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Charles De Gaulle Visto Dall'italia (1958-2012)

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Charles De Gaulle Visto Dall'italia (1958-2012) Cahiers d’études italiennes 22 | 2016 Novecento… e dintorni France et Italie (1955-1967) : politique, société et économie Charles de Gaulle visto dall’Italia (1958-2012) Charles de Gaulle vu de l’Italie (1958-2012) Charles de Gaulle Seen from Italy (1958–2012) Roberto Colozza Edizione digitale URL: http://journals.openedition.org/cei/2892 DOI: 10.4000/cei.2892 ISSN: 2260-779X Editore UGA Éditions/Université Grenoble Alpes Edizione cartacea Data di pubblicazione: 20 avril 2016 Paginazione: 97-110 ISBN: 978-2-84310-323-0 ISSN: 1770-9571 Notizia bibliografica digitale Roberto Colozza, «Charles de Gaulle visto dall’Italia (1958-2012)», Cahiers d’études italiennes [Online], 22 | 2016, online dal 01 janvier 2017, consultato il 26 mars 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ cei/2892 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/cei.2892 © ELLUG CHarlES De GAUllE visTO Dall’ITalia (1958-2012) Roberto Colozza Gerda Henkel Stiftung La percezione del ‘fenomeno’ Charles de Gaulle si compone di vari ele- menti, che sono espressione di un profilo biografico in cui la dimensione personale si mescola pressoché inscindibilmente con quella politica. Ana- lizzare la ricezione di de Gaulle in Italia significa tener presente questo palinsesto di realtà. Assecondando quello stesso processo di personaliz- zazione della politica che de Gaulle perseguiva programmaticamente e, verrebbe da dire, istintivamente, il giudizio su di lui tende a unificare in un’unica percezione l’uomo e lo statista. Le opinioni della classe poli- tica italiana su de Gaulle sono in parte note, soprattutto con riferimento al periodo immediatamente successivo al ritorno al potere del Generale nel 1958. È per questo che il presente contributo allarga l’arco cronologico dell’analisi alla ricerca di punti di vista meno esplorati, ma non meno indicativi di un dibattito che ha attraversato la storia recente italiana senza soluzione di continuità. Sebbene il tema centrale del mio studio riguardi la ricezione di de Gaulle presso gli ambienti politici italiani, ho ritenuto opportuno concedermi incursioni anche in quelli accademici e nella lette- ratura scientifica, giacché in qualche caso ricerca e militanza coesistono e si alimentano vicendevolmente. L’ascesa di de Gaulle al governo nel 1958 fu considerata dalla maggio- ranza del mondo politico italiano come un evento potenzialmente perico- loso per la stabilità della democrazia francese. Militare di carriera, oppo- sitore noto della Quarta Repubblica, la cui Costituzione aveva non pochi punti in comune con quella della giovane Repubblica italiana 1, de Gaulle appariva a molti come l’emissario delle frange nazionaliste desiderose di 1. J. Rivero, Constitution italienne et Constitution française, in E. Crosa (a cura di), La Constitution italienne de 1948, «Cahiers de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques», no 18, Paris, Colin, 1950, pp. ix-xvii. R Cahiers d’études italiennes, n° 22, 2016, p. 97-110. 97 Roberto Colozza conservare l’Algeria francese, o comunque come un uomo fondamental- mente affine a quelle lobby e disposto ad accettarne le istanze. Questo sguardo sospettoso verso de Gaulle era naturalmente molto presente a sinistra. Il segretario generale del Pci Palmiro Togliatti pensava che de Gaulle ponesse le basi di una deriva autoritaria, eventualmente di un vero e pro- prio fascismo alla francese 2. Nonostante estemporanei apprezzamenti per le posizioni geopolitiche del Generale — ostile verso la Ced e la Nato, freddo nei riguardi degli Usa e aperto a un’idea d’Europa estesa oltre la cortina di ferro della Guerra fredda — la percezione del gollismo presso il Pci resterà sostanzialmente quella di un partito ostile per ideologia e habitus al nuovo leader francese 3. Giudizi negativi circolavano anche nel Psi, soprattutto nell’ala sinistra del partito. Si pensi a Lelio Basso, ex segre- tario generale tra il gennaio 1947 e l’aprile 1948 e pensatore molto influente nonostante l’eterodossia rispetto ai canoni del frontismo filosovietico in voga. Basso non identificava l’avvento di de Gaulle con l’inizio di un vero e proprio fascismo alla francese; tuttavia non aveva dubbi nel considerare il Generale l’avanguardia della ‘reazione’ transalpina e, se non un dittatore, comunque la testa di ponte per una deriva dittatoriale. Allargando la pro- spettiva d’analisi alla longue durée, Basso riconduceva il ritorno al potere di de Gaulle entro i binari di una prassi francese: quella di affidare a un salvatore, spesso un militare, le sorti del Paese nei momenti di maggiore crisi. Sedicente «patria della democrazia», la Francia, arguiva Basso, era in realtà una «democrazia governata» da una pubblica amministrazione onnipotente, non una «democrazia governante» dove il potere decisionale fosse effettivamente nelle mani del popolo sovrano secondo i crismi defi- nitori di Georges Burdeau 4. A proposito di sinistra italiana e de Gaulle, impossibile non richia- mare la citatissima conferenza di Gilles Martinet alla Casa della Cultura di Milano. Diretta da Rossana Rossanda, funzionaria comunista destinata a rapida ascesa nelle gerarchie del partito prima della nota deriva etero- dossa sfociata nella fondazione de «il Manifesto», la Casa della Cultura era 2. P. Togliatti, Le ‘vie nazionali’ del fascismo, in Togliatti e il centrosinistra, 1958-1964, vol. I, Firenze, Istituto Gramsci di Firenze, 1975, pp. 28 sgg. 3. G. Pécout, « Les pressions de la France gaulliste ». Les communistes italiens et la politique européenne du général de Gaulle : le regard d’Emilio Sereni et de Gerardo Chiaromonte, in De Gaulle et l’Italie, actes du colloque (Rome, 1 er-3 mars 1990), Roma, École française de Rome, 1997, pp. 169-201. 4. Basso traeva questi concetti da G. Burdeau, La Démocratie gouvernante. Ses structures gouvernementales, Paris, LGDJ, 1957. Sulla posizione di Basso in merito alla crisi francese, cfr. L. Basso, La crisi della democrazia francese e le sue cause (1-3), «Problemi del socialismo», no 6, giugno 1958, pp. 407-426; no 7, luglio 1958, pp. 487- 505; no 8, agosto 1958, pp. 567-588. R 98 Charles de Gaulle visto dall’Italia (1958-2012) all’epoca lo specchio della variegata gamma ideologica della sinistra anti- governativa italiana. Nonostante il titolo della conferenza — «La Francia diventerà fascista?» — lasciasse presagire altro, Martinet impostò un’ana- lisi circostanziata e prudente in cui prevaleva il desiderio di comprendere più che di giudicare i fatti francesi. Ma l’uditorio italiano, convinto delle mire irrimediabilmente autocratiche del generale, sembrò disorientato, e l’incontro finì per naufragare nell’incomunicabilità 5. Questa sfiducia veniva certo dal retroterra culturale della sinistra ita- liana, egualitario e parlamentarista, ma derivava anche dal suo rapporto speciale con la Costituzione repubblicana. Il Pci, in particolare, si sentiva araldo del patto fondatore della Repubblica, sul quale aveva investito gran parte della propria credibilità, effettiva o strumentale che fosse, rispetto agli standard della democrazia liberale. La difesa della Costituzione fon- data sulla Resistenza antifascista fu il pilastro del discorso comunista sulla nazione e sulla democrazia fino alla fine della Guerra fredda. Se è forse esa- gerato parlare di «mito della Costituzione» 6, è però legittimo riconoscere che nella cultura comunista — e con modi comunicativi, contenuti e fina- lità diversi anche in quelle azionista e socialista — la Costituzione repub- blicana ha preso talora le sembianze di una bandiera. Il che ha impedito a volte una discussione costruttiva intorno ai modi per aggiornare la Carta e adattarla all’evolversi della Repubblica. D’altra parte proprio l’opposi- zione ‘socialcomunista’ e l’azionismo culturale furono protagonisti negli anni Cinquanta di una campagna rivendicativa volta ad attuare principi e istituti previsti dalla Carta. Una campagna, quella per l’attuazione della Costituzione, che fu minoritaria, coraggiosa e utile a sbloccare l’impasse normativa dei governi centristi, a loro volta preoccupati di non ‘sconge- lare’ anzitempo la Costituzione per non concedere troppa libertà d’azione alle sinistre antisistema 7. D’altronde l’esperienza della dittatura fascista aveva reso la classe diri- gente italiana ostile verso ogni forma di personalizzazione della politica, cosa che condizionava la valutazione anche presso osservatori non preve- nuti ideologicamente verso il Generale. Si può citare il caso di Costantino Mortati, costituzionalista e membro dell’Assemblea costituente nei ranghi 5. G. Martinet, Cassandre et les tueurs. Cinquante ans d’une histoire française, Paris, Grasset, 1986, pp. 128- 129. L’episodio è citato anche in G. Martinet e S. Romano, Une amitié difficile. Entretiens sur deux siècles de relations franco-italiennes, Paris, Association Dante Alighieri-Comité de Paris, 1999, p. 78. 6. E. Galli della Loggia, Il mito della Costituzione, in G. Belardelli et al., Miti e storia dell’Italia unita, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1999, pp. 187-201. 7. U. De Siervo, La mancata riforma delle istituzioni politiche, in U. De Siervo, S. Guerrieri e A. Varsori (a cura di), La prima legislatura. Continuità e discontinuità nell’azione delle istituzioni, Roma, Carocci, 2004. R 99 Roberto Colozza della Dc; di Giuseppe Saragat, leader del Psdi e futuro presidente della Repubblica; di Luigi Gui, anch’egli ex costituente, dirigente della Dc e prossimo ministro nei governi di centro-sinistra; e di Luigi Sturzo, sacer- dote siciliano e fondatore del Partito popolare italiano, antesignano della Dc 8. Lo stesso ambasciatore francese a Roma, Gaston
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