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Verrat in Den Eigenen Reihen?
Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen RLK 11 Katharina E. Schefner Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg 11 Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen Romanische Literaturen und Kulturen hrsg. von Dina De Rentiis, Kai Nonnenmacher und Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Band 11 2020 Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als Kritik an der chilenischen Linken im Kalten Krieg Katharina E. Schefner 2020 Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deut- schen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Informationen sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de/ abrufbar. Diese Arbeit hat der Fakultät Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaften der Otto-Fried- rich-Universität Bamberg unter dem Titel »Verrat in den eigenen Reihen? Hernán Valdés’ literarische Produktion als eine (unmögliche) diferenzierte Kritik an der chileni- schen Linken im Kalten Krieg« als Dissertation vorgelegen. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues-Moura Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Kai Nonnenmacher Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 07.11.2018 Diese Forschungsarbeit entstand innerhalb des von Prof. Dr. Enrique Rodrigues- Moura geleiteten Projekts »Schmerz und Empathie nach den Iberoromanischen Diktaturen: Narrationen, Filme und andere Kunstformen« an der Professur für Romanische Literatur/Hispanistik der Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg. Dieses Werk ist als freie Onlineversion über das Forschungs- informationssystem (FIS; https://fis.uni-bamberg.de) der Universität Bamberg erreichbar. Das Werk – ausgenommen Cover und Zitate – steht unter der CC-Lizenz CC-BY. Lizenzvertrag: Creative Commons Namensnennung 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0. Herstellung und Druck: Digital Print Group, Nürnberg Umschlaggestaltung: University of Bamberg Press Umschlagbild: Typoskript von A partir del fn von Hernán Valdés (ca. -
Latin American Studies UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FALL 2011 – WINTERSPRING 20122007
BERKELEY REVIEW OF Latin American Studies UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FALL 2011 – WINTERSPRING 20122007 72 Migrantes in Mexico Peru’s Surprising Left Turn Student Leaders in Chile Table of Contents BERKELEY REVIEW OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES FALL 2011 – WINTER 2012 Comment Harley Shaiken 1 72 Migrantes Alma Guillermoprieto 2 Hispanic Panethnicity G. Cristina Mora 7 The Center Could Not Hold Tomás Bril-Mascarenhas 12 Thinking Continentally Robert A. Pastor 16 Remembering an Economic Visionary Peter Evans 18 Student Leaders Reinvent the Protest Ernesto Muñoz-Lamartine 25 Holding a Mirror to Mexico Harley Shaiken 31 Missed Connections Sarah Krupp 42 Lessons From New York? Celeste Kauffman 45 Michelle Bachelet: A Rendezvous With History Beatriz Manz 48 Reclaiming the Dream Kevin Escudero 55 Sand in the Gears of Impunity Sarah Weber 58 Cultivating a Coca-Free Future Sarah Krupp 63 Vuelvo Patricio Manns 68 The Berkeley Review of Latin American Studies is published by the Center for Latin American Studies, 2334 Bowditch Street, Berkeley, CA 94720. Chair Harley Shaiken Vice Chair Editor Dionicia Ramos Ledesma Jean L. Spencer Assistant to the Chair Design and Layout Brittany Gabel Greg Louden Thanks to Meredith Perry Contributing Editor: Deborah Meacham Special thanks to: Lavinia Barros de Castro, Almudena Bernabeu, Canana Films, Maria Coelho, Leo Gertner, Kate Goldman, Alma Guillermoprieto, Steven Levitsky, Soledad Martinez, Margarita Ortega, Horacio Salinas, Peter Turton. Contributing photographers: Daniel Álvarez Valenzuela, antitezo, Gilles Bassignac, Di Bédard, Catherine Binet, Tom Blackwell, Jim Block, Zang chi sd, Noel Criado, Mychele Daniau, Juan David Gastolomendo, Nicky Hamilton, Megan Kang, Sarah Krupp, Elmer Lennihan, Steven Levitsky, Dana Lixenberg, Lon&Queta, Aliosha Marquez, Felix Marquez, Elmer Martinez, Susan Meiselas, Jit Hoong Ng, Lenin Nolly Araujo, Cristobal Palma, Dionicia Ramos, Newton Thomas Sige, Cadu Tavares, Asterio Tecson, Mario Tellez Cardemil, Fabiola Torres. -
Achieving Justice for Victims of Human Rights Violations by South American Military Regimes Roseann M
Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Volume 25 Issue 2 Symposium: Globalization & the Erosion of Article 12 Sovereignty in Honor of Professor Lichtenstein 5-1-2002 Coming Out of the Dark: Achieving Justice for Victims of Human Rights Violations by South American Military Regimes Roseann M. Latore Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Roseann M. Latore, Coming Out of the Dark: Achieving Justice for Victims of Human Rights Violations by South American Military Regimes , 25 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 419 (2002), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr/vol25/iss2/12 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMING OUT OF THE DARK: ACIDEVING JUSTICE FOR VICTIMS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY SOUTH AMERICAN MILITARY REGIMES RosEANN M. LAToRE* Abstract: The military regimes of the countries of the Southern Cone of South America cooperated under Operation Condor to eradicate all political opposition throughout the 1960s and 1970s. The military leaders of these regimes are only now being brought to justice for their crimes, which include widespread killing and "disappearances" of political opponents and, in Argentina, the stealing of babies born to doomed political dissidents. It is only in the last decade that these crimes have been brought to light so that the perpetrators can be brought to justice and nations deeply wounded can begin to heal. -
Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441
TEXAS PAPERS ON LATIN AMERICA Pre-publication working papers of the Institute of Latin American Studies University of Texas at Austin ISSN 0892.3507 Ethnic lmages and Strategies in 1944 Richard N. Adams Rapoport Centennial Professor of Liberal Arts University of Texas at Austin Paper No. 88-06 http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/etext/llilas/tpla/8806.pdf Richard N. Adams Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441 by Richard N. Adams Guatemala in 1944 was on the verge of a great transition that was to continue over the next several decades. Since independence it had experienced a long, if irregu- lar, era of liberal expansion, marked most clearly by the adoption of coffee cultivation and its conversion into a country dedicated to the export of that crop. While historian s may disagree on periodization, it is not misleading to see the general society as evolv- ing under a nineteenth-century liberal economic framework that continued up through World War 11.The period from 1944 to 1954 (the tlRevolutiontl) was an era of signifi- cant reform but terrninated in failure and thus marked no significant divergence from the liberal framework. Despite some well-ensconced myths about its love for Indians, the dictatorship of Jorge Ubico (1931-1944) followed the track of the classic liberal state; it did noth- ing to alleviate the economic and social repression of the Indian. Its vagrancy law put an end to debt servitude, but simply took the control exercised by landowners over Indians and placed it more directIy in the hands of the state. -
VERSIÓN TAQUIGRÁFICA ASAMBLEA LEGISLATIVA 1° De Marzo De 1998 Presidencia Del Señor Vicepresidente De La Nación, Doctor Carlos F
H. SENADO DE LA NACIÓN VERSIÓN TAQUIGRÁFICA ASAMBLEA LEGISLATIVA 1° de marzo de 1998 Presidencia del señor vicepresidente de la Nación, doctor Carlos F. Ruckauf Ocupa el sitial de la izquierda el señor Alberto Reinaldo Pierri, presidente de la Honorable Cámara de Diputados Secretarios: doctor Edgardo R. Piuzzi, secretario del Honorable Senado y señora Esther H. Pereyra Arandía de Pérez Pardo, secretaria de la Honorable Cámara de Diputados SENADORES AGUIRRE LANARI, Juan R. AGÚNDEZ, Jorge Alfredo ALASINO, Augusto ALMIRÓN, Carlos Humberto BAUM, Daniel BAUZA, Eduardo BERHONGARAY, Antonio Tomás BRANDA, Ricardo A. CABANA, Fernando V. CAFIERO, Antonio F. DEL PIERO, Pedro FIGUEROA, José O. LEÓN, Luis A. LOSADA, Mario A. LUDUEÑA, Felipe E. MAC KARTHY, César MANFREDOTTI, Carlos MASSAT, Jorge MELGAREJO, Juan Ignacio MENEM, Eduardo MIRANDA, Julio MOREAU, Leopoldo Raúl Guido O'DONNELL, Mario Ernesto OUDÍN, Ernesto René PARDO, Ángel Francisco PEÑA DE LÓPEZ, Ana M. REUTEMANN, Carlos Alberto ROMERO FERIS, José A. SÁEZ, José María SAGER, Hugo Abel SALA, Osvaldo R. SOLANA, Jorge D. TELL, Alberto Máximo ULLOA, Roberto Augusto VAQUIR, Omar Muhamed VILLARROEL, Pedro G. VILLAVERDE, Jorge Antonio YOMA, Jorge Raúl ZALAZAR, Horacio Aníbal SUSPENDIDO ANGELOZ, Eduardo César AUSENTES CON AVISO AVELÍN, Alfredo BARTOLUCCI, Mario L. BRAVO, Leopoldo CANTARERO, Emilio Marcelo COSTANZO, Remo J. DE LA ROSA, Carlos Leonardo DE LA SOTA, José Manuel GAGLIARDI, Edgardo J. GALVÁN, Raúl Alfredo GARCÍA ARECHA, José M. GENOUD, José GIOJA, José L. HUMADA, Julio C. LÓPEZ, Alcides H. MAGLIETTI, Alberto Ramón MARANGUELLO, Pedro Carlos MARTÍNEZ ALMUDEVAR, Enrique M. MASSACCESI, Horacio MAYA, Héctor María MENEGHINI, Javier Reynaldo OYARZÚN, Juan Carlos PRETO, Ruggero RIVAS, Olijela del Valle SALUM, Humberto Elías SAN MILLÁN, Julio Argentino SAPAG, Felipe R. -
Miradas Recientes Sobre/Desde El Peronismo En El Cine Argentino De Ficción Recent Views On/From Peronism in Argentine Fiction Cinema
Desde el Sur | Volumen 12, número 2, Lima; pp. 525–545 | DOI: 10.21142/DES-1201-2020-0029 Miradas recientes sobre/desde el peronismo en el cine argentino de ficción Recent views on/from Peronism in Argentine fiction cinema Alfredo Dillon1 Instituto de Investigaciones, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Católica Argen- tina. Buenos Aires, Argentina [email protected] ORCID 0000-0001-7571-6693 Citar como: Dillon, A. (2020). Miradas recientes sobre/desde el peronismo en el cine argentino de ficción. Desde el Sur, 12(2), pp. 525-545. RESUMEN El artículo realiza un análisis formal y narrativo de dos películas biográficas recientes sobre el peronismo: Juan y Eva (Paula de Luque, 2011) y Puerta de hierro. El exilio de Perón (Víctor Laplace y Dieguillo Fernández, 2012). Am- bos films son leídos en relación con el clima de época que comparten: el del tercer gobierno kirchnerista en la Argentina. Construidas a partir de dos estéticas narrativas contrapuestas —una posépica minimalista por un lado, una recuperación discursiva de la épica peronista por el otro—, las dos películas comparten, sin embargo, una mi- rada idealizadora sobre las figuras de Juan Domingo y Eva Perón. PALABRAS CLAVE Cine argentino, peronismo, biopic, cine biográfico, cine histórico ABSTRACT The article offers a formal and narrative analysis of two recent biographical films about Peronism:Juan y Eva 1 Investigador del Instituto de Investigaciones de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Uni- versidad Católica Argentina (UCA). Doctor en Ciencias Sociales por la Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA), con una tesis sobre cine argentino contemporáneo. Es licenciado y profesor en Letras (UBA) y enseña en las carreras de Comunicación de la UCA desde 2006. -
Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
180203 the Argentine Military and the Antisubversivo Genocide
Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo” Genocide DerGhougassian and Brumat The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo ” Genocide: The School of Americas’ Contribution to the French Counterinsurgency Model Khatchik DerGhougassian UNLa, Argentina Leiza Brumat EUI, Italy Abstract: The article analyzes role of the United States during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and their genocidal counterinsurgency war in Argentina. We argue that Washington’s policy evolved from the initial loose support of the Ford administration to what we call “the Carter exception” in 1977—79 when the violation of Human Rights were denounced and concrete measures taken to put pressure on the military to end their repressive campaign. Human Rights, however, lost their importance on Washington’s foreign policy agenda with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the end of the Détente. The Argentine military briefly recuperated US support with Ronald Reagan in 1981 to soon lose it with the Malvinas War. Argentina’s defeat turned the page of the US support to military dictatorships in Latin America and marked the debut of “democracy promotion.” Keywords: Proceso, dirty war, human rights, Argentine military, French School, the School of the Americas, Carter Page 1 of 48 Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 Introduction: Framing the US. Role during the Proceso When an Argentine military junta seized the power on March 24, 1976 and implemented its “ plan antisubversivo ,” a supposedly counterinsurgency plan to end the political violence in the country, Henry Kissinger, the then United States’ Secretary of State of the Gerald Ford Administration, warned his Argentine colleague that the critiques for the violation of human rights would increment and it was convenient to end the “operations” before January of 1977 when Jimmy Carter, the Democratic candidate and winner of the presidential elections, would assume the power in the White House. -
Ángela Jeria —Fallecida El ÁNGELA JERIA: Nizar La Solidaridad Con Chile
REPORTAJES D6 DOMINGO 5 DE JULIO DE 2020 Al menos, cinco biografías se está pensando en los miles de chilenos que han escrito sobre Michelle Ba- BIÓGRAFOS DE BACHELET ANALIZAN INFLUENCIA SOBRE están matando”. chelet, y aunque no todos sus SU HIJA Luego, tras ser expulsada del país, vuelve a mostrar su cara más política. Viaja a México, autores pudieron hablar con la Cuba y la Unión Soviética, para hablar sobre expresidenta para escribirlas, las violaciones de los derechos humanos y, todos ellos sí fueron recibidos dicen sus biógrafos, se revincula con los par- por la madre de la exmandata- tidos de la UP y ayuda en las tareas de orga- ria, Ángela Jeria —fallecida el ÁNGELA JERIA: nizar la solidaridad con Chile. “Ella nunca pasado jueves, a los 93 años—, paró de ser una activista política”, dice Wo- od. generalmente en su departa- “Probablemente, si Ángela no hubiese si- mento del décimo piso de un La madre y la política do una esposa de general, hubiese militado”, edificio frente a la Escuela Mili- agrega Insunza. tar. La describen como una per- “Cercana al Partido Comunista, pero de- sona afable y muy respetuosa. fensora de la libertad que concede la no mili- tancia, era sobre todo una mujer de izquier- En sus conversaciones, le gustaba contar da: Ángela Jeria votó por Salvador Allende en que su abuelo, Máximo Jeria Chacón, fue el Autores la identifican como la “más política” de la familia y con un las cuatro ocasiones en que el socialista in- primer ingeniero agrónomo de Chile —fun- tentó llegar a La Moneda. -
Narrow but Endlessly Deep
1 Introduction: Narrow but endlessly deep On 11 September 1973, the Chilean Chief of the Armed Forces Augusto Pinochet overthrew the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende and installed a military dictatorship. He believed he had two justifications that were shared by almost all of his senior officers and many civilians. The first was that under the rule of President Allende the country had become ungovernable. The second was that Allende’s Chile might swing even further to the left to become a Cuban-style dictatorship of the proletariat. By 1990, when Pinochet stood down after an unsuccessful referendum to legitimate himself, the danger to conservative Chile had passed. The country was uneasy but stable, and the possibility of a second Cuba remote. The victory of the right had come at a heavy cost to the small nation. By 1990, beginning what is known in Chile as the Transition to Democracy, Chilean society was severely traumatised. More than 30,000 people had been tortured either to extract information or simply to terrorise them. Issues of truth and justice remained unresolved; more than half the bodies of the 3,000 detained-disappeared remained disappeared. There seemed little prospect of prosecuting even the well-known perpetrators of Pinochet’s bidding. The 1980 Constitution, enacted to preserve the significant features of the ‘conservative 1 NARROW BUT ENDLESSLY DEEP revolution’,1 was still largely intact. Pinochet remained head of the armed forces and was created Senator for Life. This book traces the attempts of survivors, their families, descendants and supporters to memorialise the experiences of torture, terror and state murder at seven infamous Sites of Conscience, all within Santiago. -
1. Nuevas Declaraciones Del Ex Dictador Jorge Rafael Videla 2
OBSERVATORIO SUDAMERICANO DE DEFENSA Y FUERZAS ARMADAS INFORME ARGENTINA Nº. 11/2012 Período: del 14/04/2012 al 20/04/2012 Buenos Aires, Argentina 1. Nuevas declaraciones del ex dictador Jorge Rafael Videla 2. Pedidos de captura para acusados de la represión en el centro clandestino Pozo de Quilmes 3. Inicio de las indagatorias por la causa por violación de secretos políticos y militares 4. Declaraciones del oficial de Inteligencia del Ejército, Ernesto Barreiro, que protagonizó hace 25 años el alzamiento de Aldo Rico en la Semana Santa de 1987 5. Un ex soldado denuncia un fusilamiento realizado en 1977 en Formosa 6. La segunda megacausa por los crímenes cometidos en la Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) comenzará en mayo 7. Se inicia un nuevo juicio por delitos de lesa humanidad cometidos en el Circuito ABO 8. Encuentro de los ministros de Defensa de Argentina y de Brasil 9. Se iniciará en junio un nuevo juicio en Mendoza 10. Confirman condenas para tres oficiales del Ejército 11. Primer testimonio en un juicio en Neuquén 12. Investigaciones de la Comisión de Estudio de Fenómenos Aeroespaciales, dependiente de la Fuerza Aérea 13. La Corte Suprema modifica un fallo sobre los haberes de los activos y retirados de las Fuerzas Armadas 1. El ex dictador Videla admitió que la dictadura asesinó a “siete mil u ocho mil personas” Tal como informaron Clarín, La Nación y Página/12, desde su calabozo, el ex dictador argentino Jorge Rafael Videla, admitió por primera vez que la dictadura que encabezó a partir del golpe de Estado de 1976 mató a “siete mil u ocho mil personas”, aunque los organismos de derechos humanos calculan que la cifra asciende a 30 mil: “Para no provocar protestas dentro y fuera del país, sobre la marcha se llegó a la decisión de que esa gente desapareciera; cada desaparición puede ser entendida como el enmascaramiento, el disimulo de una muerte”.