Learning the Steps to Become a Successful Nightclub Dancer Lucy Sims Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 Cardiff University School of Social Sciences i Thesis Summary This study focuses on nightclub dancers. This includes freestyle podium dancers, choreographed stage dancers and pole performers that are paid to provide entertainment in nightclubs. The aim of this thesis is to answer the following main research question: how do individuals learn to become successful nightclub dancers? This can be broken into two constituent research questions: 1) what skills and attributes do individuals require in order to become successful nightclub dancers and 2) how do nightclub dancers learn to be successful and professional in their occupation. These questions are addressed through the analysis of data collected through semi-structured interviews with nightclub dancers, nightclub managers, events entertainment managers and dance teachers. The data suggested that in order to be successful, nightclub dancers need to be proficient in three types of labour that comprise their work: physical dance labour, aesthetic labour and emotional labour. Drawing on theories of workplace learning, it is argued that nightclub dancers learn the various skills required for dance labour through a range of different types of pre-job and on-the-job, formal and non-formal learning. Their learning of aesthetic and emotional labour is mainly characterised by non-formal on-the-job learning from other dancers. ii DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 1 This thesis is being submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 2 This thesis is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 3 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter- library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… iii Acknowledgments This PhD was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. I would personally like to thank my supervisors Alan Felstead and Sara Delamont for always being enthusiastic, helpful and understanding throughout the completion of my PhD and for their clear and constructive feedback. I would also like to thank Elizabeth Renton and Victoria Parkin in the graduate studies office for their hard work ‘behind the scenes.’ Most of all, I would like to thank my husband Stuart for all his care and support. iv Table of Contents Thesis Summary ii Author’s Declaration iii Acknowledgments iv Table of Contents v List of Tables and Figures vi Chapters 1. Introduction 1 2. Literature Review 6 3. Methods 56 4. Learning Physical Dance Labour 79 5. Aesthetic Labour and Learning How to Look Appealing 131 6. Emotional Labour and Learning to Perform Like a Professional 168 7. Conclusion 194 Bibliography 203 Appendixes Appendix A: Nightclub Dancer Interview Guide 214 Appendix B: Examples of SMS Messages Sent to Participants 216 v List of Tables and Figures Tables Table 1: The Interviewees 71 Figures Figure 1: The three types of labour performed by nightclub dancers 195 vi Chapter 1 Introduction Nightclub dancers are a part of the night-time economy (Hobbs et al. , 2000) - a source of considerable and growing academic interest. Yet, they are missing from this literature. This is partly because the night-time economy is generally viewed as problematic, risky, dangerous and in need of greater regulation and policing (Talbot, 2006; Hadfield et al., 2009). This is reflected in the choice of occupational groups for investigation. For example, on the one hand, studies have been carried out on doorstaff (aka ‘bouncers’), both male (e.g. Monaghan, 2002) and female (e.g. Hobbs et al. , 2007) who help to control drunk and disorderly punters. On the other hand, research on prostitutes in the night-time economy has focused on the regulation of their ‘sexually disordered’ behaviour (Sanders, 2009). Sheard’s (2011) research on women and their use of spaces in the night-time economy included some bar workers in the sample, but the emphasis of the study was more on their role as consumers rather than as workers. The most closely related group of workers that have been the subject of sociological investigation are lap-dancers/strippers (often referred to as ‘exotic dancers’ in the US where much of the research has been based). Recent research has explored their role in the night-time economy (Sanders, Hardy and Campbell, 2012). However, nightclub dancers are not the same as lap-dancers/strippers and the distinctions between these two groups will become clear throughout this thesis. One of the key features which distinguishes nightclub dancers from lap- dancers/strippers is the type of venue in which they work. Lap-dancers work in strip clubs that specialise in providing sexual entertainment, whereas nightclub dancers (as their label suggests) dance in nightclubs. In their most recent Nightclubs UK market report, Mintel (2012) define nightclubs as: establishments where the primary offer is that of dancing to music and where drink and food are offered as ancillary items. In addition, admission fee is normally, but not always, levied. Under the Licensing Act 2003, nightclubs in England and Wales must be in possession of an appropriate Premises Licence; allowing the sale by retail of alcohol, the provision of regulated entertainment and the provision of late-night refreshment. 1 The same Mintel (2012) report estimates that there are around 1,600 pure nightclubs in the UK, although the figure could be as high as 2,500 if hybrid pub/bar/club venues are included. The nightclub industry is made up of mainly single site businesses and individually branded nightclubs, as opposed to multi-site chains. Based on a survey of around 25,000, Mintel claims that 16.9% of adults aged over 18 years visit nightclubs (2.9% visit nightclubs ‘regularly’, 14% visit nightclubs ‘occasionally’). This is much lower than the figure of 27.4% in the 2006 report which was the latest available at the commencement of this PhD study. Indeed, the recession has hit nightclubs hard. In late October 2011 Luminar – the largest multi-site operator and owner of the branded nightclub chains Oceana and Liquid, went into administration. Lower footfall as a result of a squeeze on disposable income brought about by the recession, combined with impact of the smoking ban on alcohol sales were cited as the main reasons behind the failure of the business. In addition, since the introduction of the revised licensing laws in 2003, nightclubs in the UK have faced increased competition from pubs and bars which can now open for longer hours but do not usually charge an admission fee. Previously, longer opening hours were unique to nightclubs (Mintel, 2006). One way in which nightclub managers can compensate for this loss of their unique selling point is by providing high quality entertainment. In this way, they can compete on quality of experience rather than price, in order to draw customers in and away from late opening pubs (Mintel, 2005). Dancers (including podium dancers, pole performers and choreographed stage dancers) are often hired by nightclubs to provide such entertainment, helping to create a good atmosphere, contribute to the theme of the venue and encourage customers on to the dance floor. This includes male dancers as well as female dancers. However, despite the prevalence of dancers as a form of entertainment in a number of nightclubs across the UK, the occupation has so far been unexplored. The inspiration for studying nightclub dancers came from a participant in the researcher’s Masters thesis (Parker, 2007) on students who engage in paid work during term-time. ‘Jane’ worked part-time as a podium dancer in a rock nightclub to supplement her income from her student loan. She was keen to stress that this was ‘podium dancing - not stripping’. In order to get the job, Jane had to show the manager of an entertainment agency that she had experience and qualifications in dance. She then ‘auditioned’ for the job at the nightclub and was assessed by the owner on her performance, her skill at combining dance moves in a small space and whether she had 2 the right image and appearance for the rock club. Jane passed the audition and got the job, but the nightclub manager said that she should ‘wear less’ than the trousers and vest top she had worn to the audition in because ‘it’s what the punters want.’ Consequently, when she started the job she danced in hot pants. She was also given glow-sticks and neon accessories so that she could be the designated ‘Cyber Goth’ in contrast to the ‘Romantic Goths’ who already danced at the club. She then learned the ropes of the job by ‘shadowing’ these other dancers. Before long, Jane was confident and proficient enough in her job to help others learn to become podium dancers at the nightclub. The aim of this thesis is to answer the following main research question: how do individuals learn to become successful nightclub dancers? This can be broken into two constituent research questions: 1) what skills and attributes do individuals require in order to become successful nightclub dancers and 2) how do nightclub dancers learn to be successful and professional in their occupation. Chapter 2 reviews previous academic literature and evaluates the extent to which this literature can provide a sound basis from which to address the research these questions.