The Sphinx and the Gladiators: How Neo-Fascists Steered the Red Brigades
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Charles De Gaulle Visto Dall'italia (1958-2012)
Cahiers d’études italiennes 22 | 2016 Novecento… e dintorni France et Italie (1955-1967) : politique, société et économie Charles de Gaulle visto dall’Italia (1958-2012) Charles de Gaulle vu de l’Italie (1958-2012) Charles de Gaulle Seen from Italy (1958–2012) Roberto Colozza Edizione digitale URL: http://journals.openedition.org/cei/2892 DOI: 10.4000/cei.2892 ISSN: 2260-779X Editore UGA Éditions/Université Grenoble Alpes Edizione cartacea Data di pubblicazione: 20 avril 2016 Paginazione: 97-110 ISBN: 978-2-84310-323-0 ISSN: 1770-9571 Notizia bibliografica digitale Roberto Colozza, «Charles de Gaulle visto dall’Italia (1958-2012)», Cahiers d’études italiennes [Online], 22 | 2016, online dal 01 janvier 2017, consultato il 26 mars 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ cei/2892 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/cei.2892 © ELLUG CHarlES De GAUllE visTO Dall’ITalia (1958-2012) Roberto Colozza Gerda Henkel Stiftung La percezione del ‘fenomeno’ Charles de Gaulle si compone di vari ele- menti, che sono espressione di un profilo biografico in cui la dimensione personale si mescola pressoché inscindibilmente con quella politica. Ana- lizzare la ricezione di de Gaulle in Italia significa tener presente questo palinsesto di realtà. Assecondando quello stesso processo di personaliz- zazione della politica che de Gaulle perseguiva programmaticamente e, verrebbe da dire, istintivamente, il giudizio su di lui tende a unificare in un’unica percezione l’uomo e lo statista. Le opinioni della classe poli- tica italiana su de Gaulle sono in parte note, soprattutto con riferimento al periodo immediatamente successivo al ritorno al potere del Generale nel 1958. -
Carte Italiane, Vol
The Ambiguity ofViolence in the Decade after 1968: A Memoir of "GH anni di piombo" Simonetta Falasca-Zatnponi Dcpartmcììt of Socioloiiy iJìiiversity oj California, Santa Barbara In the second half of the 1970s, Italy experienced yet another crisis of faith in its state institutions, in part due to the governnient's inability to provide solutions to the high uneniploynient rate, particularly aniong youth. Mass education, the conquered right of the student niovenient of 1968, appeared to have nierely prolonged the tnne before young nien and wonien began hunting for a job, rather than resolve the issue ot uneniployment. Those tew students who were actually physi- cally attending mass universities in the 1970s (aniong the niany more thoiisands enrolled) became more and more aware of their problematic future and challenged education from within.The occupation of major universities sites took place in 1977 with the interruption of lectures and seminars and the physical expulsion ot professors. 1 977 was my first year in Rome as a sociology student. Sociology was not necessarily the only discipline at the vanguard of protests. Historically, the Facoltà ot Architecture, among others, had also pro- duced the main leaders ot the student movement. But since the originai founders ot the Red Brigades were sociology students at the University of Trento, sociology 's radicalism was an accepted fact m the public imagination, and sociology students did not wish to disclaim this belief. Thus, in the winter of 1977, the Facoltà di Magistero in Rome, where sociology was housed, closed down and Autonomia Operaia organized asseniblies and protests. -
L'édition Des Témoignages De Membres Des Brigades Rouges 2
Samantha WHARMBY L’édition des témoignages de membres des Brigades Rouges : Manifestations du passé et vecteurs de mémoire. Livret des annexes « Vorrei vedere con i miei piccoli occhi mortali come ci si vedrà dopo… » M A S T E R 1 Homme, Sociétés, Technologies Mention : Histoire et Histoire de l’art Spécialité : Histoire des relations et des échanges culturels internationaux Parcours MIFI La France et l’Italie : formes, cultures et relations dans l’espace européen. Sous la direction de Mme M.-A. MATARD BONUCCI Session de Juin Année universitaire 2006/2007 TABLE DES ANNEXES ANNEXE 1 : LES ORGANISATIONS D’EXTREME GAUCHE ITALIENNES. .................. 4 ANNEXE 2 : CHRONOLOGIE 1969-2006. ............................................................................. 6 ANNEXE 3 : TYPOLOGIE DES EX-BRIGADISTES/TEMOINS. ....................................... 25 ANNEXE 4 : TYPOLOGIE DES RECOLTEURS DE MEMOIRE. ...................................... 29 ANNEXE 5 : “RENATO CURCIO. IO, GUERRIGLIERO”, ENTRETIEN DE LINA COLETTI, 1990 ....................................................................................................................... 32 ANNEXE 6 : LETTRE DE DISSOCIATION D’ALBERTO FRANCESCHINI, 21 FÉVRIER 1987. ......................................................................................................................................... 36 ANNEXE 7 : “NOI LOTTIAMO PER LA ROTTURA STORICA”, ENTRETIEN DE RENATO CURCIO PAR MARIO SCIALOJA, 15 JANVIER 1975. ..................................... 37 ANNEXE 8 : ENTRETIEN DE RENATO CURCIO -
Sandberg on Orsini, 'Anatomy of the Red Brigades: the Religious Mind-Set of Modern Terrorists'
H-War Sandberg on Orsini, 'Anatomy of the Red Brigades: The Religious Mind-Set of Modern Terrorists' Review published on Thursday, October 10, 2013 Alessandro Orsini. Anatomy of the Red Brigades: The Religious Mind-Set of Modern Terrorists. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011. vi + 317 pp. $29.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8014-4986-4. Reviewed by Brian Sandberg (Northern Illinois University) Published on H-War (October, 2013) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey Political violence shook modern Italian society during the anni di piombo, or Years of Lead (1969-83). Beginning in 1969, the left-wing Brigate rosse (Red Brigades) carried out numerous shootings, kidnappings, and assassinations of politicians, judges, professors, and civil servants. The Red Brigades’ most notorious attack was the audacious kidnapping and assassination of former Italian prime minister Aldo Moro in 1978. In the same period, the Brigate nere (Black Brigades), composed of right-wing militants, organized their own bombings and assassinations against political and economic targets. Although the attacks tapered off in the 1980s, the trauma of this turbulent period continues to haunt Italian society. Italian politics arguably still reflects the deep divisions of the anni di piombo, and the historical memory of the violence has not yet been seriously examined.[1] Alessandro Orsini’s Anatomy of the Red Brigades: The Religious Mind-Set of Modern Terrorists proposes a new reading of the violence of the Red Brigades. The book was originally published in Italian asAnatomia delle Brigate rosse: Le radici ideologiche del terrorismo rivoluzionario (2009). This English-language translation now introduces the Red Brigades and their ideology to broader audiences interested in political violence and terrorism. -
Decline and Dissolution of Italian Terrorism: the Case of the Brigate Rosse, 1970-2001
DECLINE AND DISSOLUTION OF ITALIAN TERRORISM: THE CASE OF THE BRIGATE ROSSE, 1970-2001 Beatrice de Graaf Leiden University, Holanda INTRODUCTION: DECLINE AND DISSOLUTION, A MODEL Italian terrorism has predominantly been studied by Donatella della Porta, who published various books and articles about the social context and political system within which the Red Brigades emerged. She carried out a research process both based on sociological research into political opportunity structures and social movement theory, as on individual pathways into radicalization. Her trinity of macropolitical, mesodynamic group level and individual psychological radicalization processes has proved to be very useful to study not only Italian but other left wing and even present day Islamic terrorism as well.1 However, radicalization processes, are not a film that can easily be rewinded, nor should deradicalization and decline of movements be taken as the reverse process of the mechanisms described above. Therefore, to gain better understanding in decline and dissolution processes, I have chosen to make use of another model, developed by a group of Dutch social scientists. Thus, although I will be using Della Porta‘s theory in this paper to describe the emergence of the Red Brigades, I will use Demant et al‘s theory to explain their demise. 1 Donatella Della Porta, ‗Left-wing terrorism in Italy‘, in: Martha Crenshaw (ed.), Terrorism in context (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), p. 105-159; Donatella Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence and the State. A Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 1 Palacio de la Aljafería – Calle de los Diputados, s/n– 50004 ZARAGOZA Teléfono 976 28 97 15 - Fax 976 28 96 65 fundació[email protected] www.fundacionmgimenezabad.es Demant et al. -
Italian CP Begs Rockefeller Agent Carli to Keep Job at Bank of Italy
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 1, Number 15, August 12, 1974 Aurelio Peccei, head of Rockefeller's top European Zero situation have been noted enthusiastically by a high Growth think-tank, the Club of Rome, is quoted in the NATO official in the United States, who has been part French newspaper Le Monde this week as saying that of the propaganda effort for the "progressive coup" "from a strictly European point of view, our Communists technique that NATO has used so effectively against the are without a doubt betier than our Christian working class in Peru and Portugal. Democrats." [emphasis added] Interviewed in Washington this week by IPS, this Pointing directly to the PCI, Peccei noted that "a man official claimed that "Communist participation in the like Berlinguer can much more easily than any non Italian government is inevitable." He noted, however, socialist leader in the country define for Europe ob that a PCI Popular Front government would not jectives sufficiently wide, modern, and long-termed." "disrupt NATO," and, indeed, that "the Italians would [Berlinguer is the head of the PC!.] Presumably, the still have a security problem," and would still need "objectives" that Peccei believes the PCI can implement NATO. This official, who welcomes Social Demoeratic are similar to his own and the Club of Rome's - such as governments and Communist Party participation in all their publicly avowed goal of reducing the world's NA TO countries, believes that the current "in population by one billion. dependence" of Western European Communist Parties The PCI's terrified willingness to "offer our cover" to from the Soviet Union should be exploited and in even more bloody NATO plans to "stabilize" the world creased in order to strengthen NATO. -
CONSTRUCTING a COLLECTIVE MEMORY of ALDO MORO in ITALIAN CINEMA Katherine Greenburg Gilliom a Dissertation
SEARCHING FOR TRUTH: CONSTRUCTING A COLLECTIVE MEMORY OF ALDO MORO IN ITALIAN CINEMA Katherine Greenburg Gilliom A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Marisa Escolar Federico Luisetti Samuel Amago Ennio Rao Amy Chambless © 2016 Katherine Greenburg Gilliom ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Katherine Greenburg Gilliom: Searching for Truth: Constructing a Collective Memory of Aldo Moro in Italian Cinema (Under the Direction of Marisa Escolar) This dissertation will address Aldo Moro’s presence in film and the changing manifestations of the politician in film throughout the years. I will argue that through film a comprehensive collective memory can be formed from examining what is known of the statesman, before and after his death, helping to ease the continuing sense of guilt felt by the Italian people in regards to his tragic end. In the first chapter of my dissertation I will discuss the concept of martyrdom in two films that depict Aldo Moro before his death; Elio Petri’s Todo Modo (1976) and Marco Tulio Giordana’s Romanzo di una strage (2012). Although two totally different films, historically and stylistically, both films portray a devoutly Catholic Moro and a rhetoric dealing with political martyrdom. In the second chapter of my dissertation I will address the conspiracy theories surrounding Aldo Moro’s death depicted in the films Il caso Moro (Ferrara 1986) and Piazza delle cinque lune (Martinelli 2003). Both films present their retellings of the Moro affair as revelations of the truth, focusing on the possible involvement of the Italian government, as well as the United States, in Moro’s death. -
THE CONSULATE GENERAL from the UNIFICATION of ITALY to the PRESENT (By RICHARD N. JULIANI, Ph
The Consulate General of Italy in Philadelphia A Bridge between Two Cultures Richard N. Juliani, Ph.D. The history of the Consulate General of Italy in Philadelphia provides us with knowledge of the place of government agencies in the lives of Italians in an American city as well as a better understanding of diplomatic relations between Italy and the United States. From its early origins to today, it has not only served as an agency for commercial, scientific, scholarly and artistic programs, but also as an influence on the continued identity and cohesion of Italians and Italian Americans as a community. The PreUnification Period (1820-1859) Unification and the new Kingdom (1859-1880) The Era of Mass Immigration (1881-1921) The Darkness before the Dawn (1922-1945) The Present (1946-2012) The PreUnification Period (1820-1859) Even during the years prior to the founding of Italy as a unified and sovereign nation state, several of the various political domains of the peninsula sent or appointed representatives to represent their interests in the young United States. Beginning with Goffredo Deabbate in 1820, the Kingdom of Sardinia had a consular office in Philadelphia. Succeeded by Chevalier Ignazio Vincenzo Cavaradossy five years later, it was a relatively quiet period of diplomatic relations, perhaps made somewhat notable by the presence of Angelo Garibaldi, the brother of Giuseppe Garibaldi, the great military leader of later years, as Vice Consul. When Angelo Garibaldi died in 1835 in this city, his last will identified his friendship with Dominico Morelli, serving as the Consul General of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. -
Margherita “Mara” Cagol
MARGHERITA “MARA” CAGOL di Maurizio Barozzi «“ Tutto ciò che è possibile fare per combattere questo sistema è dovere farlo, perché questo io credo sia il senso profondo della nostra vita. Non sono cose troppo grosse, sai mamma. Sono piuttosto cose serie e difficili che tuttavia vale la pena di fare. […] La vita è una cosa troppo importante per spenderla male o buttarla via in inutili chiacchiere o battibecchi." - Mara ». MARGHERITA CAGOL [Sardagna di Trento, 8 aprile 1945 – Arzello d’Acqui (Al), 5 giugno 1975] A prescindere dalle idee, ci sono persone generose, coraggiose e valenti, poi ce sono altre grette e meschine. C’è anche gente “normale”, di valore o meno, ma solo i coraggiosi, quando rischiano la vita e si sacrificano, meritano di essere onorati; perché il sangue è spirito: è il sangue che fa la storia. La biografia di Margherita “Mara” Cagol e le testimonianze di quelli che l’hanno conosciuta, non danno dubbi in proposito e mostrano il valore di 1 una donna che ha dedicato e sacrificato la sua vita agli ideali in cui credeva, rinunciando a tutte le facilitazioni borghesi che pur poteva realizzare per bellezza femminile, intelligenza, titoli di studio ed estrazione (buona borghesia), rinunciando anche a vari sport praticati ed alla chitarra classica in cui era bravissima anche per la antica musica spagnola (aveva ottenuto il diploma, era ritenuta la terza chitarrista d’Italia con esibizioni anche all’estero). Avrebbe potuto avere una vita, diciamo tranquilla, con un marito, almeno un amante occasionale (che nelle migliori famiglie borghesi, non manca mai), e probabilmente dei figli; invece è morta combattendo . -
TERROR VANQUISHED the Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism
TERROR VANQUISHED The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism SIMON CLARK at George Mason University TERROR VANQUISHED The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism Simon Clark Copyright ©2018 Center for Security Policy Studies, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University Library of Congress Control Number: 2018955266 ISBN: 978-1-7329478-0-1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without written permission from: The Center for Security Policy Studies Schar School of Policy and Government George Mason University 3351 Fairfax Avenue Arlington, Virginia 22201 www.csps.gmu.edu PHOTO CREDITS Cover: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Page 30: MARKA / Alamy Stock Photo Page 60: The Picture Art Collection / Alamy Stock Photo Page 72: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Page 110: Dino Fracchia / Alamy Stock Photo Publication design by Lita Ledesma Contents Foreword 5 Preface 7 Introduction 11 Chapter 1: The Italian Approach to Counter-Terrorism 21 Chapter 2: Post War Italian Politics: Stasis And Chaos 31 Chapter 3: The Italian Security Apparatus 43 Chapter 4: Birth of the Red Brigades: Years of Lead 49 Chapter 5: Attacking the Heart of the State 61 Chapter 6: Escalation, Repentance, Defeat 73 Chapter 7: State Sponsorship: a Comforting Illusion 81 Chapter 8: A Strategy for Psychological Warfare 91 Chapter 9: Conclusion: Defeating A Terrorist Threat 111 Bibliography 119 4 Terror Vanquished: The Italian Approach to Defeating Terrorism Foreword 5 Foreword It is my pleasure to introduce Terrorism Vanquished: the Italian Approach to Defeating Terror, by Simon Clark. In this compelling analysis, Mr. -
Terrorism and Repentance: Representation in Italian Film
Terrorism and repentance: representation in Italian film. Dr Tiziana Ferrero-Regis, Lecturer, Creative Industries, QUT The title of this conference is Power, language, violence. In this paper I will refer to power as in the power struggle between red terrorism and the Italian state in the 1970s, which saw the Italian state victorious thanks to the special legislation on repentance that was passed at the end of the 1970s (I will explain later on this legislation in detail); the violence is the violence that resulted from this struggle, which culminated with the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, the secretary of the Christian Democratic party by the Red Brigades, and the language is that of cinema in the 1990s and Third Millennium, which represented these events. I have chosen two films, one is La seconda volta (The second Time), directed by Mimmo Calopresti, 1994, with Nanni Moretti as a protagonist. For those who know little about current Italian cinema, Nanni Moretti is one of the most important director/producer/exhibitor/actor of Italian cinema of the last thirty years. His films, from the end of the 1970s have always questioned the Left responsibility in the failure of the project of social change that emerged in 1968. His films thus appeal to a Left-wing intelligentsia. La seconda volta tells the story of Alberto, a professor of economics at the University of Turin. He was wounded some 15 years before in his apartment by a group of terrorist. The second film is Buongiorno, notte (Goodmorning, Night), by veteran director Marco Bellocchio (2003). -
The Origins of the Left -Wing Terrorism in Italy After 19681
TheOrigins of the Left - WingTerrorism in Italy after 19681 Mikuláš Pešta The crisis of the Italian Republic in the 1970s, which produced the large amount of both left‑ and right‑wing terrorist organizations, had its roots not only in the events of the revolutionary year of 1968, but also in the overall development of the Republic and society after the Second World War. Italy was governed mainly by the western- -oriented Christian Democracy (Democrazia cristiana; DC) and its leader Alcide De Gasperi, thus leaving among the malcontents not only the defeated Fascists, but also many of the communist partisans who wanted to continue fighting and establish the socialist regime based on the Soviet pattern. However, the Italian Communist Party (Partito comunista italiano; PCI) under the leadership of Palmiro Togliatti respected — unlike the Greek communists — the division of the spheres of influence, in order to prevent the civil war. The partisans reluctantly obeyed, but many of them still con- sidered the stance of the PCI treason. Togliatti’s party accepted the state and its insti- tutions, but merely as a method to oppose the system and it remained loyal to Stalin.2 For more than twenty years after the war, the country had been ruled by the DC governments (either solely or in the coalition), while the PCI had been put aside into opposition. The post‑war period is often referred to as an economic miracle, an era of sudden and fast prosperity. The investments of the Marshall Plan and the par- ticipation on the European integration project brought a rapid growth of the Italian industry and improvement of the living standards (e.g.