Geographical Review of Japan Vol. 61(Ser. B), No. 1, 78-98, 1988

Research Frontiers in the Historical Geography of Japan in 1978-1987

Kentaro KOBAYASHI* and Akihiro KINDA**

Japanese historical-geographical research has had a rather fruitful period in the recent decade. The trends of the six major themes are reviewed in this paper. 1) Crop cultivation seems to have commenced during the earliest Jomon period (12,000-6,000 BP) and paddy rice cultivation began during the latest Jomon period (3,000-2,300 BP). The latter reached to the most northern part of Honshu in the middle Yayoi Period, and most of the paddy field remains of the Yayoi (2,300-1,750 BP) and Kofun Periods (1,750-1,400 BP) are very small sectioned. These findings mainly from the archaeological excavation differ significantly from previous research conclusions. 2) The restoration of ancient cities has progressed and new knowledge of the similarity and differences between Japanese and Chinese capital cities based on detailed comparative studies is being undertaken. Arguments concerning the origins of city planning have also begun. Research on road networks is very active and it is now indisputable that there was a systematic road network which connected major target points by straight lines throughout ancient Japan. Perceptive new research approaches to ascertain the location and arrangement of ancient cities and major facilities are now being conducted. 3) The Joni plan consisting of the Joni grid pattern and the Joni indication system appears to have been completed in the middle of the 8th century. This is quite different from previously held opinion. Discussions on the activities of the Joni plan in ancient and medieval times have begun, and research and analysis on its wide diffusion as an important element of the traditional rural landscape have also been compiled. The condition and change of land use in and out of the Joni grid pattern has become one of the principal topics of discussion. Territory and form of settlement in ancient and medieval times have become clearer. For example, there was a prominent trend of making nucleated settle ments, called Ballung and making dispersed settlement. 4) Research on the distribution and the landscape of the medieval markets has continued. One writer pointed out that medieval markets did not yet form an organic hierarchical structure from the point of commodity flows. The arguments on castle towns, which are one of the principal themes of Japanese historical geography, progressed especially in terms of changes from preceding types and structure. 5) Studies of spatial relation between the hanseison and the mura, and the spatial structure of rural society in modern times have been compiled. Case studies on labor and marriage migrations also appeared. Analysis of the farming books of the Edo era were added to traditional research on newly reclaimed land in the same era. 6) Many maps were drawn in the medieval times and the Edo era in Japan. The behavioral approach to historical regional structure using these maps has begun in the last decade, in addition to traditional research on those maps. Analysis of medieval legends has been undertaken to understand the structure of medieval living space.

In the period 1978-1987, Japanese historical many articles or chapters written by historical geography experienced a rather fruitful period in geographers in related fields were published dur that more than twenty academic titles written by ing the decade. Some new aspects have arisen in historical geographers (not including memoirs of relation to traditional themes of Japanese histori the association of historical geographers in Japan cal geography and some new ideas have been set or collections of treatises) were published. Also, forth. * Department of Geography , Faculty of Education, Shiga University, Otsu, 520 Japan. ** Department of Geography , Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University, Sakyoku, Kyoto, 606 Japan. The Historical Geography 79

The authors would like to focus on the six there is a view which considerably limits the dis themes in sections 1-6 which represent the recent tribution of rice cultivation (TERASAWA,1986)and major trends of historical-geographical research in the effect of those viewpoints (SENDA,1981). The evidence of the earliest paddy rice cultiva Japan. There are of course many works on other topics, but for reasons of space they could not be tion are the paddy field remains of the latest included. We would also like to point out that Jomon Period (3,000-2,300 BP) at the Nabatake sections 1-3 were written by A. KINDAand 4-6 by site in Saga Prefecture. Also at the Itazuke site in K. KOBAYASHI. Fukuoka Prefecture, paddy field remains and wooden tools for cultivation have been found. I. Paddy Fields in Prehistoric and According to J. NAKAMURA(1982, 1984) some pollen Ancient Times of cultivated rice has been found which is consi dered to have been cultivated approximately 3,400 1. The origin and diffusion of paddy field BP at the same site and it is argued that rice culti cultivation vation had reached the Tokai region by 2,400 One of the recent research arguments concerns -2,300 BP. Because of the large number of findings the diffusion and differential regional establish of tools for cultivation at many Yayoi Period ment of paddy rice cultivation. From this view (2,300-1,750 BP) sites, it has been well established point, there have been important geographical that rice cultivation had spread throughout many contributions relating to ancient environments, regions within Japan. In recent years, however, landforms, climate and flora (Japan Association excavation has rapidly been increasing the for Quarternary Research, 1977, YASUDA,1978, number of recovered Yayoi Period paddy field 1980), as well as useful contributions from remains. In particular, the paddy field remains of archaeologists, agriculturalists and cultural the middle Yayoi Period which were found at the anthropologists. In particular, finds of archaeo Tareyanagi site in Aomori Prefecture in the north logical excavations in recent years have produced of Honshu (Aomori Ken, 1983) clearly indicate new ideas and knowledge, and have contributed to that the diffusion of paddy rice cultivation was a rapid increase in the quantity of data on prehis rapid and extensive. For research on paddy field toric farming and cultural landscapes. remains such as this, it is understood that not At the time of writing this article, one example only pollen analysis but also the search for plant of excavated items considered to be indicative of opal of rice is effective (FUJIWARA,1982), and these the earliest crop cultivation is the gourd which is methods have become popular. considered to be one of the cultivated species of H. ISEKI(1983) who compiled the evolutionary the earliest and early Jomon Period (from 12,000 to process of the alluvial plains of Japan argues that 5,000 BP) found at the Torihama site in Fukui the sea level of the latest Jomon Period and early Prefecture (TOYAMA,1985). Yayoi Period was approximately two meters lower S. NAKAO(1966, 1967) has presented an ecological than the present level and considers that the view entitled the Shoyojuyin (Shiny leaved forest) alluvial plain of that time stretched beyond the culture which was based on the evergreen broad present coast line. Therefore he thought that it leaved forests of East Asia. This view has since was the environment which was the important been further developed by researchers such as T. factor for the success of the above mentioned SASAKI(TOYAMA, 1985). T. SASAKI(1982, 1986) con paddy rice cultivation. siders that the Shoyojuyin culture and the mixed 2. Change in the size and form of paddy grain and root crops, which were sustaining com fields ponents of that culture, were widely established in the whole of Western Japan before the arrival of Among the paddy field remains of the Yayoi Period found at the Toro site in Shizuoka Prefec paddy field rice cultivation, in the late and latest ture in the 1940s, one paddy field block measured Jomon Period (4,000-2,300 BP). In view of the crop history, T. WATABE(1983) pointed out the possibil from 375 to 2,400m2, and it was reported that the ity of rice arriving as one of the dry field crops. most common size was approximately 1,400m2 Both are based on the same considerations, but (SUGIHARA,1977). For a long time since then, 80 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA

orderly divisions such as these had been consi dered typical of the paddy fields of the Yayoi period. Many findings of recent years, however, indicate a significant difference from them. At the Tsushima site in Okayama Prefecture, the early Yayoi Period paddy blocks measured from 200 to 300m2, at the Tamura site in Kochi prefec ture for the same period they measured from 3 to 80m2 and at the Hattori site in Shiga Prefecture the measurements were from 10 to 282m2 (KURAKU,1987). Although they varied in size, small scale blocks have continued to be disco vered. These discoveries owe much to new exca vation technology, but in many cases the fact that the level of the paddy field in the past was covered with flood deposits or tephra contributed signifi cantly to their discovery. For example, at the Oki taminami site in Hyogo Prefecture, five levels of small sectioned paddy field in the 4th century were buried under flood deposits (MATSUSHITAand TAKAHASHI,1983); in Gumma Prefecture, tephra in the mid-4th century, early 6th century, mid-6th century, 1108 and 1783 played a decisive role in deducing the age of various paddy field remains (NOTO,1983). At the Dodo site in Gumma Prefec ture, four levels of paddy field remains under the tephra have been found at the same place, as shown in figures la-id (NOTO,1983). The consoli dation of data on many paddy field remains such as these is currently being undertaken, but the stage has not yet been reached at which definite conclusions regarding their distribution and forms can be determined. At present, it is possible to outline a few points regarding the principal characteristics of small sectioned paddy fields. 1) Although most of the paddy field remains of the Yayoi and Kofun (1,750-1,400 BP) Periods are located on . the back marsh of the alluvial or the buried part of small and shallow valleys, in some cases they have been found on low natural levees (MATSUSHITAand TAKAHASHI,1983). 2) Among the small sectioned paddy fields, some are formed by subdividing with small ridges. 3) In small sectioned paddy fields, there are two contrasting kinds; one with regular rectangu lar shapes, and the other with irregular shapes. Even within the same site at the same level, in Figure 1. Remains of paddy fields at Dodo site in some cases they are found mixed together in a Gumma Prefecture (NOTO (1983)) group. The Historical Geography 81

4) Among the small sectioned paddy fields, as Heijo (710-784), Nagaoka (784-794) and Heian can be seen from figures lb and lc, there are those (794-, the last ancient capital) (Fig. 2). During which were formed as a result of repair work after this time, however, there were periods in which being buried by tephra (NOTO, 1983) and those Naniwa-kyo was formed intermittently in the which were formed according to the conditions of 7th-8th centuries and Kuni-kyo in 740-743 (Fig. micro-geomorphology. 2). It has been well known for some time that Heijo-kyo and Heian-kyo were planned cities II. Ancient Cities and Road Networks which had orderly grid street patterns and it has also been widely believed that Fujiwara-kyo had a 1. City plans similar city plan although on a smaller scale The core of research on ancient cities has been (KISHI,1969). Recently, there have been arguments the investigation of capital cities, and this also that this Fujiwara-kyo plan was much larger than has been carried out not only by geographers but had previously been thought (for example, also by historians and archeologists. The main AKIYAMA,1980). This argument, however, together focus of attention on the part of historical ge with the view that there was a regular ancient ographers has been on the restoration of city plans land survey system in the Asuka area (KISHI,1970, and the principle or origin of city planning. The SENDA,1982), needs verification. ASHIKAGA(1985) ancient capital moved from Ohmi (667-672) to compiled his own restored plans of Kuni-kyo and Asukakiyomigahara (672-694), Fujiwara (694-710), Heian-kyo, and completed the outline of land

Figure 2. Outline of ancient land planning around capital cities (Simplified, after ASHIKAGA(1985)) 82 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA planning of the ancient cities and road network in utilizing 25 researchers in total. What became the Kinki region as indicated in Figure 2. Regard clear in this research was a systematic road net ing the city plan of Heian-kyo, he states that it work which connected major target points by contained the plan for an area which can be called straight lines. This was also how the straight an urban fringe zone around the city as well as his lined ancient roads developed over a wide area as detailed reconstruction of its internal structure. had been observed by T. KISHI and K. ASHIKAGA Traditionally it has been believed that Japanese since 1969-1970. Research on this theme has con capital city planning was inherited from that of tinued to develop since then. ASHIKAGAwas Sui and Tang Periods in China, but AKIYAMA(1981) involved with this subject and has produced a map contends that it has some similarity with the capi of ancient capital cities, provincial cities, principal tal city of the prior period, and some joint research government facilities and premeditated transport which includes cooperation with Chinese re routes connecting them as a result, as presented searchers has been undertaken (KISHIed., 1982, in Figure 2. Also for areas in and out of Kinki, 1985). It is a fact beyond doubt that Japanese capi reconstruction works have been vigorously car tal city plans were influenced by those of China. ried out by many people such as R. KINOSHITA However, taking the land indication method used (1978), T. HIND(1979), K. KANASAKA(1986) and M. in capital cities for instance, in Sui and Tang it YOSHIMOTO(1981). Data used for restoration was common to give a proper name to each street include the remains of straight lined ancient roads and block, and this was reflected in Fujiwara-kyo which can be found by aerial photographs, large in Japan. This changed, however, in Heijo-kyo, to scale topographic maps, small place names related a system of numbering the streets systematically to ancient roads and stations as well as historical rather than giving them a proper name. This materials. From the findings from this research, indication method was reflected in Heian-kyo it has become clear that there are cases in which resulting in a more orderly and systematic sys some parts of straight ancient roads retained a tem. This is considered to be a part of the comple certain width (usually from 7-8 meters and up to tion process of ancient land planning in Japan 12-13 meters) and were therefore excepted from (KINDA1985),which was closely related to that of the Joni grid pattern. However, to make matters the Joni plan to be discussed later in this paper. more complicated, there were other cases in which It was indicated that micro-geomorphological they were not excepted from the Joni grid pattern analysis was one of the effective clues for the res at all. These findings may form one of the key toration research of Naniwa-kyo which was points in the history of ancient land planning in placed on a diluvial terrace (KIHARA1981, 1982). Japan. Recent research on Dazaifu of ancient Kyushu, 3. Perception and land Planning Tagajo of the ancient Tohoku district and provin cial capitals has been progressing. It derives It has been long known that the main street largely from archaeological achievements for its running north to south in Japanese capital cities developments. In regard to historical geography, were called Suzaku Street, and also that each of recent advancements in research have been made the four directions of ancient capital cities was on the surface remains of land division and named after a god. ASHIKAGA(1985) has discussed various place names as remains (for example, this point in more detail on Heian-kyo and SENDA TAKAHASHI,1984), patterns of location of provin (1987) considers that the ideas of Taoism play a cial capital and temple (KIN0SHITA,1983) and large role in the background of geomancy for capi changes in scale (YONEKURA,1983). tal cities. He is therefore working on an examina tion of Japanese ancient capital cities as a whole. 2. Road networks There is some research, such as Y. YAMADA's Road networks of ancient Japan (1978-79) edited (1986), which contends that azimuth faith played by K. FUJIOKAaimed at the reconstruction of the an important part not only in capital cities but main transportation network throughout Japan also in decision making on the location and ar and the location of posting stations in the rangement of major facilities such as the provin 8th-10th centuries. It achieved its purpose by cial capital and principal shrines. However, it is The Historical Geography 83 very difficult to prove whether this belief system state; at the same time the amount of office work was actually influential at the planning stage of had significantly increased. In this new context, each facility or, on the other hand, whether facts it must have been quite effective to have a unified were later interpreted to make it seem that the system for land allocation by numerals, and at decisions had deliberately been made in keeping around the mid-8th century the Jori indication with religious tenets. As can be well imagined, system was established in each county of each the subject has proved to be a difficult one, and its province (KINDA,1985). During this process there research has only just begun. has been a report of an example in which a certain SENDA(1980, 1982) is trying, furthermore, to governor had much to do with the completion of explain the perceived spatial structures of ancient the Joyi plan in his province (ITO, 1983). times through a semiotic approach. He considers Because the Jori plan was completed as a means that the structure of geographical space is formed for the recording and approval of land possession as a system of square, vertical and orientation, in a practical sense as mentioned above, there and seeks its origin in the Mandala pattern. were many cases in which it was used as a unit for various rights and responsibilities well into III. Rural Landscapes in Ancient medieval times, and at the same time this became and Medieval Times one of the main reasons for maintaining the Jori sectioning, or grid pattern, for a long time thereaf 1. The Joni plan ter. In contrast to this, the approximately 654 The Jori plan consists of the Jori grid pattern meter long blocks consisting of 36 basic sections whose unit measures approximately 109 meters were not the unit for the ancient planned villages square and of the Jori indication system using this as considered before, and did not have any sub as a basic unit. It was considered once that the stantial use in the rural landscape. Therefore, Jori plan was a system which was originally com they displayed quite a random pattern of mainte bined with the system of handenshuju which had nance as a higher order boundary compared to the begun in the latter half of the 7th century at the basic section. For example, in the case in which latest. But while the first material which shows they were later used for such things as the boun the Joni indication system was written in 743, it is dary of a manor, they then tended to remain as the considered that land allocation was carried out village boundary, but in other cases, they did not before then using names such as small place retain any important use other than the basic sec names. This means that the Joni plan was com tion (KINDA,1985). In any case, the Jori plan has pleted almost half a century after the establish been widely diffused as an important element of ment of the ancient Japanese basic law which was the traditional rural landscape in Japan. derived from China. According to this, it is highly Research on these distribution patterns has grad probable that the Joni plan was consolidated by ually progressed in various regions (The Kashi adapting it to a unique Japanese context (KINDA, wara Archaeological Institute, 1980; IYANAGAand 1985). TANIOKA,1979, etc.). Based upon distribution pat The background situation which directly con terns, M. HATTORI(1983) discusses the relationship tributed to the introduction of a unified system of between the Jori plan and the formation of provin land allocation is considered to be the rapid ces, counties, and their boundaries. He reports increase of privately owned land as the result of that there were many cases in which a province or new land laws in 723 and 743. As the Japanese county was artificially given straight-line boun basic law of 701 did not approve of any private daries. There has also been some progress in con ownership of land, it is quite likely that there was solidating data on how the Jori plan was drawn no serious confusion even by such complicated cartographically on ancient and medieval maps methods as allocating by small place names and (HATTORI,1986; KINDA,1986a, b). recording by landmarks of boundaries of allot 2. Reclamation and land use ment. However, due to the rapid increase of var ious privately owned lands, it was necessary to As a consequence of surveying the distribution strictly separate them from those owned by the of the Jori grid pattern, recently cases have been 84 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA noticed in which smaller groups of Jori grid pat terns formed by units of approximately 100-150 terns, running in different directions from those basic sections. These units often matched the dis of the main prevailing Jori grid patterns, existed tribution of micro landforms of the area, and at around the outer edge or inside of the latter. It has the same time, reflect the size of a reclamation been considered that some cases of the former had unit or the size of the consolidation unit (KINDA, been equivalent to the ancient villages (HATTORI, 1985). For example, Figure 3 indicates the land 1983), that some had been Miyake or Agata before use of Chimori Village in Echizen Province (Fukui the mid-6th century (SENDA,1980), and also that Prefecture at present), which appeared in the map some had been on reclamation or consolidation in 766. From this we can see paddy fields distrib unit (KINDA,1985). In a case study in Shiga Prefec uted in groups in contrast to the back marsh sur ture, it was found that some of these grid patterns rounded by natural levees and mountains. This contained different measurements from the pre example makes it clear that the area was deve valent Jori grid pattern (TAKAHASHIet al., 1979), loped mainly through the leadership of two power thus making Chose flexible considerations even ful families. This example also explains the back more probable. ground for the appearance of the mosaic of the Jori Furthermore, even in the prevailing Jori grid grid patterns which contained units of approxi pattern, a detailed investigation has revealed that mately 100-150 sections as mentioned above the most common cases are those of mosaic pat (KINDA,1986b). As can be seen in the same figure,

Figure 3. The land use of Chimori Village and surrounding area in 766 (KINDA(1987)) The Historical Geography 85 it is apparent that at that time each section of the and harvest have increased. In order to intensify Jori plan was not necessarily cultivated in total, land use, it was necessary not only to construct and in many cases it included many uncleared irrigation ponds and canals and a unique distribu areas. Furthermore, we now know that a culti tion of dry field and paddy field, but also to intro vated area containing a far higher percentage of duce new crops and a cultivation system in which dry fields to paddy fields than at present was two crops were cultivated a year. This became common, and that the cultivated land of those possible during medieval times (KINDA,1985). days contained large tracts of intermittent uncul Research has run counter to the accepted belief tivated land (KINDA,1985). In case of the paddy that agriculture in early medieval times was field, a shortage of irrigation water seems to have generally on paddy fields in small valleys or on been the major reason for having such intermit hilly slopes. T. YOSHIDA(1983) has presented evi tent cultivation and thus having a lower harvest. dence which shows that dry fields on diluvial ter Since medieval times, these conditions have races were indeed the core of medieval cultivation, improved and gradually the ratios of cultivation and that such paddy fields were rather extensive.

Figure 4. Processes of the formation and transformation of rural landscape (KINDA(1987)) 86 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA

Furthermore, the general consensus of opinion was that the paddy fields in the prevailing Jon IV. Markets, Towns and Cities in the grid pattern on the alluvial plain went to waste. Middle Ages and the Edo Era However, the most recent research indicates that such paddy fields continued to be main cropland 1. Market and flow system throughout medieval times (KINDA,1985). In rela In medieval Japan, the improvement of agricul tion to the progress of active development in tural production, development of manual indus medieval times in particular, some reports dis try, infiltration of monetary economy to local cussing mountainous and coastal examples in low regions and so on, encouraged the circulation of and humid areas have been added (TAKASHIGE, local commodities and a large number of markets 1980; MINAMIDA,1986). emerged as their nodal points. More than 100 markets were on record in the 13-14th century 3. Territory and form of settlement documents and the majority of them appeared for Regarding the go which was formed on the basis the first time after the latter half of the 13th cen of 50 enlarged families in the Ritsuryo period of tury. On the other hand, about 750 settlements ancient Japan, it has been confirmed that there have place names connected with markets which were many examples of territory being divided originated in the Middle Ages, and they are dis according to such practical matters as the range of tributed all over Japan except in Hokkaido. These irrigation rather than according to a more logical show how extensively markets were developed in gridlike, regular and uniform division (TOMATSURI, medieval Japan. 1973). Although it may have been a practical div But many aspects of medieval markets have ision, this territory tended to be rather large com been neglected because only a few historical pared with that of the village area which had been geographers have made studies of them. K. the basic unit of the traditional rural landscape in KOBAYASHI(1985) explained that there were 30 Japan. In the process of appearing, the area of go market towns in late medieval Tosa, southwest in the traditional rural landscape was divided in ern Japan, which were densely distributed over the context of the development of land use and Kochi Plain, in the central part of Tosa, but rarely population increase. It is considered that Ballung in the eastern and western part, and were absent (the process of forming nucleated villages) pro in the northern mountainous region, thus consti gressed widely from about the 11th century on tuting a kind of urban network (Fig. 5). He divided ward (KINDA,1985, 1987; KATAHIRA,1978, 1980; them into three types, 1) market villages which YOSHIDA,1978). This process is presented dia were not different from rural villages in landscape grammatically in Figure 4. The typical area of A depending mainly on trading in markets; 2) stand encompasses a spacious deltaic plain in the Kinki ard market towns consisting of a small linear set region, B encompasses a natural levee zone in the tlement and dependent on trading in shops more surrounding regions of the Kinki region, and C than in markets; and 3) intermediate market encompasses areas far from the Kinki region and towns consisting of some blocks and depending on on the large alluvial fan. They can be subject to a trading in shops mainly. He also pointed out that shift in the developmental succession depending their situation was one of building a county city on the social and economic context (KINDA,1987). capital which presided over the provincial urban Also, as in the case of succession C missing the network and which was inherited by a modern chance for Ballung, dispersed settlements may castle town. He insisted that the formation of develop such as on the Tonami Plain in Toyama county city capitals was in progress all over Japan prefecture (KINDA,1986c). at that time, and the end-product was shown by Another interesting piece of research focusing the construction of many modern castle towns on the Ritsuryo period has revealed that there was from the latter half of the 16th century to the first another unit mura meaning 'village' which had half of the 17th century. come to exist by adapting to various local condi K. KOBAYASHI(1986) also pointed out that in Nii tions apart from the ones based on the administra minosho, Bicchu, western Japan, a rural market tive unit (TOMATSURI,1982). there in the latter half of the 13th century grew The Historical Geography 87

Figure 5. The distribution of markets towns in late medieval Tosa, southwestern Japan (KOBAYASHI1985)) into a standard market town consisting of about markets was not based on the retail function but 30 burgages in the first half of the 14th century. A on available service functions such as carpenters, market adjacent to Niiminosho thereafter acquired foundrymen, and so on. the function of an intermediate market town H. FUJITA(1983, 1986), who analyzed medieval owing to its growth into a market where land tax commodity flows by dividing them into distant commodities were dealt with, while some small and local flows, insists that the basic activities of rural markets were open in northern mountain every medieval market was supply to rural con parts, and a hierarchical differentiation of sumers, because the function of markets in dis markets was in progress at that time. tant flows were collections of rural products and The above studies by K. KOBAYASHIwere insuffi supply to rural consumers, but the markets had cient from the viewpoint of a functional consider only a supply function in local flows. He also said ation since he mainly depended upon the recon that markets in the Middle Ages did not yet form struction and analysis of landscape. It was T. an organic hierarchical structure as supposed by YOSHIDAand M. FUJITAwho analyzed commodity central place theory, because it is difficult to find flows and the flow system in the late Middle Ages the hierarchical differentiation of markets, even if in order to overcome these limitations. T. YOSHIDA market areas were of various sizes owing to their (1983), who analyzed commodity flows in and distribution density. around Koto Plain in Ohmi, central Japan, said It is remarkable in relation to medieval com that some chief ports were increasing their func modities' transportation, that S. MINAMIDE(1979) tion as nodal points in the late Middle Ages, and studied water transportation in the Tokai region regarded the centrality of each market as about based on land tax transportation between Ise the same level from the retail point of view. He Shrine and its manors and that studies on medie also supposed that a hierarchical differentiation of val water transportation in Setonaikai (Inland 88 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA

Sea) became more active after Hyogo kitazeki (1980) studied the population ratio between castle nyusen nouchou (Documents of Incoming Vessels towns and han territories. He explained that an to Hyogo Kitazeki) was published in 1985. average population ratio between castle towns and han territories was about 0.10, but with a 2. Development and structure of castle range from 0.05 to 0.20. However, the value is towns stabilized to 0.10 when the calculation is limited to Castle towns are one of the most important sub large han territories. jects to be studied in historical geography. A large There are some remarkable papers on the struc number of papers on them have been published to ture of castle towns. In relation to the natural date and some books have recently been published environment, Y. MASAI(1980) argued the signifi summarizing them. It is significant from the cance of the river system and seashore as urban viewpoint of urban history in Japan that a great environments in Edo (now Tokyo) and Y. IKEDA number of castle towns were constructed as mil (1979) considered the relationship between the itary, political and economic centers approxi development of residential districts and the con mately 200 han territories all over Japan, except in trol of water in Matsue. In relationship to urban Hokkaidc from the latter half of the 16th century structural change, Y. GOTO (1981) analyzed the to the first half of the 17th century. change and the characteristics of the warriors' One of the remarkable recent trends is on the residential district through the expansion of built subject of Sengoku castle towns preceding modern up areas of the Sendai castle town in the 17th castle towns. K. KOBAYASHI(1985) has recon century and R. TSUCHIDA(1978) explained the structed the early form of the townspeople's dis changing process of urban structure in Kofu based tricts of Sengoku castle towns in Tosa, in southw mainly on an analysis of population change. estern Japan and examined their characteristics Moreover, T. KATO(1984) and T. KANAI(1985, 1986) and the significance of their size, layout and considered the regional structure of castle towns structure. M. KOJIMA(1984) considered the rela in relationship to tax obligations, J. NAKAFUJI(1986) tionship between the structure of Sengoku castle discussed areal patterns of land trade in the mer towns and Sengokudaimyo's urban policies. Since chants' quarters in Edo and T. KIKUCHI(1977) stu 1967, excavation of Sengokudaimyo Asakura's cas died the prosperity and decline of retail trade in tle town, Ichijotani, in Echizen (now Fukui Prefec castle towns. ture), has been clarifying the actual conditions of The Castle Towns and Their Transformation the daimyo's and the warriors' residences, towns edited by K. FUJIOKA(1983) contains many exam people's houses and temples in the central district. ples of studies which refer to how the regional Secondly, it is also noteworthy that K. ASHIKAGA structure of castle towns has changed in the pro (1984) has developed a new idea on the layout of cess of modernization after the Meiji Restoration castle towns. He compared the town plan of and how the present urban structure has deve Osaka and Fushimi both of which were castle loped. About this problem, K. KANASAKA(1982) said towns constructed by Hideyoshi TOYOTOMIat the that it is necessary to study it from the viewpoint end of the 16th century and pointed out that of social geography in relation to the development Osaka was the longitudinal town where the main of modern capitalistic society in contrast with streets run toward the castle. On the other hand, former geographical studies which tend to be par Fushimi was a transversal town where the main tial to regional classification or zoning according streets cross in front of the castle. He emphasized to function and change, namely one kind of that based on these facts the change from a longi morphology. tudinal town to a transversal town symbolized Jinaicho are also noteworthy as well as castle the change from a medieval castle town to a towns from the viewpoint of urban history in modern castle town. But K. YAMORI(1982), who Japan from the end of the Middle Ages to the formerly (1970) expressed a prominent view on beginning of the Edo-era. Castle towns were types of castle towns, has argued both the pros essentially political and military towns con and cons of this idea. structed around the feudal lord's castle as a cen Thirdly, it is noteworthy that M. NISHIMURA ter. On the other hand, jinaicho was a corporate The Historical Geography 89 town constructed around the temple as a center (1978), and Y. SUGIURA's"Spatial Diffusion of 'Okagemairi' in the Y based on farmers', merchants' and craftsmen's ear of 1771" (1978) which religious bent of mind, accordingly showing a presents a new point of view. On the other hand, development process and layout different from there are many papers on water transportation, that of a castle town. Y. MIZUTA(1978) classified especially on river transportation. A selected list the developmental steps of jinaicho and pointed includes studies on the Yura River by S. FUJIMURA out the existence of the characteristic town plan (1978), on the Kitakami River by M. IKEDA(1980), in each step and T. KANAI(1980, 1981) considered on the Fuji River by H. OKUDA(1981), on the Toyo the morphological types of jinaicho and their River by M. OZAWA(1981), on the Yodo River by H. transformation. HAYASHI(1984), and one on the Kitakami and Mogami Rivers by J. ONODERA(1985). They insist 3. Urban networks in Tokugawa Japan on the necessity of a reevaluation of inland water we already have ROZMAN'sleading studies (1973) transportation during the Edo era. on urban networks in Tokugawa Japan and know However, there is no paper which integrates that the high standard of urban networks came these research findings to approach the whole into existence as early as the middle of the Edo era urban network in Tokugawa Japan. This is prob and that the urban networks consisted primarily ably one of the most important subjects left to be of three metropolises, Edo, Kyoto and Osaka. In considered. addition, there were castle towns as county city capitals, post towns, market towns, towns in front V. Rural Settlement and Agriculture of the gates of large temples or shrines and ports in the Edo Era as local centers which were connected to each 1. Rural settlement other by various kinds of land and water transportation. Rural settlement in the Edo era is one of the We do not yet have studies of the whole urban most important subjects in the field of historical network written by Japanese historical geo geography of Japan. There have been a number of graphers, but there are many papers on each type papers from various points of view. Its considera of town which organized the urban networks and tion from a spatial point of view is a noteworthy on the transportation which connected them to trend in recent research. each other. E. NAGUMO(1977), T. FUJIMOTO(1978, One such piece of research is the study of the 1982) and S. NAGANO(1979) investigated structure, spatial relation between the hanseison (rural transformation, background of development, eco administrative commune in the Edo era) and the nomic base and so on of towns in front of the gates mura (settlement as a unit of rural community). I. of large temples or shrines, while T. KIMURA(1982) SUIZUproposed three types in 1957, namely 1) the made a general survey on market towns in Suo standard type, equivalent to the hanseison in the and Nagato (now Yamaguchi Prefecture) from the size of the community and area; 2) the Suye-mura viewpoint of central place theory and T. KIKUCHI type in which there are several mura in each han (1979) argued the opening of periodical markets by seison and in which each mura is independent as a itinerant mountain priests in Aizu Basin and its community; and 3) the Kemuriyama-mura type in historical psychology. There were few studies on which there are several mura in the hanseison, but post-towns from the new point of view, but it is each mura is less independent and most of the noteworthy that K. KANASAKA(1979, 1980) argued community functions belong to the hanseison. the regional change of a post-town, Imajo in Echi The studies after this have seen the verification of zen and a port-town, Niigata in Echigo from the these types and consideration of their significance. Edo era to the Meiji era from the viewpoint of Concerning the standard type among them, H. social geography. ISHIHARA(1964) developed the following model As concerns transportation, studies of land based on the case study of the Sanuki Plain. In transportation are not particularly worthy of note the case of the hanseison consisting of one except for the publication "The Salt Roads in nucleated settlement, there is one nucleated set Japan-their Historical Geography" by G. TOMIOKA tlement including the tutelary shrine and the par 90 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA

ish temple in the center of its area, and the culti vated fields of every farmer located around the settlement are mixed with each other, further out, there being a common meadow. Almost all coop eration between the farmers occurs within this area. On the other hand, H. YAMAZUMI(1982) and M. YAMANO(1977) carefully investigated the Suye mura and Kemuriyama-mura types. H. UEHARA(1982), who investigated the spatial structure and transition of rural society in Kai Province (now Yamanashi Prefecture) on the basis of the above results, pointed out that the standard type was distinguished in the central part of Kofu Basin, while the Suye-mura type was dominant in the mountainous region around Kofu Basin and that when the Suye-mura type is defined in the stricter sense, it refers to the village type in the mountainous region while the village type in the plain area is referred to as the Kemuriyama-mura type. Moreover, he investigated the spatial structure of rural society at the southern foot of Mt. Yat sugatake in the Edo era in detail and presented a model diagram as the result (Fig. 6) (1985). The topographical conditions spread out ridges of gen tle slopes alternating between valleys with small streams. Generally, hamlets were located on the ridges which were disadvantageous for paddy fields. Their population size was affected by his torical factors as well as by the extent of ridges. In particular, rural settlement along the main traffic route might have become the center of the hanseison. Each hamlet contained territorial and Figure 6. The spatial structure of a rural settlement at consanguineous groups. Arable lands as produc the southern foot of Mt. Yatsugatake in the Edo Era (UEHARA(1985)) tive space (i.e. paddy field, upland field and so on) were divided into several furlongs according to the complexity of ridges, uplands especially being OKAMURA(1982) reported on the rural settlement located on the periphery of the hamlets or in pla based on consanguineous maki bands in Echigo ces which lacked irrigation water. The irrigation during the Edo era and M. YAMADA(1983) wrote organization had made a contribution to the inte about the territorial groups in the village located gration of the hanseison. Each farmer living in a in the east suburbs of Nagoya. hamlet concentrated on cultivating his specific Secondly, studies concerned the regional rela arable land (furlong), but the main hamlet estab tions over the hanseison territory. H. UEHARA lished its sphere of cultivation within the whole (1980) investigated the kumiaimura which was area of the hanseison. Common land (i.e. hara or organized by a combination of several hanseison as yama space) lay at the fringes of the hanseison or the administrative intermediate territories in Kai at the foot of a mountain. Besides these spatial Province in the late Eda era. He pointed out that structures, there was an extended religious organ its territory turned out gradually to have the func ization concerning mountain worship in this tion of a substantial region. Based on the example region during the Edo era. In addition to this, M. in Hizen Province, northern Kyushu, K. IWASAKI The Historical Geography 91

(1980) studied the relation; between the hanseison migration, in fact, migration did occur at a much and go which as the intermediate territory larger scale than hitherto recognized. K. ASANO between the hanseison and gun (county). (1986), who investigated the relation between vil In the case of study on the relation between lages in terms of labor migration in Echizen Pro town and villages or between villages through the vince, reached a similar conclusion and said that analysis of population movements, investigations labor migration occurred not only in the same han of labor and marriage migrations have been territory, but also to other han territories or to undertaken. other provinces; laborers did not congregate in T. MIZOGUCHI(1981), who investigated labor towns or cities, so that migration occurred more migration in Kai province during the Edo era, on a village to village basis. explained that villages in Kai Province received Concerning marriage migration, a series of pap laborers from nearby villages, but also supplied ers by H. KAWAGUCHI(1983, 1984) is noteworthy. laborers to nearby villages, or Kofu (the capital Especially interesting in the study on 'Osaka city of Kai province) or Edo. He insists that region' in the late Edo era from the viewpoint of though it has generally been believed that the pea the marriage area (Fig. 7) (1984). Since the limit of sants' mobility, and therefore the geographical area from where marriage migrants noticeably scope of their lives must have been fairly limited went to Osaka is recognizable in and around a during the Edo era due to the legal prohibition on radius of 22-25 kilometers from Osaka, and the

Figure 7. The sphere of intermarriage of villages around Osaka (1789-1868) (KAWAGUCHI(1954)) 92 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA villages beyond this radius showed different farming books written in the same period. The trends of marriage area; KAWAGUCHIcalled this most important of them is Geographical Study of sphere 'Osaka region' in the late Edo era. In Farming Books in the Edo Era by S. ARIZONO(1986). ' Osaka region' we cannot confirm distinct central At first, he explains the contents and classifica places except Nishinomiya that formed the sub tion of farming books of the Edo era, the charac region extending over some gun in the western teristics of Japanese farming books compared with part of Settsu. It was probably west of the 'Osaka Chinese and English ones and the method and region', in what was then the `Hyogotsu region' significance of a geographical study of them. (now Kobe) where the marriage migrants concen Secondly, he examines concretely the regional dif trated, coming mainly from nearby villages. To ferentiation of agriculture in the Edo era and their the south and north-east of the 'Osaka region' factors based on the farming calendars and land some villages sent marriage migrants to the towns use methods described in the farming books of and cities. each region. On the other hand, M. NAITO(1983, Beyond these, S. HASHIMOTO(1977), who investi 1984), who paid attention to the comments on soil gated the rural interrelations in Tonami, Ecchu and fertilizer techniques based on manure use as Province now Toyama Prefecture, the background recorded in farming books from the Edo era, con of religious faith to the shrines, showed that the siders the regional differences and the reasons for intertelation in the old settled region followed bas fertilizer techniques. ically the go territory as the historical region. M. Concerning cotton cultivation which was a typ ENDO(1982) considered the rural interrelation in ical commercial agricultural crop during the Edo the Ojika Peninsula from the viewpoint of the con era, K. IWASAKI(1985) compared its regional char flicts concerning fishery in the Edo era. acter in the western Mikawa district with advanced Kinai district. He found that the most 2. Agriculture important reason why cotton cultivation in the A lot of shinden and a large number of shinden western Mikawa district was inferior to that of villages established on newly reclaimed land came the Kinai district in terms of productivity and into existence all over Japan during the Edo era; technology of production in spite of its older his these have been reasonable subjects for historical tory, was that the character of cotton cultivation geography. The doyen of the subject on shinden, in western Mikawa district is considered as T. KIKUCHI,who published The Development of extensive agriculture located far from the main Shinden in 1958, brought out a great book, The consuming area, in contrast with the intensive Development of Shinden, Continued: Case Studies farming in the suburban area of the Kinai district. in 1986, which contains 17 typical cases of shinden extracted from many case studies based on the VI. Picture Maps in Medieval Times, former book. the Edo Era and Spatial Perception The main direction of studies on shinden is still the case study of each shinden and several papers In Japan in the Edo era, the bakufu and every on it have been written every year. But recently, han made various kinds of picture maps due to we can see studies of regional trends in the devel administrative necessity. On the other hand, a opment of shinden. Among them, a series of stu large number of picture maps were also made dies by T. FUKUDAis noteworthy. He dealt with among the people in order to meet various many regions from Tohoku to Kinki and took a demand. Among them, the provincial maps and bird's eye view of regional development of shinden, maps of castle towns which bakufu ordered every mainly in relation to geomorphological environ han to make and the maps of Japan which the ment (1986). T. MIURA(1983) investigated the bakufu compiled based on the provincial maps development of shinden in Akita and M. TOBITA sent from each han were in a sense the fundamen (1982) explained the regional characteristics of the tal maps of the day. H. KAWAMURA(1984), reclamation in Echigo Plain. researched very minutely the provincial maps One of the new research directions is to clarify which were made four times, in Keicho (1596-1615), agriculture in the Edo era through the analysis of Shoho (1644-1648), Genroku (1688-1704) and The Historical Geography 93

Kyoho (1716-36). 'legend' by definition may mean 'fiction' but also K. YAMORIhas applied his energies to the study had social significance peculiar to the medieval of the maps of castle towns and reported the pic landscape, and accordingly had various effects on ture map history of the castle towns of Yonezawa medieval people. Thus, the contents of legend (1973), Kanazawa (1978, 79), Fukui (1978) and itself were deeply connected with the profound Kumamoto (1988), while he compares the picture structure-topological design-of medieval living maps of various castle towns with each other space (Lebensraum). divided into the maps for practical use in each han As a result of this review, the authors can make and the maps sent to the bakufu. Y. GOTO(1980) the following remarks on Japanese historical investigated the picture maps of Sendai castle geographical research in the decade: town. a) Many academic titles and articles were pub The study of medieval picture maps began in lished, and comprehensive compilations were earnest after the publication of The Collection of underway. the Medieval Picture Maps, the first and second b) Historical geography contributed to discus volume, edited by T. NISHIOKA(1976, 77). These sions in related fields and was also influenced volumes were first to show photos of all medieval by various other fields picture maps in color or in monochrome available c) Progress of the recent research brought some to us. The main direction of study was to compare new aspects to light which altered previously each map with the field and reconstruct the held opinion on some traditional themes. medieval landscape. The study of the picture map d) Some new approaches and ideas have been set of the manor, Inouenosho in Kii Province (now forth with their results. wakayama Prefecture) by Y. MIZUTA (1986) (Received January 26, 1988) belongs to this theme. (Accepted March 10, 1988) The new trend to read all of the pictures and characters on a map and to try to semantically References analyze them appeared in the 1980s. It was the AKIYAMA,H. (1980): A Study on the Area of Fujiwara young historical geographers who met together in kyo, Archaeological Studies, 4,1-8. (J) a research group of Katsuragawa picture map to AKIYAMA,H. (1981): The Original of Japanese Ancient play an important part in this trend. They classi Capital Planning Study of History, 19, 147-171. (J) fied the things drawn on the picture map into spot Aomori-ken, Board of Education (1985): Tareyanagi, items, area items and linear elements analyzing Aomori-ken, 420 p. (J) AKYAMA,H. (1986): Some Notes on the Structure of the meaning of landmarks, traffic routes, vegeta Picture-Maps and Spatial Cognition in Medieval tion and so on, considering the spatial perception Japan, The Geographical Reports of Tokyo Metropolitan of those who took part in drawing the picture map University, 21, 305-319. (E) (1984). One of the members of this group, H. ARIZONO,S. (1986): Kinsei nosho no chirigakuteki ken AOYAMA(1986) discussed the structure of picture kyu (The Geographical Study of the Farming Books in the Edo Era), Kokon Shoin, Tokyo, 301 p. (J) maps and spatial cognition in medieval Japan. ASANO,K. (1986): Relation between Villages in terms of Attempts to explain the spatial perception of the Labour Migration-A Case Study of Echizen Province day based on things drawn on the picture maps in the Edo Period-, The Journal of the Literary Asso was introduced to the study of picture maps in the ciation of Kwansei Gakuin University, 36(2), 61-86. Edo era. J. ONODERA(1986) considered the spatial (J) ASHIKAGA,K. (1984): Chukinsei toshi no rekishi chini perception of the river route drawn on the picture (Historical Geography of Cities in the Middle Ages and map. M. IWAHANA(1985) investigated the spatial the Edo Era, Chijinshobo, Kyoto. 246 p. (J) perception of the itinerant mountain priests in ASHIKAGA,K. (1985): Nihon kodai chini kenkyu (A Study Tateyama according to the pilgrimage mandala. of Geography in Ancient Japan), Taimeido, Tokyo, 575 T. IGARASHI(1985) discussed the historical change p. (J) ENDO,M. (1982): Interrelation between Kinseisonrakus of the spatial expression on the picture maps of in the Conflict Condition-A Case Study of the Ojika villages. Peninsura-, Tohoku Chin, 34, 76-87. (J-E) On the other hand, I. SUIZU(1985), who consi FUJIMOTO, Y. (1978): Oshi and Hagaki-The Back dered the medieval legend in Japan, argued that ground of Development of Twon in front of the Gate 94 K. KOBAYASHIand A. KINDA

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(1984): The Regional Structure of Edo City tal Road Networks in Ancient Japan, Study of Analysed from the Tax Collected by the Heads of the Humanities, 70, 1-32. (J) Neighbourhood Communities, The Historical Geography, KINOSHITA,R. (1986): Patterns of the Location of the Pro 125, 1-19. (J-E) vincial Capital and Temple, In Jimbun chirigaku no KAWAGUCHI,H. (1983): The Marriage Area of a Village in shiken (The Vistas of Human Geography), Taimeido, Western Settsu, Study of Local History (Vol. 12), 2, Tokyo, 161-174. (J) 1-22. (J) KISHI, T. (1969): Restoration of Palace and Area of KAWAGUCHI,H. (1984): Osaka Region in the Late Edo Era Fujiwara-kyo, In Naraken kyoiku iinkai (ed.), Fujiwara from the Viewpoint of the Marriage Area, The kyo, 106-126, Yamato Rekishikan Yushikai, Nara,151 Historical Geographic Review, 26, 81-101. (J) p. & appendixes. KAWAGUCHI,H. (1984): The Sphere of Intermarriages KISHI, T. 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(1987): Geomancy for Capital Cities, In KISHI MORISHITAand KIRAeds., Shizen (Nature), Chuokoron (ed.), Nihon no Kodai (Ancient Japan), 9, Chuokoron sha, Tokyo, 329-494. (J) sha, Tokyo, 115-146. (J) NISHIMURA,M. (1980): A Population Ratio between Cas SUGIHARA,S. (1977): Nihon noko shakai no keisei (The tle Towns and Fiefs in the Edo Era, The Historical Formation of Japanese Agricultural Society), Yoshikawa Geography, 111, 1-15. (J-E) Kobun-kan, 38 p. (J) NISHIOKA,T. (1976, 77): Nippon Shoen Ezu Shusei (The SUGIURA,Y. (1978): Spatial Diffusion of "Okagemairi" in Collection of the Medieval Picture Maps), Two the Year of 1771, Geographical Review of Japan, Volumes, Tokyodo Shuppan, Tokyo, 250 p. & 360 p. 51, 621-642. (J-E) (j) SUIZU,I. (1957): Rural System, In KIUCHI,S., FUJIOKA,K. NOTO,K. (1983): The Survey and Signification of Small & YAJIMA,N. eds.: Shuraku chini koza (Lectures on The Historical Geography 97

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1978-87年 にお ける 日本歴 史地理 学 の研 究動 向

小林健太郎*・ 金 田 章裕**

比 較 的 実 りの多 か った この10年 間 の 日本歴 史地 理 学 の 分 析 が 進 ん だ 。 古代.中 世 の条 里 地 割 内部 や そ れ 以外 成 果 の うち,以 下 の6つ の テ ーマ につ い て,そ の動 向 を の 部 分 の 土 地 利 用 に つ い て の研 究 も主要 な研 究 テ ー マ 紹 介 した 。 の ー つ とな った 。村 落 の領 域 や形 態 につ い て も研 究が 1)作 物 栽 培 の 起 源 は縄 文 早 期 に,水 田稲 作 は縄 文 晩 期 進展 し,広 範 な 集村 化 現 象 や散 村 の展 開 の 事 実 も知 ら に溯 る よ うで あ り,水 田 分 布 は弥 生 中期 に本 州 北 端 に れ る に至 った 。 まで 達 し,弥 生 ・古墳 期 の 水 田 の ほ とん どが極 め て小 4)中 世 の 市場 集 落 の分 布 や景 観 につ いて の研 究 が進 展 区 画 で あ る とい う従 来 と は大 き く異な った考 古 学 的知 した が,商 品 流 通 か らみ る と当時 は市 場 の 有機 的 な階 見 が 得 られ た。 層 構 造 が成 立 して い な か っ た との主 張 も行 な わ れ た。 2)古 代 都 市 の 復 原 研 究 が 進 み,中 国 と 日本 の都 城 の比 日本歴 史 地理 学 の主 要 な テ ーマ で あ る城 下 町研 究 も進 較 研 究 も行 な われ て,類 似 点 と相 違 点 につ い て の知 見 展 し,特 に,先 駆 的 な戦 国城 下 町 や 城 下 町 の構 造 をめ が 加 わ っ た。 日本 にお け る都 市 計 画 の 起 源 に か か わ る ぐる議 論 が展 開 した。 議 論 も行 な われ た。 交 通 路 の 研 究 も活 発 で あ り,律 令 5)近 世 の 藩政 村 と村落 共 同体 との 関 係 や,村 落 の構 造 期 に お け る整 然 と した直 線 状 の 道 路 計 画 の 展 開 の実 状 に 関す る研 究 が 蓄 積 さ れ,労 働 ・結婚 をめ ぐる 人 口移 が 知 ら れ る に至 っ た。 これ らの 都 市 や 主 要 施 設 の立 動 につ い て の研 究 も発表 され た。 従 来 か らの新 田 開発 地 ・配置 とそ の計 画 にお け る同 時 代 の 人 々 の 空 間認 識 研 究 に加 え,近 世 農 書 を資 料 とす る分析 も加 わ っ た。 につ い て の議 論 も始 め ら れ た。 6)中 ・近世 の 日本で は,様 々 な絵 図 が 数多 く作成 され 3)条 里 地 割 と条 里 呼 称 法 とか ら な る条 里 プ ラ ンが,従 たが,こ れ らの絵 図 の従 来 か らの 分析 に加 え,こ れ ら 来 の通 説 とは異 な っ て, 8世 紀 の 中頃 に完 成 した もの を用 い て 当時 の空 間認 識 にせ ま ろ う とす る研 究 が 始 め で あ る こ とが判 明 し,そ れが 古 代 ・中世 にお い て 果 し ら れ た。 又,中 世 の説 話 か ら生 活 空 間 の深 層 構 造 にせ た役 割 や,広 範 囲 に分 布 す る条 里 地 割 をめ ぐ る議 論 ・ ま ろ う と い う研 究 も展開 した。

* 〒520大 津市平津 滋賀大学教育学部 ** 〒606京 都市左京区吉田本町 京都大学文学部