99
MPATSHANA KA SO DO NDO
24.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 1-15.
Also present for part of interview: Nsuze, Dunjwa
1 Mpatshana ka Sodondo ka Ncungu ka Nombanga of the Manxele people (separated off from the Nxwnalo). He lives in Somkele's district on the coast. 1 Ndhlalangubo for Ndhlangubo, isibala for isibaya - said by Mpatshana, who also says cwila for cwiya. 2 [Is not isibaya merely from ibala?]
Information mostly relating to the Zulu military system and associ ated affairs. I am of the Ngobamakosi regiment. I was really of the Uve, but was incorporated (tela'd) in the Ngobamakosi. 3 I kleza 'd at Gqikazi; it was situated in the Kwa Denge valley. We got our water from the Ivuna.q The kraal stood just below Isigwegwe. 5 We, as cadets at Gqikazi, were known as the Indhluyenyoni and uBadhlukufa. I really was of the Uve regiment, but we were tela'd into the Ngobamakosi. I now call myself Ngobamakosi. The Ngobamakosi cadet name was amaZwayi. The big induna of the Uve, of the main section (isibay' esikulu), was Sinqauzana. We Uve had a kraal of our own, oLandandhlovu, which was at eNhlungwane, where Mqundane [deceased] ka Maboyi now has a tribe. We were added to the Ngobamakosi on the outbreak of the Zulu War.
The war-doctors. A son of Manembe, viz. Ndwetshe of the Durnisa people, and a son of Kondhlo, viz. Manyelindhlela of the Mazibuko people, were the principal ones. These were the great men who doctored the circle of men, when all the great men and the adult males of Zulu land were gathered together. These are the ones upon whom devolved the duty of roasting the meat of the bull. After these came Nkamba ka Magidigidi of the Nsiband.E people. These doctors were all men of Zulu land. They were in charge of doctoring the impi at Ndondakusuka. 6 When the Isandhlwana affair occurred, we had an Msutu doctor. 7 I do not know his name. He caused a mark to be made thus, with black powder (umsizi):
He also made all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that 296 MPATSHANA smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him. This was the first time I had come across an Umsutu doctor. The first place we were doctored at, just before war began, was at 2 eNtukwini stream, near where this enters the White Mfolozi. The Ntukwini enters on the left bank of the White Umfolozi and quite close to Ondini kraal. 8 We began by undergoing the vomiting ceremonies at this place. I did not see the Msutu doctor at this place, but later, when we formed a circle. We did the vomiting early in the morning, all into one hole, rather deep, and this vomiting went on all day till night. There were two doctors that stood over the hole to preside. All that was necessary was that each should drink enough of the medicine to bring out one gulp only into the hole. If anyone pretended merely to drink the drug, he was beaten by the doctor and compelled to conform. The hole was about 18 inches across, and six or seven feet deep, but not enlarged at the bottom, like a mabele pit. It was so deep that one could hardly see the bottom. The hole was purposely kept small, so that it would be possible to completely and satisfactorily fill it in when finished with, and so prevent people from ot her nations coming and unearthing it for the purpose of trying to obtain ascendancy over the nation. Two, three or four came up to the hole at one time to vomit. If there was too much crowding, the doctors kept them off. As soon as any one had vomited he went off a little distance and rejoined his regiment, who were all sitting and waiting till everyone had finished vomiting. In the meantime, no food of any kind might be partaken of.
When the king dies, the expression is 'the bowing d.own of the king' (u kukotama kwe nkosi).
[Nsuze and Dunjwa now are also present.] 9
The eating of the strips of meat {umbengo). A black bull is selected for this purpose from among the king's cattle kept at kraals at a distance from the capital. A large, full grown and fierce animal is chosen. I, says Mpatshana, saw this cere mony at the Black Ondini (at Kwa Ndhlalangubo) on the occasion of Mpande's death. 1 ° For it was thought the princes (abantwana) would contend with one another; hence there might be warfare, and therefore a bull was necessary. It was feared the Usutu people would break away (hlamuka, hlubuka), and set up another clai mant. 11 The bull, after being driven into the great cattle enclosure, was thereupon set onto by a single regiment appointed for the purpose. [But the Vimbimbobo was portions of two or three regiments.] After 3 being well chased about, prevented from going this way or that, they blocked up the openings into the enclosure. It was eventually, perhaps after running about so as to tire it for two or three hours, caught and brought to the ground by men taking hold of all parts of it simultane ously. Warriors would then keep hold by its legs, tail, head, etc., whilst others proceeded to twist and eventually break its neck. As soon as the beast was dead, the war-doctors would come up and drive all the warriors away for fear lest any of them, disloyally in clined, should cut off any portions - secretly cut off small bits here and there - and give same away to the king's enemies, i.e. from other
297 MPATSHANA
countries, whereby ascendancy might be obtained over the king: This pre caution was most carefully observed. The doctors and their assistants (aged say about 40) would now pro ceed to skin the beast and thereafter have its flesh cut into great long umbengo strips. These strips would be roasted in a fire made of wood and green mimosa, which had been gathered by the regiment appointed to kill the beast - the mimosa by the young boys. Boys serving the regiments (udibi) who have not yet reached puberty are searched out among all the regimental sections (izigaba), and told to come and eat the bull; but when they go (being commandeered) they may not urinate the whole night, nor may they leave the place in the kraal where the bull is being eaten until the following morning. People are put on to guard .them during the night. The intestines etc. of the bull are all secretly buried in the king 's cattle enclosure. Then the hole (or grave) will be guarded by watchmen during the night. Boys used to hide when they saw they were wanted to eat the bull, just because they knew they could not make water till the following day. Boys eat as much as they can, and what cannot be finished is burnt. I was warned not to go, as a dibi, because those warning saw they would have no one to cook for them. 12 After the flesh had been roasted and smeared with powdered medicines (insizi) and drugs, it would be pitched well into the air by the doctor or one of his assistants, of which there were several, and then caught by one or other of the men among whom it fell. The man catching would immediately bite off a lump and pitch the mass well into the air to be again caught and dealt with similarly by another. In the meantime, the piece bitten off is chewed and then spat out on to the ground whilst the juice is swallowed. Owing, however, to the fact that many of the troops are extremely hungry and even emaciated, they sometimes swallowed the piece bitten off, although it is quite contrary to custom and· the requirements of the ceremony to do so. Should the strip of meat fall to the ground at any moment, it may not be picked up. It is then supposed to have lost all value for the purpose in hand. But, because of many being extremely hungry, it not infrequently happened that the forbidden 4 meat was picked up and voraciously consumed during the excitement going on round about. These strips of meat are flung by the doctors to all sections of the troops, lwho areJ then all in a great circular formation. The meat is snatched at by several as it comes down on being thrown, but after any one has had his bite he has to wait until all others have had their turn at it. All the troops must be present on such an occasi on, and the gathering is far greater than at the time of the umkosi or annual fes tival. But as the men are many deep, izinceku are sent to cause gaps or openings to be made at different parts of the circle to allow the doc tors etc. to enter and fling the medicated flesh to others in the rear, who proceed at once to do as those in front have been doing; and this throwing and 'eating' of the umbengo, as it is called, goes on simul taneously in many parts of the great concourse. One bull, if a large one, is sufficient for the requirements. Two are never killed. Every atom of the bull remaining over is then burnt to cinders, including bones, hide, etc. The doctors even collect all the ashes and pitch them into a large and deep pool where they sink, and so prevent anyone getting at and purloining them.
298 MPATSHANA
The order of proceedings is as follows. The king will send out an order to all the izinduna at the amakanda to direct all men to collect at their respective amakanda. The order will be instantly dispatched by the various izinduna to all belonging to their respective commands, the utmost expedition being used to get men to mobilize, for fear lest the king will send and kill or 'eat them up' for being dilatory - for failing to hurry up men to come forward. Then all under him will have the same fear; hence there is celerity of movement throughout the en tire organisation. Presently other mess~ngers (izinceku) arrive to in quire if all the men belonging to any particular kanda have assembled. A report as to the state of readiness is sent back, and in a few hours the order comes that all must move and assemble at the king's own kraal 5 for the purpose of eating the strips of meat. Every kanda's contingent proceeds forthwith to the royal kraal and, having arrived, a particular regiment is deputed to catch the bull, which has already been obtained from one or other of the king's numerous herds in the country districts. Then again, the sea-water has already been brought for use with izi ntelezi medicines which are sucked from the tips of the fingers. On the occasion in question, that is on the occasion of Mpande's death, the Vimbimbobo - a lot of troops, composed of portions of the Mbonambi, Ndhluyengwe and Nokenke, which filled some ga~ at Ondini kraal (hence the name) - got orders to catch the bull. 1 The day before they did so, they went to fetch the wood required for the fire in con nection with the roasting of the strips of meat and the burning up the remains of the beast to be killed. The cadets, viz. the Amazwayi, that being the cadet name of the Ngobamakosi, were sent at the Black Ondini to collect mimosa plant also to be used - used green - in connection with the same fire. The mimosa is used for roasting the bull, and is the great medicine (intelezi). The collection of fire-wood etc. is the first day's work. A great heap will be got by a whole regiment. The next morning is the great 'eating of umbengo' day. Early that day the regiment appointed to catch the bull proceeds to the spot at which it has been decided for all the troops to vomit at, and there, under the superintendence and guidance of the war-doctors, proceed to do so. A hole some 18 inches in diameter and six or seven feet deep has already been dug with its soil along side. It is into this that every warrior, after taking a mouthful or two of the medicine in great pots (izimbiza) and woven baskets (izi qabeto) nearby, proceeds to vomit - of course prior to having had any food that day. There may be three or four pots. Two, three or four may go to this hole at one time. There is naturally a desire to quickly 6 finish, and have done with the vomiting, but the doctors will not allow crowding. These, two of them, stand on either side of the hole and see that everyone properly conforms to his instructions. Here and there the stick they each carry may be used on men who have merely pretended to drink the medicated water and therefore are unable to vomit into the hole as required. And so the vomiting goes on practically all day long. This vomiting ceremony is to bind the people together - to bring all their hearts together. All pots etc. with intelezi medicine are not put on the ground, but each on the grass coi l of the nation (inkata yezwe). 14 Each doctor has his own grass coil, and these are kept in the ndhlunkulu in the king's great place, for when the king washes the water is put on the grass coil. The king is washed by different doc tors, and each washes him on his (doctor's) own grass coil. And after
299 MPATSHANA
the king has washed, no legal matter or puhlic affair is reported, nor will any man arriving be reported. The king washes about 11 la.m.J, after which he goes to eat in his hut.
The whole of the troops are kept waiting until the last have vomited - except the Vimbimbobo, who went off as soon as they had finished, to deal with the bull - and, by the time all vomiting is over, all the troops move to the cattle enclosure with their shields and assegais. There, in the meantime, they find the bull has not only been caught, but killed, skinned, cut up into strips, roasted, smeared with black powders - [heaped up?] - and ready to be thrown among them to be eaten in the manner above described. During the eating of the meat-strips ceremony, several of the half starving, and weak men may be seen to fall forward, fainting on account of the exertion and heat caused through being in the midst of so large a concourse violently contending for the meat-strips. These will per haps pitch forward, shield and assegais falling clatteringly from them, and thereafter be helped by their friends or relations to some place where they can recover. The Vimbiw~obo began about 9 a.m. to catch the bull, and had not succeeded in doing so till near 1 p.m. No one was hurt by the animal on that occasion. The king is not present whilst the bull is being caught and dismembered. 7 Should anyone arrive after the king has washed on any day, it is then too late to present him, and he will have to wait until the fol lowing day to get an opportunity for an interview before the ablutions. The king washed at the upper end of the cattle enclosure, which was divided off; and in the smaller enclosure there was a still smaller one, within which the king did his washing. At the opposite side was the calves' kraal, e.g.:
When the strips of meat have been eaten, no one must have anything further to do with women or girls. Hence it was that as soon as girls brought bundles of food for their fathers, or women for their husbands, they put them down and went off right away, even without escort of any kind; for, the word having gone forth that all were to arm, the rule as to intercourse between the sexes was so stringent that girls felt their going about even without escort was not unsafe. For, on a call to arms coming, every available man had to go forward, and even those who were to remain behind and be the king's bodyguard were obliged to eat the strips of meat along with those who were to take part in the actual warfare. 8 What is said by the royal women: 'Here is a love charm, you elderly men! Here is an attractive thing! You will build imizi! Your fathers, too, built like this!' 15 This is said by Cetsh wayo's mothers - when everything is absolutely silent. They carry
300 MPATSHANA
little brooms quavering in the air. Finally Dhlungwana's ancient chant is sung. 16
....
The Ngobamakosi. There were 80 companies (viyos) in this regiment. The izinduna grouped men in the amaviyo. These depended on numbers. They originated in cadetship. Thus lmembers of aJ viyo grew up together. There were two izinduna, a man induna and a younger one (insizwa). The latter is called ipini or deputy. The izinduna were usually taken from outside. The amaviyo begin to be formed at the amakanda, but if small they may be added to by batches of others when they are called to head quarters, along with detachments from other amakandq,. The cadet-viyos had no appointed induna, but one of their number might on his own initiative assume a sort of control, a restraining authority over the members of the viyo etc .
....
The Ingobamakosi had sections (izigaba), i.e. those who kleza'd at particular places. The 'sides' (uhlangoti) of the uVe, at oLandandhlovu, were 13 amaviyo strong: 3 Gqikazi; 1 ekuBuseni (kraal of Cetshwayo); 1 from Kl»a Ndasi (Cetshwayo's ikanda); 1 ekuBazeni (a son of Benelwayo); 1 ekuBazeni (Qungisibindi ka Mbopa); 1 (induna Mfolozi ka Mfusi); 1 of the isi camelo section (Mahlungwini ka Msiyana); and 4 other viyos. 17 9 Uhlangoti refers to the side of a kraal. Isigaba refers to a divi- sion of a regiment.
At Isandhlwana we were not ready to attack because that day the moon had waned. It was not customary to fight at such a time. We had no Sundays in Zululand; what we went by was the waning of the moon. We always attacked in the open. We did not set up ambushes etc. Bambata's irrrpi adopted such tactics because it was small. 18 Attack on Bambata had we had control
Cetshwayo's amakanda The Red Undi - built at Eshowe after Ndondakusuka. The induna was Qundane ka Becwa ka Mpangalala (father of Sotobe). 20 It was called the Red one because Qundane was 'reddish'. eQwageni - near Eshowe, i.e. about where Yamela's Nkanini
301 MPATSHANA
21 eNdabeyitubula - beyond the Qulusi people, up-country. · ekuBazeni - abaQulusi kraal, situated at Kwa Denge.
The Usutu began at ekuBazeni. 22 When Cetshwayo fought Mbuyazi, whose men were called Izigqoza and who shouted 'Labalabalabalaba!' as they charged, Cetshwayo directed that his followers were all to shout 'Usutu! ', and they did so.
10 Ingwazi is the same as iqaIJ)e. Inxelera is ingwazi, i.e. one who stabs. An iqaIJ)e is a man who alone may have killed many in a battle. An inx1.Jelera is a man who separates from his own companions because he has just killed (stabbed) a man. His assegai is still red, and he is wearing the deceased's things. It is the custom for one killing another to take off the deceased's things and put them on, even the penis cover. He zila's with them by so doing. 23 He refrains from eating meat taken from the inside of a beast. He will be given medicines by doctors before he can eat inside meat and go about with his own people (companions). If he has killed two or more he will take articles from each and put them on. He will not put on his own things until the doctor has treated him and given him medicines to suck from the fingertips. 'He who is wet with yesterday's blood' is a praise for notable war riors, i.e. those who stab today, and do the same the day following. We took off the Europeans' things at Isandhlwana; they were all stripped. This was done to zila with. The things of the deceased are put on, for the warrior does not want his things smeared with blood and things of harmful influence. Hence he zila's. I don't think there is any attempting to gain supernatural ascendency {tonyaing) in this. Tonya. Where a strong man goes and fights with a weaker one it is said, 'How did he gain ascendency over (tonya) him?' This expression applies to the weaker man in the event of his having defeated the stronger. It is like saying, 'So-and-so has good fortune,' and will acquire something which apparently he did not deserve to get.
Nsuze says, 'So-and-so has extra-ordinary powers (une tonya). As he was walking along he came across a buck lying down and simply stabbed it. I
One would never sit at the very doorway just outside it and at one side; that place is called esitumbanjeni. Nothing happens if one sits there! Inini is the side of the hut, e.g. ~ 11 Nsuze: Boys are not allowed to stand right over the hearth in swrrmer when people are cultivating, when pumpkins are sprouting, on the ground that they will cause the pumpkins to keep from shooting out properly, and in that way take after their little testicles. Hence their mothers will take care that they shift at once and are made to sit down.
Mpatshana: No child is allowed to sit on the ground in the centre of the back portion of the hut, i.e. the inunediate back of the hut oppo site the door.
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Even older people may not sit there. This is spoken of as the emlinda ziko. If a child tis there1, it must move as, if i t sits, it will not grow up in the ordinary way, i.e. it will be of stunted growth.
When a man kills another in battle, he takes from him all or some part of his wearing apparel and discards his own. If he has stabbed more than one, he takes something from each of the dead. He is then known as in.xwel era. But he is so called only until such time as he has been doctored in accordance with custom. The warriors who had killed people at Isandhlwana returned to the king at oNdini, arriving there the fifth day after the fight. The king then appointed a kraal, oVemvaneni (a small kraal belonging to Cetsh wayo), for amar!XliJelera to go and there take medicine from the finger tips (ncinda) . That is, we were then still known as amar!XliJel era, and because still undoctored, we were to be separate from our companions. We were members of the Ngobamakosi and Mbonambi at oVemvaneni; the Kandempemvu took medicine at their Ol.Jn place. As a matter of fact, there were not many members of these regiments there at the moment, for many had been killed; then many others were engaged removing their fathers or other relations who had been wounded, etc. The regiment that 12 suffered most at Isandhlwana twas theJ Ngobamakosi, for the way of reckoning whether many have been killed of any regiment is by the num ber of men of importance (izilomo) who were killed. Cattle were sent to us at oVemvaneni to ncinda with, and also for f ood purposes. Those f or the ncindaing were for izin.xwelera. These cattle had been captured by us from Isandhlwana. . Those at oVemvaneni were only the izin.xwelera; other members of the Ngobamakosi and Mbonambi who had not stabbed (killed) put up at other neighbouring kraals. It is noteworthy that not one of us was brought into the presence of the king on our arrival, on the ground that that would have been a source of evil influence on the king, and it was not right for us to appear until we had taken medicines, cleansed ourselves of evil (potula 'd) , and ornamented ourselves in accordance with custom. We were four days at oVemvaneni. We were directed to put up there. Here there also arrived men who had been wounded. The wounded were very numerous from Isandhlwana. On the day after our arrival, cattle came with which the izin.xwelera were to be doctored, and others to feed the injured. I was not an in.xwelera, but was wounded in my left middle finger and thumb. (I was holding a gun when hit; the gun smashed up; I dropped it.) A beast was given to the izin.xwelera to ncinda with. The izin.xwelera slept in a different hut to us, and so kept separate. I did not ncinda. There were five huts at oVemvaneni. (It was here that cattle intended for slaughter purposes used to be kept. ) I saw the ncindaing. Sherds (i.e. portions of a broken pot) were used. There were many izin:r:welera, perhaps 100 or more at oVemvaneni, for their 303 MPATSHANA numbers included those who had stabbed opponents who had already been stabbed by others {hlorrrula'd); then again those hlorrrulaing became more numerous by reason of the fact that they had been fighting such formid- 13 able opponents, who were like lions - for it is the custom among us in lion-hunting that the one who hlorrrula's first, i.e. after the first to stab, gets a leg, the second gets a foreleg, whilst the last gets the head. This custom was observed in regard to Isandhlwana because it was recognised that fighting against such a foe and killing some of them was of the same high grade as lion-hunting. In regard to buffalo, too, anyone hlorrrulaing, first, second or third, received something, or was looked on as responsible in some way for its death. The fourth man got the.head. The same applies to kudu, bush-pig, water-buck, and blue wildebeest. (We used to eat bush-pig and still do so.)
Many who went to fight took the precaution of carrying drugs in their medicine-bags with which to ncinda. These enabled others at oVemvaneni to ncinda. They were not doctored by an inyanga. The sherd is put on the fire-place and the fire lit; then the stomach-contents (umswani) of a beast are squeezed into it. When boiling occurs, the medicine for sucking from the fingertips is poured in; then the sucking of the medicine takes place with both hands, and squirting of the liquid from the mouth towards the foe, saying as this is done, 'Come out, evil spirit; come out, mtakati; fall, mtakati. ' Before sucking the medicine, the izinxlilelera will get up early and, taking their assegais with which they have stabbed the enemy, and keeping them erect (blades upwards), will proceed to the stream to wash, singing as they go the irubo or chant which they sang as they went off to ·fight. They wash below places where water is drawn for food purposes. They return, still holding the blades of the assegais upwards, and, singing the same irubo , will return and then ncinda. As those at the kraal perceive the izinxlilelera returning, they will 14 heat up the sherds on a fire for them. A man will then stick his asse gai into the ·ground near him as he takes the medicine. He will jump lover1 the sherd, this way and that way, squirting the medicine as he does so, this way and that, in the direction of the foe. This is known as to qolota or to qona. 24 The next day the same washing and naindaing went on; so for the next two, when word arrived that all the izinxlilelera must come to Kwa Gqikazi, to Cetshwayo's mother (Ngqumbazi), i.e. where she was buried. All accord ingly went. All these four days they had leaves of the asparagus plant (ipinganhldli) on the crown of the head. These they threw away when sum moned to Gqikazi (then at eMahlabatini). 25 When, in this instance, it was said that they must go to Cetshwayo's mother buried at Gqikazi, the position was this. Cetshwayo's mother, Ngqumbazi, was buried at the site of Gqikazi at esiGwegweni, near the Ivuna and Nongoma; but, according to native ideas, the ancestral spirit follows the kraal. Thus, though the woman's bones were not moved, the belief in the spirit following was so strong that it was simply said that Cetshwayo's mother had been buried at the new Gqikazi site, even though 40 miles from the one at which her grave was. I did not go to Gqikazi with the izinxlilelera, who were taken away by Siyakadi ka Mncindo. Here, I heard, they were given medicine to suck from the fingers, and sprinkled with medicines to drive off evil 304 MPATSHANA by Manyelindhlela, son of Kondhlo. They were ordered not to bring asparagus plant with them, but to bring willow, which had been stripped of its bark and was quite white but not cut up in any way. After being treated by Manyelindhlela, they went off to oNdini to present them selves to the king. They carried the willow sticks with them, i.e. only 15 those who first engaged and stabbed the enemy. Here the indu:na, Ntuzwa ka Nhlaka of the Mdhlalose people - indu:na of the Mbonambi - took a willow wand or stick, and, holding it in his right hand, erect and quivering it, proceeded towards the king. The king now takes the stick, shakes it as one does when preparing to throw an assegai, and, making two or three tries, flings it in the direction of the warriors who stabbed first; and the king's so doing is a public acknowledgement of the king accepting such men, headed by their indu:na, as having really been the first to come up to the enemy and begin stabbing. For, before this little ceremony, the king will have made careful inquiries as to which regiment is entitled to the honour of being recognized as the one which had stabbed first. And when this acknowledging has been done (for there may have been a lot of disputing about this), the izinxwelera will go away, cut up their willows and put them on, when they are known as iziqu. 26 One always wears these things and keeps the iziqu belonging to the campaign in connection with which they were got. If one cuts fresh ones, one asks, 'Have you gone once more .a~d killed ot~n a fresh battle?' Hence one always keeps the old ~z~qu, thoug1l1t 1s per missible to restring them.
File 66, item 11, p. 6.
6 'Take up arms!' ('Ayi hlome!') means that the enemy are close at hand. 'By the time da1im breaks let the amabuto be assembled inside Ondini' - said to amakanda where regiments have been collecting. Called also to come and eat the meat strips. I first fought at Isandhlwana. Cetshwayo told us to arm first when we lwere preparing toJ go to Isandhlwana. There was no waiting 1fYLtil the whole impi had arrived. Bejana did the calling-out. Mpiyake ka
305 MPATSHANA At the place of the kings (emakosini). 28 1st day - getting mimosa and wood. 2nd - vomiting ceremonies, first by regiment appointed to catch bull, followed by other regiments. The regiment appointed goes and catches bull whilst others d.o the vomiting. Also eating of bull. 3rd - go to ford to wash (potula), but not to rub off medicines - i.e. go to any river and any part of it. Burning and sprinkling of medicines take place when leaving. Impi does not sleep at home when once it has been sprinkled with medicines. The amakosikazi wave hand-brooms.
25.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 15-19. Also present: Dunjwa
Mpatshana and Dunjwa. 15 Cowards. Girls will not allow him to become a Lover. 'You are Like another woman, are you?' Young men who like a girl will say then, 'Does 16 it happen that girls court one another?', whereupon the girl will not have anything to do with the coward. These are said to injure his repu tation. The girl will then r eject him. Those who have fought bravely, when in the assembly and the king has slaughter ed for the regiments, will sit in one place and the cowards in another, i.e. apart from the heroes. A hero may come up with a dish of cold water in which, maybe, the man has been washing his hands, and dash it all over their meat, saying, 'Tell about the campaign. Let me hear of your exploits in the war. I beat the whole lot of you in what I did by myself.' The cowards dare not attack the hero for fear of being killed by the king, so have to grin and bear it. Or a hero may give a coward a lump of meat after dipping it in cold water, for the coward to eat, inviting him at the same time to give his account of ( the fighting. __/ Before the Isandhlwana battle the warriors harangued one another about their fighti ng prowess (xoxa'd impi). The king called the Kande mpemvu and Ngobamakosi into the cattle enclosure, he being present, and directed them to challenge one another. A man from the Ngobamakosi lot got up and shouted, 'I shall surpass you, son of So-and-so. If you stab a white man before mine has fallen, you may take the kraal of our people at such-and-such a place ' (giving the name); 'you may take my sister, So-and-so' (giving the sister's name). Having said this, he will then start Leaping about (giyaing) with his small dancing shield and a stick (for assegais are not carried on such occasion in the presence of the king, for it is feared that the troops may stab one another with them). The other who has been addressed may now get up and say, 'Well, if you can do better then I do, you will take our kraal (giving the name), and my sister (giving the name).' He then will giya. Whilst the giyaing goes on, he is praised by those of his regiment, and, if the man happens to be known to the king and is trusted (temba'd) by the king, the king will hold out his arm towards him, pointing the first or first two fin- 17 gers at him, and shaking them and the hand approvingly. Many others will now do the same in their turn, each again giyaing, and so it goes on till sunset. Occasionally, the man selected or challenged will remain 306 MPATSHANA
in silent discomfort {nyantela), i.e. refrain from taking up the bet and challenge, and remain quiet. This ·will, thereupon, be called a coward, and as the regiments retire from the presence of the king they will discuss his failure to take up the challenge. He will thereupon be treated as if he were really a coward, and have his meat dipped in cold water (not hot). The meat dipped is what is actually being eaten off an eating-mat, and is cooked. It is not uncooked meat that is dipped in cold water. After this challenging between the Ngobamakosi and Kandempemvu was over, the king had the Nokenke and Mbonambi called, and members of these two began to challenge one another. But only two regiments challenge each other on any given day until sunset. After a day or two has gone by, two other regiments will be called from the amakanda . Those that followed, two or three days after the Ngobamakosi and Kandempemvu, were the Nokenke and Mbonambi. These then challenged each other and giya'd. As the regiments approach the king's kraal they sing their oum chants, but when the challenging goes on, and praising etc., there is no singing. 'I summon you so that I may hear what you will do on the day you see the enemy. ' This is what the king says to the regiments as they assemble before him to challenge one anot her. There is irregularity of procedure. For instance, one of the Kande mpemvu gets up and challenges one of the Ngobamakosi; then one of the latter regiment may get up and challenge one of the other regiment. It is not men of one of the regiments that always begin or make the chal l enge. They challenge one another freely. It is the practice for one to giya at a time on such occasions. He will giya towards the man and regi- 18 ment that he belongs to, and shout out the terms of his challenge; and just as he turns back towards his place, the man addressed must rush out and giya at and after him as he retires. A lull will then take place in order to catch the words he shouts back, i.e. the name of his kraal, and sister; he may lalso1 say all his father's cattle. After the fighting has taken place and the war is over, the regiments will be called up as before to exchange accounts ahout the fighting. Then some young man jumps up and, accosting the man he challenged before hostilities occurred, shouts, 'What did you do , son of So-and-so? I did thus and thus. What did you do?' If the one is generally conceded to have done better than the other, i.e. to have done more stabbing, he loses the bet, but the property staked will not change hands at all, though it seemed at first as if it would do so. Hence the stakes are only figurative expressions, used for heightening the effect of the exchanges about fighting prowess, and rousing the feelings of those making these challenges. When actually in battle, the izinduna recall what a rival regiment said at the time when they were challenging one another in the presence of the king; e.g. lin the case ofJ the Kandempemvu and Ngobamakosi, they will shout, as Sikizane ka Nomageje (not Bejana's brother but Zibebu 's induna) did at Isandhlwana: 'Why are you lying doum? What was it you said to the Kandempemvu? There are the Kandempemvu going into the tents. ' Ntshingwayo ka Marole of the Koza people was the great induna in command at Isandhlwana. 29 Zibebu was there as a prince and also an induna, though a smaller one. The regiments that really got into the tents were the Mbonambi (first), Kandempemvu and Ngobamakosi, whilst the Nokenke and Uve cut
307 MPATSHANA
off the retreat. When the exclzo:nges about achievement in battle went on after the 19 campaign, the heroes would be given cattle by the king. A hero who got in first among the enemy is given as many as 10 head of cattle. Three and four cattle are given to other plucky fellows.
26.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 19-22.
I did not take any part in the Bambata rebellion. I was at Hlabisa as a messenger with Mr J.F. Clark. I heard of the killing of white fowls and pigs in the neighbourhood of Hlabisa, but many did not kill them. When I got to Krantzkop later on, when people were surrendering, I found that the whole countryside from Krantzkop to Mapumulo had killed white fowls and pigs. J.F. Clark visited the Usutu kraal when the rebellion.- was at its height, 30 and after rumours lhad spreadJ of Europeans having been attacked and defeated by Bambata, a dense mist overtaking the Europeans and preventing them from seeing their assailants. And when J.F. Clark got to Usutu he found all quiet there. He had gone to tell Dinuzulu to sit still and remain silent. Had Dinuzulu really armed, he would not have failed to begin by arming the Mpukunyoni ~eople, also the Mdhle tsheni people (chief Mfusi, now Ntaminemidwa). 1 All the youths refused to pay the poll tax. 32 They rattled their shields by way of threatening to rise, but word presently came from the prince to say that all were to pay, and that those that did not want to do so were to quit the country and live elsewhere. Dinuzulu also reminded them of the fact that Europeans had destroyed his father for not conforming to instructions that had been given him. Clark was accompanied by one European and native police. Clark sent out police to watch what people were arming during the rebellion, but no one was found. I thought Clark wanted to satisfy himself and to give evidence to the government. [Such is a witness whose testimony I would like to have heard.] 20 He, Clark, kept a sharp look-out over his district to prevent people joining Dinuzulu. Many, however, armed but did nothing. None of Dinuzulu's people went to the assistance of Bambata from the north side of the Izimfolozi. Hence this was proof that Dinuzulu was not fighting. Dinuzulu certainly did wrong in allowing rebels to come to his kraal and failing to give them up. He ought to have handed them up at once had he been honest and conforming to ordinary Zulu practice.
26.5.1912. Mpatshana continues. 'To break a man's izinjobo girdle': this is said of a man whom the king -has reprieved after having been smelt out by izinyanga, and then directed that in place of his being killed his stock will be seized. 33
According to Zulu custom, suppose an isikulu finds a man doing wrong and reports the matter to the king, who directs the isikulu to kill him, and the man, hearing he is about to be killed, escapes and takes refuge with another isikulu, the latter does not hesitate beyond the second day to proceed to the king to report the arrival of one who alleges he is being killed by the other isikulu, and to ask the king for instruc tions. The king might ask him if he wishes to take the man under his 308 MPATSHANA
patronage, and he might say he would like to do so, reserving· to him self the right of turning him out should his conduct in the future prove unsatisfactory. Or the king might say, 'Won't the i sikulu who has dI'iven hi m out want him?' I have seen this myself. I have known of cases where people have fled from the Zu lu country to Somkele, and after these have been reported to the king he has referred to their first isi kulu, who has pressed for the man being killed. This happened to Magidigidi ka Mbokota of the Mpanza people, who was caused t o flee by Somfula ka Mponswa ka Ngotsha ( lthe father of Mpande 's mother, Songiya; ). 34 He ran 21 away to Somkele, and the latter reported him to Cetshwayo. Cetshwayo said, 'Let him r emain; Somkele, you have taken charge of him. ' Sigida, induna of Somfula (appointed by Mpande as induna) ~ Sigida ka Matanda, who was one of the f i r st t o engage wit h the opposing side i n the Ndonda kusuka battle - was formerly induna of the uSutu at ekuBazeni. 35 This man remonstrated, saying, 'This will destroy Somful a. The man was to die; now he is to eat amabele again, for he has been given prot ect ion. ' C. then said, 'I am de f eated. Follow him and take him away .' Sigida replied, 'Is the king taunting us i n t elling us t o follow hi m? For he is with Somke l e; l et t he king send t here to f etch him. ' The king then sent Mp eyana ka Manqondo t o kill him. Indeed Magi digidi was put to death. Hi s father was put to death, and the chief son, Magidigidi. Magidigidi's son (of the Mbokodwebomvu r egiment) is living, and has charge of the late Magidigidi 's lpeople;. It was after this that Sigida became the great hero at eNdondakusuka. The appointment of Sikizane ka Nomageje in Zibebu's tribe was made by Cetshwayo. 36
Another case was wh en Soms ewu had Zululand divided up. 3 7 The Hluhluwe became a boundary, and the Mf olozi. We of the Ekubuseni (Ekubazeni) kraal found ourselves instructed to konza Zibebu if we wished to remain; but, being real Usutu-ites, we refused to do otherwise than konza Somkele, he being the nearest r epresentative of the royal house. 38 Zibebu insisted on our leaving , as we would not konza. Th i s we did, t aking our chi ldren to Somkele's. We went to an open, wild part of Somkele's district, overrun by wi ld animals, and there settled, report ing afterwards the fact of having done so to Somkele, who, being of our party, agreed to receive us . But, havi ng left our mabele behind, we went back to fetch them. A fight occurred with Zibebu's men; again we went and again there was a fight. Zibebu said of or in respect of us to Somkele, 'Wil l not the roo f-prop nearest the hut- door f all on you because of these scabby goats crowding in? ' (For they wi ll run when being chased, and, rushing into Somkele's hut for refuge, will bring it down on top of him .) They wer e referred to as having scab because when they went to konza Somkele, they had put themselves in the wrong . 22 There was said t o be scab for we had left Zibebu's country and gone to Somkele. Zibebu spoke to Somfula, Sigi da and Haulana, and said, 'Look after these people , and give me warning if they come and get their amabele. ' This was the very beginning of hostilities with Zibebu, the point where the tinder was l i t , and from which the whole of subsequent warfare blazed up. We went for our mabel e , for they , finding we had gone to Somkele, were afraid of sleeping in their own homes because of the likelihood of our surrounding and att acking them; they slept in the forests . Sigida made a strongho l d ; he dug i t out and made an enclosing barricade , so as to lmake it; big enough to t ake two imizi.
309 MPATSHANA
When we went to fetch our mabele , we found that they had dug them up and deposit ed them in their cave. We then went there where they had carried them. We found two imizi there. A son of Mbopa's was shot with a gun at the cave. Others were shot . We killed several of them. They again d:Pove us off. We again crossed the Hluhluwe, and went to Somkele. After this, Zibebu's people crushed and destroyed the l and , for they accused Ndabuko of being at the back of our fighting, and lof beingJ our instigator. 39 Zibebu again communicated with Somkele, seeing that about an equal number of bodies had been killed on each side. At this time Somsewu came back to Zululand with Cetshwayo. 40 The Ekubuseni kraal is the Usutu proper; it is a related kraal of the Ekubazeni kraal and it has come from the Gqikazi kraal. The Ekubazeni and the Amangwe came from Gq i kazi too.
27.5.1912 -
[Written up from memory, 27.5.1912, conversation having taken place yesterday.] Zibebu later on made an attack on Somkele's tribe, being in search, as he declared, of the men who had killed some of his own, meaning we of the Ekubuseni (Ekubazeni) kraal. He fired on various members of the tribe, and so, as already prophesi ed by him, the post at the door actually fell on Somkele. [P. 21.] 23 All this affair, i.e. the hostilities between Zibebu and the royal house, arose out of Zibebu, during Cetshwayo's absence in captivity, having appropriated girls and cattle belonging to the indhlunkulu. He married one or two of Cetshwayo's daughters. [?] And yet all this pro perty was supposed to have reverted to the Government in consequence of its having defeated Cetshwayo, but Zibebu was allowed to take and keep this property. At first, too, Zibebu was appointed Guardian of Dinuzulu, as the Government looked on Ndabuko and Ziwedu as unsuitable. 41 Well, when Dinuzulu saw that Zibebu was 'consuming' property belonging to the royal house, he left him and went to Mnyamana. 4 2 It was in con sequence of this desire of Zibebu to set himself up as practically king in place of Cetshwayo that stirred up the wrath and intrigue of Ndabuko. Zibebu gave out that Cetshwayo would not come back to Zululand, and when it was stated that he was returning, Zibebu explained that it would be only his i mage (i sitombe ), and not a reality. That is all the white men would bring back. Hence when, as a matter of fact, Cetshwayo was brought by Sir T. Shepstone to Emtonjaneni, accompanied by Fynn, large numbers, if not the majority of Zulus, Mpatshana among them, believed that a mere isi tombe (statue or wax-work) had been brought, until they saw the figure reputed to be Cetshwayo move forward and begin to address the assembly somewhat after his old manner, when it was discovered that a reality and not a phantasy was before their eyes. 4 3 It was after these incidents, of course, that the running off of the Ekubuseni people took pl ace .
27.5.1912 File 66, item 11, pp. 1-2.
he has also recorded answers, in the form of brief notes, against the questions to which they relate. The ticks seem to indicate questions answered by Mpatshana during interviews which were conducted, and written up, by Stuart on 28 and 29 May 1912. Dashes seem to indicate questions answered by Mpatshana on 31 May 1912, during interviews which were recorded by Stuart in rough notes that were not subsequently fully written up. The answers entered by Stuart against his list of questions are undated. In reproducing the list, we have adhered to Stuart's use of ticks and dashes, and have used 'equals' signs (=) to set off the answers inserted into the list from the questions to which they relate - eds.> 1 Questions for Mpatshana Within what time was the whole Zulu army ready to take the field? How was a given regiment organized, trained, provided with food, etc.? I Officers and non-coms. - viyo, isigaha, ibuto. I There were non-coms. were there not? Enlarge on these. I Commissariat; dibi - did they carry mats? I On the march - scouting. I Intelligence - spies. Arms and ammunition supplies during Zulu War. I Where assegais were manufactured. I Who authorized wearing of iziqu? I Were they never wrongly worn - with what result? I Cattle seized - what became of? I Any treasure at Isandhlwana? Where taken? Various uniforms: principal kinds. Did not a given regiment vary? Had you a pass-word either at Isandhlwana or at the stronghoZd of RaJ.Jane? 44 What happened when feet got sore? - Night attack. Night marches. - Best season for beginning a campaign. Bivouac - any form of encamping (ngenisa), or depend only on nature of ground? - Any pickets to guard camp? How inspected? What song would army attacking at Isandhlwana have sung so as to be all in chorus? Did they so sing? - Not attacking as moon dies. Methods of using assegai - throwing, thrusting, etc. - Any actual training in throwing etc. assegai? 2 Ceremonies observed just before attack, e.g. Isandhlwana. - How wounded were attended to - only by relations? Reasons for disemboweZling (qaqaing). Modes of doing. - Mascots. Was there regular drilling at Kwa Sitshwili, etc.? 45 Where was manoeuvre ground - near Undi? =Yes. - Where was Bulawayo? Who built Siklebe? Gqikazi? Who was Ngqumbazi's father? 46 = Mbonde ka Njongwe of the Zungu people. - Where did supplies of genet skins, green ioury feathers, blue monkey skins, widow bird feathers, ieopard skins come from, and brass rings? lGenet skins - Noziyingili; green loury feathers - in 311 MPATSHANA Zululand, from the bush oountry and especially from the forest s; blue-monkey skins - Noziyingili; widow bird feathers - t raded for up-oountry; leopard skins - all over in forests; brass rings - Noziyingili.; 47 Was any drilling done at amakanda ; if so, in what ways? - Were cadets ever specially taken in hand and educated? = had induna who supervised them. If not, what made for efficiency? Was it only promise of reward, reoounting of exploits in battle (xoxaing i mpi), ohallenging one another t o aot s of braver y (qomana) ? - The vying of amabuto wit h one another (Nointisana ki,Ja mabuto). The oleaning of t he hoes oer emony (sul' isikuba) - only a chief does this? Is the willow used for when t hey present t hemselves t o t he king [p . 14], the ordinary willow? Has every warrior praises? To what extent does every man know the king's praises? - Is king systematically praised at amakanda? 28 . 5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 23-31. 23 Mpatshana continues. I remember hearing of Mapita wishing to put his son Zibebu to death on the ground that the latter was showing ounning by taking cattle belonging to Mapita and sending them off to Sotshangana's country to buy things for which Mapita never saw any return; nor was any account 24 ever rendered by Zibebu. 48 Hence, concluded the father, 'He is buying medicines and drugs (imiti) with which one day he intends to kill me.' Mapita reported the matter to Mpande and received his approval about killing Zibebu, but Cetshwayo sided with Zibebu, and, as a result of such support, the action meditated against Zibebu was never carried into effect. · When Zibebu sent off (purloined) the cattle as stated, he was living at Opanyekweni kraal, lwhere; the Umsunduze enters the Mkuze, whilst Mapita was at his eNkungwini kraal. Cetshwayo said to his warriors during the Zulu War that if they felt they were being wor st ed in fighting the whites, he would then start his own operations against them by .obtaining from Mabelemade the necessary drugs for such purpose. 49 For Cetshwayo had a messenger, Mahlatini ka Sojaba of t he Zungu people , whom he sent for three years at a time to Mabelemade, and it was his intention to send the same man back there to get drugs to overoome the whites. Cetshwayo issued the above proclamation, for such it was, after the stronghol d of Rawane battle in which the Zulus were defeated. Later on, during the locust invasion, Dinuzulu sent Mahlatini's son, Mnambiti, the former being dead, to Mabelemade. 50 Mnambiti is of the Mbonambi regiment and is still living. Mnambiti lives just (say a couple of miles) north of the Hluhluwe, at Mtekwini, and say 25 or 30 miles from the sea. Mnambiti was arrested in Swaziland and told to return, as he had no business to go forward. Dinuzulu pointed out to the Government that his fathers, when there were locusts in the coun try, used to send to Mabelemade and ent reat her to remove them. 31 2 MPATSHANA I do not know if Sojaba, Mahlatini's father, ever went to ·Mabelemade. When I was born he was already dead. All I know is that Mahlatini was Mpande's messenger. The Umsutu who doctored the impi at the time of the Zulu War was understood by us to have come from Mabelemade. He made marks on our faces as above related and declared that the Europeans' bullets would be weakened {citsha) and not enter. After the Isandhlwana and strong hold of Rawana battles, the Umsutu doctor said that, the bullets etc. having killed the Zulus, he would now adopt other tactics, namely to poison the waters by pouring drugs therein. This he did in the Umfolozi; he poisoned the waters near Nqunqa mountain, the European troops being camped near there at the time, but none of the latter died as the doc tor had declared they would do. The European camp faced Nqunqa hill. 25 I do not know how the connection originated between Mabelemade and the Zulu royal house. The practice in calling up the Zulu army was this. Those within say 15 miles or so of the royal kraal would assemble within 24 hours at the royal kraal. There may be 30 or 40 companies {viyos) of them and a num ber of different regiments represented among them. The king will review them, and direct those present to separate into their respective regi ments, when he will see what proportion of the different corps are present. He will then hear them harangue one another with accounts of their military prowess {xoxa irrrpi), and finally give directions as to where the various regiments are to be quartered. Such regiments as happen to have their barracks within 15 miles of the royal kraal will be permitted to go and stay there, but those whose barracks are further away will be directed to occupy particular ravines or valleys, and there bivouac. All are given cattle to slaughter. Thus the troops begin at once to establish their own camps, so that others, following on from more distant parts of the country, are able, as they come up, to ascer tain from anyone exactly where particular regiments are camped, when they proceed thither without loss of time. In two, three, four or five days, according to the urgency of the circumstances, the king will now call up the whole of the regiments to the royal kraal to see the extent to which they have massed. They, of course, would then come up in regimental order, divided into viyos, and not mixed up as at first coming up. They will also be large enough to form up in their own circles (umkumbi). Should the king want still larger numbers of men, further messengers will be sent out by the izi nduna to all parts of the country on strong urging from the king, accompanied by threats, if lthere should beJ any sign of dilatoriness, to have all available men up at once. And so, within a few more days, practically the whole country will not only have mobilized, but actu ally massed in regimental order. In the meantime the troops are kept well supplied with meat by the king. 26 After the second review, the order might be given to eat the cattle of the ancestral spirits {izinkomo ze mzimu). That is, cattle will be apportioned to the various regiments for purpose of sacrifice. These will be killed and eaten at night, and chants will be sung by the warriors at night. The spirits of the ancestors will also be addressed in praises recited by the izinduna, by all these great ones, viz. Mahlatini ka Sojaba, Ntshingwayo ka Marole, Mbopa ka Wolizibi, Mfusi ka Manyala, Hemulana ka Mbangezeli, Mvubu ka Ngqengelele, Mtshubane 313 MPATSHANA ka Nopetula, Ntuzwa ka Nhlaka, Seketwayo ka Nhlaka, Sitshaluza ka Mamba (brother of Masipula ka Mamba), Sirayo ka Xongo, Mpandamana ·ka Ndhlela, Palane ka Mdinwa, Sigcwelegcwele ka Mhlekehleke, Manyonyo ka Njongolo, Somopo ka Sikala, and others. 51 These are the men who recite the praises of the spirits. These were the men who raised an objection when Somkele ka Malanda (Mayanda) was fined 100 head of cattle for having killed two lions. He sent the fat thereof only to the king, and failed to carry the lions unskinned to the king in accordance with practice. Cetshwayo spat. 'Is it I who am given the hard fat (isinqumela)? He has taken all the good fat, and gives me the fat from the cooking-water.' He went on to say, 'Is it not the well-established rule of Zululand when a lion has been killed for a beast to be killed, and for the lion to be wrapped in the wet hide of such beast and so carried to the king?' Cetshwayo then directed that Somkele should be fined 100 head of cattle. The foregoing heads then said, 'How can you punish one of your fathers so heavily? After all, he has reported what he has done, and says he believed the lion would putrefy, seeing the distance it had to be carried was so far.• Cetshwayo replied, 'Then he ought to have sent a messenger to me, 27 when I should have sent my own doctor to render down the fat (peka it).' The king said, 'He knows nothing. For my part, I shaU "eat him up".' He then sent Manzini and Bubesi, younger brothers of Somkele's, to seize the cattle. The cattle were accordingly seized. Somkele delivered up SO head himself, whilst the balance were subscribed by members of his tribe. Mnyamana ka Ngqengelele was Cetshwayo's Prime Minister. He commanded the impi that fought at the stronghold of Rawana, but did so in a bad spirit (nge nhliziyo embi). The Isandhlwana impi was given to Ntshi ngwayo ka Marole, who led it well. Mnyamana stirred up the impi to make it burn like a fire. He used to upset it with his talk. He kept on giving it orders to make ready and prepare for action, so as to be ready when it faced the whites, whose spies were in sight. He alarmed it and caused it to become apprehensive. Thus he was unduly apprehen sive and fearful of the results. When the battle occurred, the impi was not directed by Mnyamana but took up position by itself, and it attacked in a half-hearted manner. At Gingindhlovu the impi was under the command of Palane, Sintwangu (the envoy to Natal), and also Somopo. 52 Companies (viyos). These diminished in size as time went on, either from death, crossing over (i.e. going to Natal to konza), or by being killed off by the king. Prior to the Zulu War, Cetshwayo directed an impi to go and finish off the sick at their homes, stab (goqoza) them in the armpits. (The word goqoza is used of a sick beast, e.g. 'Are you going to finish off {goqoza) this sick beast? Do you see that it will not recover?') The impi accordingly went and goqoza'd. Many were reported as being very ill and unable to perform their duties; others again etwasa'd and became izangoma, and when a man twasa'd he was relieved from compulsory military service. 53 Such men could not serve as warriors, for, as they are always stirring up medicines; they attract dangerous forces. About 42 years ago there were very many izangoma; a 28 regular craze set in, so that in every valley one found six to ten of 314 MPATSHANA these men. The reason for the abnormal increase was because they wanted to get out of military service, for this meant something akin to starva tion and being beaten by one another; for at headquarters men were al ways, as individuals, picking quarrels with one another and fighting with sticks, or a section (isigaba) might fight another section, thereby causing many heads to be injured (open wounds). It was owing to the ab normal amount of this sort of thing lgoingJ on that led to many turning into izangoma and so escaping military service. The stirring of liquid medicines is done to induce people to come to them to consult about any of their affairs they may wish to investigate. Seeing that many men were becoming diviners in all parts in this ab normal degree, Mpande directed that all who had ethlasa'd and were iza ngoma were to assemble together at a kraal called Kandempemvu, and there be a regiment of their own and konza the king there, apart from other regiments. Only those whom the king used for consultation purposes were excused; all others went to konza at this kraal. Owing to this device, Mpande succeeded in putting a stop to this growing evil, and one heard nothing more of the craze. They, at Kandempemvu, were free from military duty, but all other duties required by the king had to be performed by them, viz. hoeing the gardens and fencing the umuzi. When viyos diminished from various causes, they were combined with other small viyos of their own age. But in the case of the Tulwana, for the sake of example, many not of the same, but of a lower age, were added from time to time, for this was the regiment to which Cetshwayo himself belonged, hence it was abnormally large. 29 What sometimes happened was for boys who were younger than others to be thrown into the older boys' regiment. E.g. I was of the Uve regiment; 1 I kleza'd a year after the Ngobamakosi. Well, we Uve were incorporated into the Ngobamakosi. The same thing happened with the ~fttuyisazwe regi ment, whose members were thrown into the next regiment older than them, viz. the Kandempemvu. The whole of the Mtuyisazwe was incorporated into the Kandempemvu. And the whole of the Uve was incorporated into the Ngobamakosi. The reason for so augmenting the regiments was to prevent the enemy treating it with contempt or laughing at it, saying, 'Look at the size of this little impi.' It was to impress the enemy with the strength they had to contend against. Then again, whilst on the march, it was known that many fell out on account of sickness, etc. Such falling out, of course, reduced the size of the regiment. Consequently, the king's idea was to provide that even with these reductions or fallings-out the regiment would still appear, and be, a considerable fighting force. Sections (Izigaba). This word applies to all sections of a military or royal kraal, except the isigodhlo. An isigaba was a section of the kraal regulated by the number of those of a given regiment who had kleza'd at a particular kanda. Thus at Ondi there were on the left side (uhlangoti) of the kraal, looking towards the gate, first the Izingwananda, then the Inhlamba masoka, then the Mkingoma, Izinkonkoni and Zisongo, each of which was an isigaba, arranged as lbelowJ roughly shown. 5 ~ The Inkonkoni follows the Tulwana in age and was incorporated into the Tulwana. The Indhlo ndhlo follows the Inkonkoni in age and was incorporated into the Tulwana. There were three to thirty viyos in an isigaba. The Inhlamba masoka section kleza'd at Mlambongwenya, where Cetshwayo kleza'd. 55 It 315 MPATSHANA is this section which got to be about 30 viyos strong. The other izi gaba were three to six lstrong; on the average. 30 Commisariat; boy attendants (udibi). Food in war-time is carried by weaklings (abafokazana), young men who are unsuitable to be enrolled. On the march the udibi boys marched a mile or two away from the column, to the left or right rear, so as to be protected against attack by the enemy. Army on the march; spies. Leaving home, they march in one great column. On entering enemy t erritory, spies will be selected; two or three from every viyo are selected by the induna of each viyo. These all accumulated and formed a body of some 10 viyos, and preceded, by some 12 miles, the main body to which they were attached. Then the main body, as it left home, is split into two on entering hostile territory, each of these bodies having its own set of spies, say 10 viyos each. The spies were so numerous for the purpose of giving the enemy the impression, on their coming in view in extended order, say separated into viyos, that they themselves were the main body. The spies were selected for common sense and ability to describe carefully what they had observed. I myself was a spy at Isandhlwana. It is wrong for the army to march in a single column when enemy aountry has been entered, and an induna guilty of such practice was dismissed. This was said to be bad because, on the enemy appearing and attacking, having the advantage and repelling them, it would follow them up and stab them, there being no other and independent support to attack the enemy from another quarter and so relieve the situation. Men selected for scouting were men of courage, who on coming across detached sections of the enemy perhaps driving cattle, would attack and seize the stock. There was no idea of concealing them selves, for they really take the place of an advanced guard. There 31 are, however, individual spies, sent in twos and threes to locate the enemy for purposes of t~eir being surprised and ambushed. Such, of course, would conceal themselves as much as possible. The advanced guard is thrown out to draw the enemy, but as soon as the guard begins to retreat, it falls back on the main body, which comes up and engages the enemy. When the advanced guard perceives they are being followed up by the enemy, they send off runners at 316 MPATSHANA once to the main body to advise them of what has been noticed-. Assegais. These were made at the place of Mlaba 's people in the bush country at the Mfolozi. My father, Sodondo, used to manufactUPe brass arm-bands (ingxotaJ, and the one Matiwane got was made by him. 56 Asse gais were made all over the country by special makers. The king ordered men to make assegais, which were issued to the regiments, but the king did not pay for them. At the same time he might occasionally present the makers with gifts of cattle on account of their services. The king did not give his assegais to anyone but to selected and brave men who will fight fiercely. Amulets (iziqu). 57 These were not ordered by the king to be worn, or by the induna of a regiment or viyo, but the man wore them simply because he had killed a man in war. He did this without instructions. Willow was the medicine used by the heroes ; izangoma never used this wood. European willows are the same kind of tree as that in Zululand used for iziqu. No man would dare to put on willow-wood, i.e. iziqu, for he would be put to death. A man wearing iziqu would be taken aside, and other men who had killed in battle would interrogate him. 'Where did you kill, friend?' Others would be afraid to question him; they would look at him askance, and remain silent. These were pods (of willow), and horns (of ram or beast), also bits of willow cut up and with the ends burnt. 29.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 32-4. 32 Mpatshana continues. Tshaka used to accompany his impi when it went to war. Cetshwayo only accompanied his forces when they went to Ndondakusuka. He, how ever, then remained at eNdulinde, looking on from a distance, an~ kept on inquiring, 'Can you see a black shield raised up?' 58 For such a shield was being carried by Hlomuza ('uMakanda nga ndondo, the loury with red eyes'). He was a renowned warrior and was a son of Mapita. He ruled the Mandhlakazi tribe on the death of Mapita, on behalf of Zibebu. Cetshwayo did not go out with the army in the Zulu War. Dinuzulu, however, went out with the army at Tshanini, then at Ndunu; then at Ceza he headed the Imbokodwebomvu and succeeded in repelling the Euro pean invading force, sending them back to Nkonjeni. 59 Later the Euro peans came with a larger impi. [Cf. Ceza with Nkandhla forest. Dinuzulu might have headed the rebellion.] 60 Zibebu went out with every impi. I don't know if Mpande ever went out with an impi. 317 MPATSHANA Cattle seized in war. These all go to the king at his principal kraal. Many are given to warriors who have excelled in fighting, and to the izinduna. The balance are the king's. The king will then point out a place where they can be "located. They would have a temporary kraal Cinhlonhlo) made for them, and not be sent to any kraal; nor are they soon mixed with his other stock. They might, however, occasionally be brought up to any ikanda for inspection, when they would be returned. The reason for the king putting his cattle away from other people's was that they would settle down ('pola') there and have more grazing etc. Cetshwayo had a very large herd of white oxen which were called Inyonikaipumuli. Even these, which were not loot stock, were kept separate on a flat along the Matigulu near the uNgoye. 61 'Be llow, beast of the Zulu, you who will never leave this place'. This is said when a beast is stabbed and it cries out, but the remark is then intended to apply specially to the rest of the herd. It is also said when cattle low in the ordinary way. It is said because the country is at peace; it is protected by weapons and assegais. Nothing 33 will ever go wrong; nor will the cattle ever go off anywhere. If a man stabs a beast and it bellows out, he may exclaim, 'Bellow, beast of the ancestors, ' then he goes on to praise his fathers and grandfathers. Treasure at Isandhlwana; where taken. All guns captured were retained by the impi, for everyone who got a gun claimed that he had seized it from the European he had himself killed. The guns were not taken to the king, but the king directed that they were to be brought up, when he inspected them and then told those who had them to retain them. Clothing was also looted. These were taken and worn by the warriors who had killed. They zila'd with them. 62 Every single corpse was stripped absolutely naked. I saw this. They were all ripped open to prevent misfortune from following. Money also was found, but it became the property of the man who had found it. This money was found on European bodies. Axes and shovels were all looted by the impi, and were not accounted for. The oxen seized, of which there were many, were taken to the king. Many had been hit by bullets, for they had been inspanned in all the waggons. There were many waggons, some turned upside down. The bodies were not buried. But those of our impi were here and there covered over with their shields - it is put over by a relative or friend. Many were not covered because their friends etc. did not look about sufficiently and find the corpses. Uniforms. ,,..,..,- Tulwana: had blue crane feathers and feathers of the widow bird bound by a strip of otter skin - about 15 inches long; had headrings; had also brass armbands on right forearm, very many of them; white 318 MPATSHANA shields with black patch. Their cry was, 'Mina, mina, mina! Ha, he, ha, he !', and then all point their sticks forward as at some object, but imaginary. Kandempemvu: appeared like Tulwana, but they had no crane feathers, nor had they head.rings; had all kinds (colours) of shields. Their cry was, 'It is not to be seen; the hornbill is not to be seen. Do you burn the whiskers of the buffalo? Do you burn them? We smash the rocks of the sky! ' - shouted by one man . 'Smash! At t he place of Bisi!' (Hintza) - chorus. 63 Mtuyisazwe: wore a headdress of white cattle tails (say 10-12 inches long), erect, with black tufts on top. This regiment was the ikala of the Kandempemvu; 6 ~ carried all kinds of shields. Their cry was , 'You were beaten down by the axe that strikes down! Nhla! Nhla ! Nhla! Nhla!' 65 They also wore round their waists broad belts of stiff ox-hide (umbembeso). 34 Ngobamakosi: had headdresses of cattle tails, 15 inches long, white and wide, put at sides of face from temples upward, with white small tails at tips, and with one bunch of widow bird feathers erect between the cattle tails and slightly higher; all had red shields, with some having a little white about them. Their cry was, 'Iya! Iya! Iya! 0 ho, ho, ho, the liihtning of the sky. Tshitshilizi, tshitshilizi! This sky is dangerous. ' 6 Dhlokwe: had ostrich feathers and crane feathers; the ostrich feathers were white, large ostrich feathers; one to five were worn according to a man's means; had also large bunches of ostrich feathers fixed into baskets put upside down just to fit the head, and black ostrich, short fluffy feathers, were stuck into these baskets; had also head- bands into which ostrich feathers were stuck. Their cry was , 'Hogo ! Hogo! Hogo !' (Mean by 'Hogo!' the aloe of Jobe's place is bitter - a hill near Black Mfolozi and between it and White Mfolozi.) 67 Carried shields of any colour; RO particular ones. Mxapo: similar to Dhloko; wore ostrich feathers on the head. Their cry was, ' Ha, ha, ha, ha! It dug ! It dug! It dug! We buried it in the ground at Gingindhlovu. ' 68 Carried any kind (colour) of shield. Hence if regiments wore similar uniforms they could be distinguished 319 MPATSHANA by their particular cries. Every buto had its own cry. 30.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 34-39. Also present for part of interview: Nsuze Mpatshana. A bull 'with a person in the middle' (elel' umuntu pakati). 69 This is a bull that is black on both sides with white along its back and a white tail, then white underneath to the neck and jaws, and greyish ears. This bull must go to the king to breed with; no mere man durst breed with it, though he may castrate it and retain the same. But he will often take it and present the bull to the king for breeding purposes on its growing up. Bambata's warfare. It differed from that of Zulus by their taking refuge in forests and fastnesses until hunted up by the Europeans. Zulus would have taken up a position in the open and come face to face with the foe. They waylaid Europeans wherever they could. We laughed at them for this. The impi should have kept a watch over the inkata at the place of the king. 70 By this I mean the king's kraal, e.g. Undi or Umlambongwenya , where the inkata is kept. If the impi goes to either of these places it takes care of the inkata. When the impi is sprinkled with medicines the izintelezi medicines are placed on the inkatas - there may be three of them. 35 'What is this?' Answer: 'It is earth.' ('Inhlabati. ') 'Do you see it?' Answer: ' We see it.' This is said when the impi is being sprinkled with medicines and just prior to starting off. What happens is this. The circle of men has been thoroughly doctored with sprinkled medicines and in the smoke of burnt medicines. One of the doctors (chief one) then goes up and down and in the lines with something within his closed right hand. As he comes up he says, 'What is this?' as he opens his hand, showing a glittering stone-like substance and hard, about two inches long and as thick as one's thumb, whereupon those nearby exclaim, 'It is earth!' He then says, ' Do you see it?', and they answer, 'We see it.' He is moving the whole time at a good walk; he does not stop. The stone is called 'inhlabati '. He goes on and on throughout the circle of men. This is the last incident that occurs before the impi marches off to war. The object is evidently to bring about some kind of super natural influence (umnyama) or miracle, i.e. bring on something which shall bring the enemy within the army's power. I did not see the inhlabati at Cetshwayo's during the Zulu War, but I know Somkele's doctor, Matanga of the Mtetwa people, had and used it during Dinuzulu's fighting with Zibebu. [In 1883-1887.] 71 He doctored us. [Nsuze now present with Mpatshana.] When Cetshwayo was swooped on at Undi by Zibebu, a couple of men who had escaped came back to our tribe carrying with them an assegai of Zibebu's people that had been flung after them. 72 This was taken by 320 MPATSHANA the doctor, Matanga. He bent it, and at the bend tied a gourd. containing izintelezi medicines. This gourd was about four inches in diameter and seemed to be of the ihlala tree , or wild orange, a variety commonly found in that part of the country. There were about 40 companies of men (viyos) present. Matanga, after bending it and affixing the gourd, went some 200 or 300 yards off and stuck the assegai in the ground in the veld by means of its haft3 which was sharpened. He then directed the 36 troops to approach, a viyo at a time, and, going along with the viyo, shouted out, 'Here's a .marvel! 'He re is the thing that shuts in! Here is the keeper of the door!' Each of which (although he might use one or other and omit others as he pleased - i.e. with different viyos) the viyo in chorus would repeat, when he would add, 'I have closed it! I am closing it!' or some such words, these again being repeated by members of the viyo present; and as they used these expressions, they would file past and slightly take hold of the gourd with their fingers, shake it and leave it. It was tied to the assegai with thongs. The assegai was of the inhlekwane variety (blade about nine inches long; shank say seven inches). This bending of the assegai was to cause Zibebu's asse gais all to be blunt. As the man gripped the gourd so he shouted, 'I am closing it!' or 'I have closed it!' Matanga was employed by Dinuzulu. It was he who doctored the impi which knocked Zibebu out at Ndunu; 73 it was he again who caused us (coast people) to get the better of Zibebu when he took refuge in the Dukuduku forest; 74 it was he who doctored us when we attacked the Mtetwa tribe (Sokwetshata), who all fled away on our making an appear ance. 75 So Matanga had a great reputation. He did not doctor the Tsha nini impi. 76 He, however, doctored Somkele's section of that impi, for Somkele's people took part. Somkele doctored his impi because it was sent out (paka'd) by him, and it was sent to assist Dinuzulu at Tshanini. D. doctored his own force, and S. his. Had S. 'slot been called to D., the latter would have been responsible for all the doctoring. It was Somkele who reported Matanga as a good doctor and indicated his successful per formances. 77 Matanga is still living - is about lthe age of .theJ Ndhlondhlo regiment. Nsuze, who is present, says members of Sigananda's tribe who had joined in Dinuzulu's earlier fighting told him that Dinuzulu had em ployed an Umtetwa doctor. 78 It is evident Matanga must be that man. 'So-and-so has encountered a harmful influence ' ('Uno mnyam' ubani'J. This is said of one who succumbs to some trivial injury. 'His ancestral spirit does not show·itself. He has encountered some harmful influence' C'Idhlozi lake ka li kanyi. Uno umnyama') - said of one who has so died. The above ceremony is done so that harmful influences (umnyama) may overtake the enemy, causing the enemy's efforts to miscarry and fail. The umnyama desired here is that the enemy's assegais should glint or glance or miss, whilst those of the army should be normal. 37 [Mpatshana now leaves for the day.] 321 MPATSHANA date 30.5.1912, we depart from our normal practice of placing. testimony under the name of the person who was the principal informant during the interviewing session. Although Mpatshana's departure left Nsuze as sole informant, the latter's statements bear intimately upon portions of the evidence previously given by Mpatshana, and Stuart's comments at the end of the interview relate to the evidence of both men - eds. > Nsuze says: I agree to what Mpatshana says. An unsuccessful doctor is ignored and another employed, i.e. if the irrrpi is unsuccessful. Having regard to Mpatshana's remarks [on p. 36] about Somkele doc toring the irrrpi, I see it was quite in accordance with practice for a chief to doctor an irrrpi and send it out. But, as regards Sigananda, the current belief among us was that Sigananda's doctors were not employed because Dinuzulu was directing affairs, and therefore the doctors deputed by him should be given the preference. Bambata said the doctors were his and had come from foreign la:nds. He did not say they were from Dinuzulu or under his orders. Nor did Cakijana say they had come from Dinuzulu. 79 Ndube and Mpumela really believed Dinuzulu was responsible for the rising, but having waited some time without seein~ Dinuzulu take overt action himself, Ndube made off to the Europeans.a Although Bambata and Cakijana declared that Dinuzulu was behind, and responsible for, the rebellion, they did not go the length of saying the doctors were from him or had been selected by him to do the doctor ing. At Dambuza's, the day after Bobe, people of our tribe remarked to Ndabaningi that it never hap~ened in former days for their tribe to be killed off as they had been. 1 For the Zulus had never killed any of them. Why then on this occasion should their intelezi protective medi cines be ineffectual. Hence it was that Mandisindaba soon broke away, finding things going wrong, and going and surrendering himself to the authorities. Calverley must have known well that Mandisindaba was the son of an old, well-known doctor of our tribe.a 2 It was urged that when the Zulus attacked their tribe in Mvakela's day, they killed no one, for on that occasion they entered the forest the Cube irrrpi having slipped out of the way.a 3 Mvakela died of shock (ifa'd uvalo), but none 38 of the three with him were put to death by the Zulus, nor were any others of the tribe killed, and the Zulus retired. Hence such escapes were attributed to having effective izintelezi. The Cubes had the power to gain ascendancy over others (itonya), so was it said, and were quickly able to kill people with whom they were fighting. In Cetshwayo's, Mpande's and Dingana's days the Cubes were not buta'd to any great extent. IR fact only very few went to konza at the royal kraal, for Zokufa was an independent, or practically independent, chief.a~ The Cubes did not care for Dingana on the ground that he had killed Tshaka who was Zokufa's friend. Mvakela (Zokufa's predecessor) came by his death in Tshaka's day as a result of Tshaka's irrrpi coming as above stated. Zokufa died a natural death. Mpande and Cetshwayo refrained from sending to kill off any member of the Cube tribe without having asked for him of Zokufa. This was done for fear of Zokufa attacking the king's forces, which he did with success on two occasions. Hence he was not interfered with. Zokufa derived his itonya from the Nkandhla, 322 MPATSHANA where he always lived. The Cubes have no doctors fro~ foreign parts. He asked for no doctor from outside his country; he doctor ed with his own. It thus became inexplicable why the foreign doctors should be allowed to be used by Bambata. They were admitted because reputed to have inte lezi medicines for preventing bullets from entering, which was proved by their success in the Mpanza valley. 85 Thick fog. During the Zulu war, just before the arrest of Cetshwayo, Sigananda's (Zokufa's?), Ndube's and Qetuka's people attacked the Ngco losi people in Natal just below Krantzkop, being led by Beje, a man of the Ngcolosi tribe. 86 He showed the three drifts which the impi came by, viz. Middle drift, Ndondondwana, and Elibomvu (all these below Koto- 39 ngweni and close to one another). 87 There had been sunlight that day, but as the impi went forward a thick fog spread all over that part, and in this fog the impi went from kraal to kraal, killing people, finding them in their respective kraals. After finishing what they wanted to do, they returned and, after re-crossing into Zululand, the mist cleared. It was the Cubes who are said to have caused this mist, which enabled them to massacre their enemy as they had done. These amaNgcolosi, it was objected, crossed into Zululand and stole food from deserted kraals belonging to Cubes and Magwaza people. Beje was later arrested and sen tenced by the Europeans to five years imprisonment. My own comments after hearing Mpatshana and Nsuze. Distinguish between umnyama and umUngo. The first means that some natural occurrence (in accordance with ordinary laws of nature) should take place which has the effect of bringing darkness over some person or persons, thereby affording their enemy an opportunity of stealing in upon them unawares and so taking them at a great disadvantage with practically no loss to themselves. Umlingo, on the other hand, is a trick arising out of the practice of magic arts. Conjuring tricks are known as imilingo. It is actually produced by some person in the very sight and hearing of others. Umnyama is of universal or wide scope, and is directed at the enemy. It is believed to be brought on by doctors through the use of drugs that can cause the very environment of the enemy so to change, as by bringing on a thick mist, that they can be taken quite unawares, or their weapons fail to hit the marks aimed at, whilst those of their assailants do. The person or persons seized or overtaken by this 'darkness' or 'inabil ity' or 'powerlessness' are said to have umnyama. To aim at a beast with a rifle, fire, and fail to kill or inJure in any way at five or ten yards, though aiming straight, is an umlingo, which is proved by the same person declaring that on a given shot the same beast will fall dead. This is what Bambata did, though many saw through his trick of having a blank cartridge. 31.5.1912 File 66, item 12, pp. 40-2. Also present: Nsuze 40 Mpatshana and Nsuze. They have been affected by this power of gaining ascendancy (itonya); they become weakened, and die. This is umnyama. 323 MPATSHANA Urrmyama is what affects an irrrpi as a whole, brings darkness onto them whilst it is light on the side of their assailants. And this word 'dark ness' is used also in a metaphorical sense, for it means anything that may overtake or come on the enemy, either physical darkness, paralysis of action inspired by fear, oversleeping themselves, futility or stupid ity of plan when engaging their assailants, being overtaken by a mist whilst it is clear for their foes , etc. Urrmyama is caused by a doctor, but, in ordinary times, a man who if i njured by assegais he is carrying, or strikes himself accidentally with an axe, or overtaken by sudden ill ness which carries him off 324 MPATSHANA Ukukanda ceremony. A man may decide to grind up (kandaJ seeds. Small quantities of amapuzi, umpampini [i.e. the red variety of pumpkin - this a real Zulu word and not derived apparently from English], itanga le bece [itanga is ipuzi, and all varieties; it is a generic term], uselwa, amabele, umbila, izindhlubu, izindumba, amadumbe, unyaluti, upoko, ujiba (kind of mabele), imfe, amantongomana, umhlaza (batata was brought by Europeans; we do not use it for kandaing) - small quantities of all or 42 some of these are taken and put together. 90 Then a woman who is pregnant is got, also a pregnant sheep (imvu). The latter is killed and its pla centa taken. The pregnant woman now grinds all the seeds together, and makes them into a kind of bread. Pieces of this bread are thereupon given to every hut, every hut that cultivates, and each piece is put in the gourd in which seed is kept. And this piece is in the seed-gourd when sowing goes on. It is owing to this that no urinating is done in the gardens, for if people do so it stays in the bladder and affects the children. Those who sow the corn, or mealies etc., are always care ful to wash their hands after so doing. Now, when a man has kanda'd this year and anyone comes, he says, 'There has been kandaing at this home. I am sending you back. You are now going away. ' 91 And this is said to even one's own daughter (married) who comes to request food (who, by reason of her close relationship, it may be supposed will not be sent empty away), and she will not be given anything, i.e. from the existing stock after kandaing, but she will be given from the next crops of course. The foregoing kandaing is done by a doctor every time. The seeds ground are mixed with drugs provided by the doctor, e.g. such plants and drugs as baboon fat, python fat, umakulumesana plant, and other plants etc. known only to the doctor. Itonya. This is associated with medicine which the man with itonya is supposed to have. Itonya may really be due only to human design (isu), i.e. in warfare, where one impi forms a good plan for overcoming the enemy. But there is tonyaing due to supposed use of drugs. A doctor who has sprinkled an impi with medicines etc., and it has afterwards succeeded against the enemy, is said to have itonya, when he becomes very proud of himself. 31.5.1912 File 66, item 11, pp. 3-4. Also present: Nsuze 3 Mpatshana and Nsuze. No night attack. Pass-word for daylight use. Attacks very early dawn. Night marches. Begins march. It gets dark. Best time for campaign. Enters by night. The wind blows. Not much sickness. Malaria. Winter best time. Impi would go scavenging in kraals. Not suffer hunger. Spies. None nearby. Sent out far, so as to give timely warning. Others come back at night, and others sent to relieve. Don't return at a short distance. Catch impi long way off. Ntsh. bonga'd but Mnyam. not. 92 We wanted to ... 325 MPATSHANA it brings wrrnyama. 93 A young woman does not dance that day. A young woman does not do the canguza dance when moon dead. Garden not reaped, hunting party not sent out. It is our equivalent of Sunday . Training in use of assegais. Charges by different regiments. No throwing. Only close encounters. Grappling with shie lds. Don't bother about those of your·own who are hit, but press on ahead. Fire powder only in gun as entering cattle-fold. Undi ridge. Father trains his own children. No systematic training. Sharpened sticks (izinkande) . Teaches himself. Assegais not given to young for 4 stabbing. Property (cattle) . Only persons known to main induna are sent for by the induna. No care taken as regards others. They themselves carried one another. Relations go of themselves to assist. Relations will go after getting permission, but will be accompanied by no supporting impi. A disgrace (icilo). Wounded are neglected by those who are not relations. The vying of regiments, i.e. to challenge one another. To sina is to do better than, surpass. 'The wiping of the hoe' by warriors. If he had killed in battle, he could not go to his Lover until he had 'wiped the hoe', that is, until he had taken by force a woman who was not of his people. 9 ~ Every man except a coward has praises, i.e. any one who does any fighting at all. The king is praised at the amakanda, and even at one's own home when using the smoking horn. Sore feet. Said to be a weak-footed person (isiboto), one who se feet swelled; one who got tired. Sandals a disgrace. His girl told this. A derisive jest. 1.6.1912 File 66, item 14, p. 1. 1 Mpatshana continues. Women customs in time of war. They turn their Leather skirts inside out, with the furry side outward. They also take brooms and wave them to and fro. A woman will also put a broom in the mat of any son of hers gone off to fight. The bitter-apple (umtuma) berries and the broom are bound up in the mat, which is then tied to one of the posts at the back of the hut, and not put cross-ways as ordinarily. The umtuma is worn round the neck by women and girls. Women also wear an umtuma on an umcilo round the loins. (Umcilo is the string worn by women - did not formerly refer to reims.) 95 A girl may also wear isidilili plant (small shrub of the velq) in front of her private parts. The faces of women are not smeared in any way in our part of the country. This may be the custom, however, in other parts. A man (warrior) was given the icena aloe (like the umhlaba aloe, but thorns only round it). 326 MPATSHANA 2. 6. 1912 File 66, item 13, pp. 1-3. Also present: Socwatsha, Nsuze 1 Mpatshana, Socwatsha and Nsuze. Zibebu f etched inte l ezi medi ci nes from a deceased man. Pieces were cut off him. A piece was taken from his forehead; it was taken by a doctor, where marked below. His rect um, penis, bone of right forearm (throwing arm), also the car t i lege from the bottom of the breast - bone were taken. Socwatsha: The rectum is taken so as to cause f ear by causing 'agitation' in stomach, and to bring on diarrhoea. This is the method of causing fear. The doctor then t r eats his own i rrrpi with these bits of human flesh. Mpatshana: These bits are used by doctor after the vomiting ceremony, eating of t he meat-st ri ps, and washing at t he drif t , and just as the impi is about to move off, when the irrrpi is brought into a ci rcle form ation and treated with t he smoke of burnt medicines (tunqi selwa 'd). This f ormation is a complete circle. The irrrpi is then sent out. It is not given out publicly that the doctor has succeeded in getting pieces of the enemy's flesh, but of course the information gets about and becomes generally known, but only by degrees. I never heard of an European being caught and used f or medicines in the Zulu War. Mpengula (European) remained in Zululand - lame. [Vijn?] Also Nzimela. 96 Socwatsha says: I never heard of t he cutting off of human flesh (cwiyai ng) in the Zululand war. But the doctor may have had bits of human flesh in the medicines he tunqiselwa'd finally with. Nsuze: The point to mark is that the doctor keeps dark the drugs he tunqisela's with. He may have human flesh, and it may be a necessity, but we cannot declare it to be the invariable custom. Mpatshana: Cwiyaing may be done by other than a doctor. A man may be sent to secure pieces of f lesh who was not a doctor. I have noticed the stuff burnt in t he circle of men smelling like flesh, without thinking what flesh it could be. Socwatsha: I think cwiyaing taking place all in Natal and not in Zululand in 1906 was due to the belief that Dinuzulu had directed that a buck (inyamazana) be caught. Zwide, as often as he killed a chief, cut his head off and put it into Ntombazi's hut. (Ntombazi of t he people of Yanga .) She was pro bably a sister of Zwide. The hut was never entered by ordinary people. All the heads were kept there. 97 Tshaka's practice was to collect pieces of a person's clothing, ashes, bits of thatching grass from above t he doorway, excreta (of the chief). This happened in regard to Pakatwayo. 98 Bovu ka Nomabucabuca was sent to fetch pieces of his clothing. He was afraid; he objected because Tshaka would afterwards accuse him of being an umtakati. Mqu ndane ka Nobongoza was then sent, and went. The pieces of clothing are put in the grass coil of the nati on (inkata). 99 2 Mpatshana: I know of no pieces of clothing got from Natal in Zulu 327 MPATSHANA War days. Nsuze: Pieces of clothing were not got during the Bambata campaign. Mpatshana: When a 'buck' has been found, there is no need for pieces of clothing, for the cut-off bits are far more powerful. It would seem the cutting off of bits of flesh is done when there is hatred on the side of the impi resorting thereto. Socwatsha: I have often heard that Dingiswayo got as far as Cape Town and there found the way in which troops were recruited. 100 Cowards have their meat dropped into water. It is the warm or hot, cooked meat that is so put in. Mpatshana: Izinkwelemba, Amadhlundhlu, amaDuka and other sections (izigaba). These were sections of girl regiments in the isigodhlo. In the afternoon near sunset they would be made to go and stand above the kraal (Ondini and oLandandhlovu) and fire at an umhlaba aloe. These girls were all supplied with short carbines - used to be brought by amaRubu, who would go along the shore to the north, near the coast. 101 These guns were about three feet high, and were evidently got from the Portuguese, not from John Dunn. 102 These girls were the king's body guard, and went about with him from kraal to kraal, viz. from Undi to Landandhlovu (eNhlungwane). These girls, I never heard of their fighting. When Cetshwayo went about hiding, he told the girls to go and take refuge in Zibebu's district in the north. 103 Dinuzulu's regiments Mbokodwebomvu Felapakati - Ingubokakundhlase, first name given by D. before Ceza. 104 Kundhlase was the name of Zibebu's mother. D., on return from St. Helena, directed this name to be put a stop to on the ground that he did not want Zibebu to have any cause to find fault; so he called it Felapakati. 105 The government had advised D. to get on well with Zibebu. Hayelwengwenya (Dakwaukusuta) - The uhaye is a man 's buttock cover, of different kinds of bucks, that has been qopa'd. 106 No one can wear a buttock- cover of crocodile hide. 107 Mavalana - May be from valana. 108 Vala also means to ward off a blow. Ntabingenaliba - Raised after the Bambata rebellion, but before Dinuzulu's arrest. 109 'Aku ntaba ingenaliba' means 'There is no hill but has a grave' (on it). This is a proverb. 3 Cetshwayo's regiments: Ngobamakosi - From goba, to bend, and amakosi {chiefs). Uve - A bird of that name. They did not wear the uve feathers; only the king did so. Falaza - 'Amafalafal' ezulu ', said when the sky falaza's; many small clouds in the sky. Mpande's lregiments;: Mtuyisazwe - 'Quieten the country' ('tulis' izwe'). Kandempemvu - Got its name from a kraal of izangoma who went and 328 MPATSHANA built a kraal of this name. The regiment was known as Mcijo (or Ngange zwe - cadet name). Amakwentu - Went to Kwa Gqikazi.i B h . Indhluyengwe - Went to Undi. f ot same regiment. Nokenke - 'The Zulus who skir ted r ound ' ('uZul' ekenkesile '). e Mpande said the Zulu had skirted round by giving him the go-by and going to Cetshwayo. Mbonamb i - See (bona) the imbi (irrrpi) . Mpunga (Mxapo) - Don't know derivation. Dududu - Tshaka 's bull. Dhloko Ndhlondhlo Nkonkoni - I ncorporated (telwa 'd) at Ondini into the Tu lwana . Tulwana (Amamboza) - Mzwangwenya incorporated (telwa 'd) in Tulwana. 'Mina, mina, mina; do not move away; we are the coverer s of cattl e; we give you nothing' ( 'Mina, mina, mina, ungamukeli ama mboza 'nkomo, asi kuniki luto ' ) . Amatshitshi (Isangqu) - Said, 'Tshitshitshi o ye bekela. ' Amapela Izingulube (Izinkone) Imdhlenevu Ingwegwe Ndabakawombe Dhlambedhlu Notes 1 Somkhele kaMalanda was chief of the Mpukunyoni or Mkhwanazi people in the Hlabisa division. He died in 1907. 2 The notes reproduced in this paragraph appear in the original in the upper margin of the page. 3 The inGobamakhosi ibutho was formed in 1873; the uVe was f ormed in 1875 of youths born in the mid-1850s. ~KwaGqikazi was a Zulu royal umuzi. The Vuna river rises north-west of present-day Nongoma and flows south to join the Black Mfolozi. 5The reference is presumably to ezinGwegweni, one of the Zulu royal imizi. 6 Ndondakusuka, on the northern approaches to the lower Thukela, was the site of a battle fought in December 1856 between the supporters of Cetshwayo and those of.his brother, Mbuyazi, who were rivals for the Zulu royal succession. Cetshwayo's forces were victorious. 7 Isandlwana hill, in the west of the Zulu kingdom, was the scene of the first major battle of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. 80Ndini or uluNdi, which was located north of the middle reaches of the White Mfolozi, was Cetshwayo's principal umuzi . 9 Dunjwa kaMabedla was another of Stuart's informants; his testimony appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archi ve. 1 °KwaNdlalangubo (kwaNdlayangubo) was a Zulu royal umuzi . Mpande died in 1872. 11The uSuthu were the adherents of Cetshwayo. 1 2 The notes reproduced in this paragraph appear in the original as an insertion in the left-hand margin of the page. 1 3The name Vimbimbobo is derived from the verb ukuvi mba, to close, and 329 MPATSHANA the noun imbobo , a hole or gap. 14An inkatha is a grass coil placed on the head for carrying a load. The inkatha yezwe , literally 'the grass coil of the nation', was a ritually made coil which was kept in one of the royal residences. The unity of the kingdom was believed to depend on its preservation. See Stuart Archive, vol. 1, pp. 40-1; Bryant, Zulu People, pp. 475-7; Krige, Social System, pp. 243-4; Fuze, The Black People, p. 91; Samuelson, Long, Long Ago, pp. 401-2. 15The original reads, 'Nansi intando ba lisa abadala! Nant ' ugazi, ni zo kbJak' imizi! No yihfo ba yaka ka nje!' 16 Dlungwana was a praise-name for Shaka. 17 In this list the names in the latter four sets of parentheses appear to be those of izinduna . 18Bhambatha kaMancinza, chief of the Zondi in the Umvoti, Umgeni, Krantz kop, New Hanover and Lion's River divisions, was one of the principal rebel leaders in the disturbances of 1906. 19Zibhebhu kaMapitha, a cousin of Cetshwayo, was one of the chiefs appointed to rule in Zululand after the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. His opposition to Cetshwayo and his heir Dinuzulu contributed to a series of clashes between the uSuthu supporters of the royal house and Zibhebhu's own Mandlakazi followers. In 1883 the people of chief Somkhele, who was closely identified with the uSuthu cause, took refuge from the Mandlakazi by dispers ing into the Dukuduku forests at the southern end of Lake St. Lucia. 2 0 Sothobe kaMpangalala of the Sibiya people held high office under Shaka and Dingane. 21 EbaQulusini was the name of a royal wnuzi established in the north west of the Zulu kingdom in Shaka's time. The people attached to this wnuzi became known as the abaQulusi. 2 2 EkuBazeni was a Zulu royal wnuzi. 23Ukuzila her e means to observe certai n abst entions aft er a death. 24 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 540, 541, 542, gives qolotsha (ukuqholosha) as 'Behave in a ... domineering manner', and qona (= qonela, ukuqonela) as 'Overshadow a person ... by obtaining some occult ascendancy over him'. 25The emaHlabathini country was that about the middle reaches of the White Mfolozi where many of the principal Zulu royal imizi were built. 2 6 Isi qu (pl. i ziqu) is given by Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 544-5, as ' ... medicinal prophylactic or medicine, not used for curing diseases, but for preserving against or preventing all manner of evil emergen cies, and such as would be administered by a doctor to "hold in check" a disease ... , or such as are worn as a neck-lace or string ornament round the body by a warrior who has killed a man in battle - prob. called by this name from the fact of such emergency medicines being gen. kept in the shape of little chopped-off pieces or tiny stumps .... ' 2 7 John Dunn was a trader and hunter who lived in the Zulu country from 1857 until his death in 1895. 28 EmaKhosini was the name for an area south of the middle reaches of the White Mfolozi where a number of ancestral Zulu chiefs were buried. 29Ntshingwayo kaMahole was chief of the Khoza people living to the east of Isandlwana. According to Morris, Washing of the Spears, p. 361, he 'shared the supreme command with Mavumengwana', but in a letter from Cetshwayo to the Governor of the Cape, dated 29.3.1881, he is des- 330 MPATSHANA cribed as being 'at the head' of the troops despatched against the British at Isandlwana. See Webb and Wright, eds., A Zulu King Speaks, pp. 56-7. 30osuthu, Dinuzulu's principal urrruzi, was situated near present-day Nongoma. 31The Mpukunyoni and Mdletshe peoples, who occupied territory south and north of the Hluhluwe river respectively, were noted for their loyalty to the uSuthu cause. Mfuzi (Mfusi) kaManyala died in 1879 and was suc ceeded as Mdletshe chief by Msushwana. Ntaminemidwa kaMsushwana was chief of the Mdletshe in the Hlabisa division at the time of the 1906 disturbances in Natal and Zululand. 32The Natal government's passing of a Poll Tax Act in August 1905 was one of the principal sources of discontent contributing to the dis turbances of 1906. 33 In the original this paragraph is recorded at the top of p. 20, where it interrupts the narrative relating .to the Bhambatha rebellion. 34Songiya's father Ngotsha, his son Mponswa (Mposwa), and his grandson Somfula were successively chiefs of the Hlabisa people. Cf. the chiefly genealogy in Bryant, Olden Times, p. 61. 35EkuBazeni was a Zulu royal urnuz ~ near the Vuna river. 36Cf. the evidence of Mangoya kaMgejana, Stuart Archive, vol. 2, p. 223, where the induna Sikizane is described as one of the two chief com manders of the Mandlakazi in the battle of Ndondakusuka in 1856 (see note ·6 above). 37Somsewu was the Zulu name for Theophilus Shepstone, who was succes sively Diplomatic Agent and Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal from 1845 to 1876. The division of Zululand here referred to was that effected under the 'Wolseley' settlement at the end of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879, which was believed to have been strongly influenced by the views of Shepstone. 38See notes 1 and 19 above. Somkhele, like Zibhebhu, was one of the thirteen chiefs appointed to rule in Zululand under the 'Wolseley' settlement. The ekuBazeni royal urnuzi near the Vuna river was in the west of the territory allocated to Zibhebhu. The informant later des cribes ekuBuseni as an urrruzi associated with ekuBazeni. 39Ndabuko kaMpande was Cetshwayo's full brother and one of the uSuthu leaders. He lived at kwaMinya in the Vuna valley in territory allo cated to Zibhebhu. 4 °Cetshwayo was in exile from September 1879 to January 1883. 41 For Ndabuko see note 39 above. Ziwedu was one of Cetshwayo's half brothers. 42Mnyamana kaNgqengelele, chief of a section of the Buthelezi people, had been one of Cetshwayo's principal izinduna. 43 0n 29 January 1883, acting on behalf of the British authorities, Theophilus Shepstone staged an installation ceremony at emThonjaneni, at which Cetshwayo was instated as ruler over a block of territory between the Mhlathuze and White Mfolozi rivers. H.F. Fynn junior, who accompanied Shepstone, had been appointed British Resident with Cetshwayo. 44 By 'the stronghold of Rawane' Stuart means the battle of Nkambule, fought in March 1879. 45KwaSitshwili was the name of a plain near uluNdi urnuzi. 46Ngqumbazi was the mother of Cetshwayo. 47Noziyingili was a Mabhudu chief who lived south of Delagoa Bay in 331 MPATSHANA the later nineteenth century. 48 Zibhebhu's father, Maphitha kaSojiyisa, was head of the Mandlakazi, a lineage collateral with the Zulu royal house, until his death in 1872. He lived in the north-east of the Zulu kingdom. Soshangane was the founder of the Gasa kingdom in what is today south-central Mozambique. 49 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 755, gives Mabelemade as the name of a 'certain queen said to reside "far away north"'. The reference is possibly to the 'rain queen' of the Lobedu. 50The reference may be to the great locust invasions of 1893-7, the effects of which were still being felt when Dinuzulu returned from exile on St. Helena in January 1898. 51 For Ntshingwayo kaMahole and Mfusi kaManyala see respectively notes 29 and 31 above. Mbopha kaWolizibi was of a branch line of the Hlabisa chiefly house. Hemulana kaMbangezeli was of the Sibiya people. Ntuzwa kaNhlaka was of the Mdlalose lineage, a collateral of the Zulu chiefly line. His brother, Sekethwayo kaNhlaka, was chief of that lineage. Sishaluza kaMamba, whose brother Masiphula kaMamba had been Mpande's principal induna, was of the emGazini lineage, another collateral of the Zulu chiefly line. Sihayo kaXongo was chief of the Qungebe people. Mpandamana kaNdlela was a son of the Ndlela of the Ntuli people who had been one of Dingane's principal izinduna. Phalane kaMdinwa of the Mkhwanazi people had been appointed to high office by Mpande. Sigcwele gcwele kaMhlekehleke, induna of the inGobamakhosi, was of the Ngadi lineage, a collateral of the Zulu chiefly line. Somopho kaSikhala was chief of a section of the Thembu people. We have been unable to iden tify with certainty the other izinduna mentioned. Mvubu kaNgqengelele was presumably a brother of Mnyamana kaNgqengelele (see note 42 above) . Mshubane kaNophethula was possibly chief of a section of the Buthelezi lineage. 52The battle of Gingindlovu was fought in April 1879. For Phalane and Somopho see note 51 above. Sintwangu was chief of a section of the Cele people that had settled north of the Thukela in Dingane's reign. 53 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 669, gives twasa ( = etwasa, ethwasa) as 'Come out (into public view) for the first time ... as ... a young um-Ngoma emerging from his initiation and starting practice'. Umngoma is a synonym for isangoma. 54 For Ondi (oNdini) see note 8 above. 55Mlambongwenya was a Zulu royal umuzi. 56The best known Matiwane was the early 19th century Ngwane chief of that name. 57See note 26 above. 58The iNdulinde hill overlooks the Nondakusuka site near the mouth of the Thukela where the forces of Cetshwayo defeated those of his brother Mbuyazi in 1856. (See note 6 above.) 59 ETshaneni is a prominent mountain close to the point where the Mkhuze river intersects the Ubombo range. In June 1884 it was the scene of an engagement in which the uSuthu forces of Dinuzulu, supported by a contingent of Boers, defeated the Mandlakazi of Zibhebhu. Ceza moun tain, some thirty kilometres to the south-west of present-day Nongoma, was used as a stronghold by Dinuzulu. In an engagement fought there on 2 June 1888, the uSuthu repulsed a British force which had been sent to arrest Dinuzulu and his uncle, Ndabuko. Nkonjeni is a hill on the north bank of the middle reaches of the White Mfolozi. Ndunu is the ridge on which Nongoma village is situated. On 23 June 1888, 332 MPATSHANA Zibhebhu's Mandlakazi, who were occupying the ridge together with a small Briti sh garrison, were defeated when the uSuthu launched a sur prise attack. 60The Nkandla forest, in the south of the Zulu country, was the scene of a number of engagements between the rebels and the Natal colonial forces during the disturbances of 1906. 61 Inyoni kayiphurrruli means 'the bird does not rest'. The Matikhulu river enters the sea twenty kilometres north of the mouth of the Thukela . The uNgoye hills lie to the east-north-east of present-day Eshowe. 62Ukuzila means to mourn or fast or abstain from customary practices. See also note 23 above. 63The original of the cry reads, 'A yi bonelwa, a yi bonelw' insingizi. U ya wa tshisa ini, u ya wa tshisa ini amadev' enyati? Si ya wa nqak' amatsh' ezulu! Ngqaka ! Kwa Hisi (Hintza)!' The reference is presumably to Hintsa, chief of the Gcaleka Xhosa, who may have lost cattle to the Zulu armies in their raids south of the Mzimkhulu in 1824 and 1828. 64Bryant, Dictionary, p. 288, gives i - Kala (ikhala) as ' ... those on ahead, in the front, the vanguard, of a regiment ... '. 65The original reads, ' Wa qandhJa uMqandazembe. Nhla ! Nhla! Nhla ! Nhla !' 6 6 The original reads, 'Iya! Iya! Iya! O ho ho ho umbani we Zu lu. Ts hi tshilizi, tshitshilizi! Libi lel ' izulu '. 67The passage in parentheses appears as a marginal insertion. The Jobe referred to is possibly the late eighteenth century Mthethwa chief of that name. 68The original reads, 'Ha, ha, ha - ha . Yemba! Yemba ! Yemba ! Sayi gqiba pansi kwa Gingindhlovu '. 69A reference to the bull's colour pattern. 700n the inkatha see note 14 above. 71 Dinuzulu's conflict with Zibhebhu extended over the period 1884-8. 72 Zibhebhu's attack on Cetshwayo's oNdini urrruzi took place in July 1883. 73See note 59 above. 74 We have been unable to find any evidence of Zibhebhu's having taken refuge in the Dukuduku forest. Cf. note 19 above. 75Sokwetshatha kaMlandela, chief of the Mthethwa and an ally of Zibhebhu, was attacked and defeated by uSuthu supporters in the early months of 1884. 76 See note 59 above. 77This paragraph is recorded in the original in the left-hand margin of the page. 78Sigananda kaZokufa, chief of the Cube people in the Nkandla area, was one of the principal rebel leaders in the disturbances of 1906. 79 Chakijana kaGezindaka, who had close connections with Dinuzulu's oSuthu umuzi , was one of the rebel leaders in the disturbances of 1906. 80Ndube kaManqondo was chief of the Magwaza people in the Nkandhla divi sion. Mphumela kaNdlela was chief of a section of the Ntuli people in the Nkandhla division. 81 The reference to Bhobe is to an engagement between the Natal govern ment forces and the rebels which was fought at the Bhobe ridge south east of the Nkandla forests in May 1906. Ndabaningi was the principal son of Sigananda. 82W. Calverley, who had been a trader in the Zulu country, served on the intelligence staff of the Natal government forces during the 1906 disturbances. Mandisindaba was employed by Calverley in June 1906 on a secret mission to locate Sigananda. 333 MPATSHANA 83Mvakela is identified by Mphashana at a subsequent point in his testi mony as the predecessor of Sigananda's father in the Cube chiefly suc cession. See also the evidence of Magidigidi kaNobebe, Stuart Archive, vol. 2, p. 85, where he is given as Sigananda's grandfather. 84 Zokufa was Sigananda's father. 85The reference is to an engagement between a force of Natal police and Bhambatha's men fought in the Mpanza valley north of Greytown in April 1906. 86Ndube was a Magwaza chief. Khothongweni hill lies slightly to the west of the present-day Jamesons drift across the Thukela. Middle drift is to the east of present-day Kranskop village. For an account of the attack referred to, which took place in June 1879, see Laband and Thompson, War Comes to Umvoti, pp. 67 ff. 87Mome is the name of a gorge in the Nkandla forests where a major en gagement was fought between the rebels and the Natal government forces in June 1906. Mangathi, a younger son of Godide kaNdlela of the Ntuli people, was one of the rebel leaders. For the location of Eziwojeni see Stuart, Zulu Rebellion, map opp. p. 310. 88Ndabaningi was Sigananda's principal son. 89This sentence appears in the original as an insertion in the left-hand margin of the page. 90Stuart's explanatory notes in the paragraph, reproduced here in square brackets, appear in the original in the left-hand margin of the page. Amaphuzi is yellow pumpkin; itha:nga lebhece is water-melon; uselwa is gourd; amabele is a variety of sorghum; wrunbila is maize; izindlubu is a variety of groundnut; izindumba is a variety of bean; amadumbe is a variety of tuber; unyaluthi is a variety of millet; uphoko is a variety of millet; imfe is sugar reed; amantongoma:na is a variety of groundnut; umhlaza is a variety of tuber; ubhatata is sweet potato. · 91 The original reads, 'Ku kandiwe lap' ekaya, ngi ku buyisile, so ku ngi balekele '. 92The abbreviated names are probably those of Ntshingwayo and Mnyamana respectively: see notes 29 and 42 above. 93 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 389-90, writes of umnyama, 'There were certain days which the Natives ... regarded as "dark, gloomy" (mnyama) and on which they usually stayed at home, refraining from work, visiting, etc.'. The 'death' or change of the moon was, Bryant continues, an occasion for the observance of this custom. See also Stuart's com ments on p. 323 above. 94Cf. Bryant, Zulu People, p. 508. 95This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion. 'Riem' is the Afrikaans word for thong. 96 In a list headed 'Native names of Europeans' (File 73, pp. 130, 154-6), Stuart gives Mpengula as 'Fynney', presumably H.B. Fynney, Natal Border Agent on the lower Thukela at the time of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879, and Nzimela as 'Rev. Robertson', presumably R. Robertson, who worked as an Anglican missionary in the Zulu kingdom from 1860 to 1878. Cornelius Vijn was a Dutch trader who, during the Anglo-Zulu war, remained in the Zulu kingdom under the protection of Cetshwayo. 97 Zwide kaLanga was chief of the Ndwandwe in the early nineteenth cen tury. Several traditions relate that the heads of notable persons killed in Zwide's campaigns were kept in the hut of Ntombazi, who is usually given as Zwide's mother. Cf. Bryant, Olden Times, pp. 162 and 165. 334 MPATSHANA 98 Phakathwayo kaKhondlo was chief of the Qwabe in the early nineteenth century. 99 Cf. note 14 above. 100Dingiswayo kaJobe was chief of the Mthethwa in the early nineteenth century. Later in the century, widespread credence was gained by a story that Dingiswayo had travelled to the Cape in his youth, and had there learnt about European military methods. 101AmaPUbu (amahubhu), literally, 'liars, deceitful persons', was a term applied by the Zulu to people from the coastlands north of the kingdom who served as carriers in the Zulu trade with Delagoa Bay. See the evidence of Bikwayo kaNoziwawa in Stuart Archive, vol. 1, p. 63. 102For Dunn see note 27 above. 103The reference is presumably to Cetshwayo's attempts to avoid capture in the final stages of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. 104For Ceza see note 59 above. 105Dinuzulu returned from exile on St. Helena in 1898. 106Bryant, Dictionary, p. 543, gives the verb qopa (ukuqopha) as to 'cut slits into the edges of a strip of skin ... '. 107Uhaye lwengwenya literally means the buttock-cover of crocodile skin. 108Ukuvalana is the reciprocal form of the verb ukuvala, to close. 109The reference is to Dinuzulu's arrest in December 1907. 335