party, the Komeito. In this regard, the Japanese case provides an opportunity to reflect on similar issues elsewhere in the world. Indeed, attempts at fostering citizens’ civic cohesion are being challenged in nation-states worldwide; on one hand, by the absolutist goals of religio-political movements, and on the other, by state-led constructions of national and religious identities. The Japanese case can especially contribute to the debates concerning the introduction of secularism in non-Western societies – notably where the notions used to articulate secularism, such as the religion–state dichotomy, either are absent or lack deep cultural and historical roots. By focusing on the impact of key ambiguities found at the core of Japan’s secular rules, the thesis will argue that institutional design choices, rather than cultural barriers, are responsible for some of the most important challenges confronting secularism in Japan today. -
Daijosai and the Separation of Religion and State
Japanese Society and Culture Volume 2 Article 4 2-28-2020 Daijosai and the Separation of Religion and State Thomas Makoto Naruse Department of Law, Kokushikan University Follow this and additional works at: https://gensoken.toyo.ac.jp/japanese-society-and-culture Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Japanese Studies Commons Recommended Citation Naruse, Thomas Makoto (2020) "Daijosai and the Separation of Religion and State," Japanese Society and Culture: Vol. 2 , Article 4. Available at: https://gensoken.toyo.ac.jp/japanese-society-and-culture/vol2/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Institute of Social Sciences. It has been accepted for inclusion in Japanese Society and Culture by an authorized editor of Institute of Social Sciences. Daijosai and the Separation of Religion and State 031 【Received 1 October 2019 / Revised 29 November 2019 / Accepted 6 December 2019】 Daijosai and the Separation of Religion and State Thomas Makoto Naruse ※ Abstract Daijosai, which is regarded as an indispensable ceremony for the accession of the throne, is a Shinto ceremony. Therefore, as Japanese Constitution defines separation of church and state, it is not held as a national ceremony (a state act) but held as a ceremony of the imperial house. On the other hand, since it is said to be an indispensable ceremony for the accession of the throne, government finds public significance, and the cost is covered by the national expenses. Criticisms that claim violation of separation of church and state arise, and many lawsuits were filed. This article reveals that behind the argument of Daijosai and separation of church and state, there are two contexts. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
The Uses of the Holocaust in Japanese Conservative Internet Media
Journal of Asia-Pacific StudiesThe Uses (Waseda of the University) Holocaust inNo. Japanese 26 (March Conservative 2016) Internet Media The Uses of the Holocaust in Japanese Conservative Internet Media Jeffrey J. Hall† Past scholarship on the Holocaust has shown that various groups throughout the world have at- tempted to emulate Jewish Holocaust awareness campaigning in their own activist campaigns aimed at bringing attention to other historical events. Such studies have almost exclusively focused on groups rep- resenting the victims of atrocities. However, there has been little academic study on the use of the Holo- caust in campaigns to deny alleged historical atrocities. This paper explores how the Holocaust is used by members of Japan’s conservative right in their efforts to deny Chinese and Korean claims of historical victimization. It will also address the possible misconception that widespread anti-Semitism and Holo- caust denial exist among the Japanese conservative right. This misconception seemed evident in early 2014, when foreign media outlets ran stories suggesting that acts of anti-Jewish vandalism at Tokyo li- braries were linked to the conservative supporters of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. To analyze the views and uses of the Holocaust among the Japanese conservative right, this paper examined programs created by Nihon Bunka Channel Sakura, a conservative internet broadcaster with links to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s political base. The response from Nihon Bunka Channel Sakura to that incident, as well as its other programs that mentioned the Holocaust, depicted the Holocaust as a historical fact, celebrated Japanese heroes who protected Jews, denied the existence of anti-Semitism in Japan, and argued that Japanese are victims of foreign “lies” and “propaganda.” The truth of the Holocaust was contrasted with what conservatives saw as false or exaggerated accounts of atrocities committed by Japan during World War II. -
Public Intellectuals, Neonationalism, and the Politics of Yasukuni Shrine
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nichibunken Open Access Mark R. MULLINS Public Intellectuals, Neonationalism, and the Politics of Yasukuni Shrine Mark R. MULLINS Introduction Yasukuni Shrine remains a controversial site in contemporary Japan. In spite of its name, “peaceful country,” it has been associated with war, militarism, and social conflict throughout much of its history. Established initially to memorialize those soldiers who gave their lives in the battles fought for the restoration of imperial rule, it became the site to enshrine all of those who perished in Japan’s wars of imperial expansion from the late nineteenth century until 1945. During this period, the shrine was under the administrative control of the Ministries of Army and Navy, and financially supported by the government. Shinto priests were employed to conduct the services, but it is worth noting that the chief priest was often a military man. Although the rituals conducted at the shrine followed Shinto protocol, the government regarded them as “non-religious” ceremonies that were necessary to provide official recognition for those who sacrificed their life for the nation and Emperor. The annual events held at the shrine were used to inspire and mobilize the Japanese for war, celebrate military victories, and memorialize the war dead. Following Japan’s surrender in August 1945, the Allied Occupation rapidly transformed the status of the shrine. In response to the Shinto Directive (15 December 1945) issued by the Supreme Commander of Allied Powers, all shrines were “disestablished” and separated from government support and control. -
100 Books for Understanding Contemporary Japan
100 Books for Understanding Contemporary Japan The Nippon Foundation Copyright © 2008 All rights reserved The Nippon Foundation The Nippon Zaidan Building 1-2-2 Akasaka, Minato-ku Tokyo 107-8404, Japan Telephone +81-3-6229-5111 / Fax +81-3-6229-5110 Cover design and layout: Eiko Nishida (cooltiger ltd.) February 2010 Printed in Japan 100 Books for Understanding Contemporary Japan Foreword 7 On the Selection Process 9 Program Committee 10 Politics / International Relations The Autobiography of Yukichi Fukuzawa / Yukichi Fukuzawa 12 Broadcasting Politics in Japan: NHK and Television News / Ellis S. Krauss 13 Constructing Civil Society in Japan: Voices of Environmental Movements / 14 Koichi Hasegawa Cultural Norms and National Security: Police and Military in Postwar Japan / 15 Peter J. Katzenstein A Discourse By Three Drunkards on Government / Nakae Chomin 16 Governing Japan: Divided Politics in a Major Economy / J.A.A. Stockwin 17 The Iwakura Mission in America and Europe: A New Assessment / 18 Ian Nish (ed.) Japan Remodeled: How Government and Industry are Reforming 19 Japanese Capitalism / Steven K. Vogel Japan Rising: The Resurgence of Japanese Power and Purpose / 20 Kenneth B. Pyle Japanese Foreign Policy at the Crossroads / Yutaka Kawashima 21 Japan’s Love-Hate Relationship with the West / Sukehiro Hirakawa 22 Japan’s Quest for a Permanent Security Council Seat / Reinhard Drifte 23 The Logic of Japanese Politics / Gerald L. Curtis 24 Machiavelli’s Children: Leaders and Their Legacies in Italy and Japan / 25 Richard J. Samuels Media and Politics in Japan / Susan J. Pharr & Ellis S. Krauss (eds.) 26 Network Power: Japan and Asia / Peter Katzenstein & Takashi Shiraishi (eds.) 27 Regime Shift: Comparative Dynamics of the Japanese Political Economy / 28 T.