Defensible Borders on the Golan Heights
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Rethinking the Two-State Solution
PolicyWatch #1408 : Special Forum Report Rethinking the Two-State Solution Featuring Giora Eiland and Martin Indyk October 3, 2008 On September 23, 2008, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Giora Eiland and Ambassador Martin Indyk addressed a Policy Forum luncheon at The Washington Institute. General Eiland is former head of the Israeli National Security Council and currently a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. Ambassador Indyk directs the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. The following is a rapporteur’s summary of their remarks. GIORA EILAND Within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies a paradox. Although the two-state solution is well known and widely accepted, and although there is international consensus regarding the need for it, little progress has been made to that end. This means that neither side desires the solution nor is willing to take the necessary risks to move forward and come to an agreement. Ultimately, the most the Israeli government can offer the Palestinians -- and survive politically -- is far less than what any Palestinian leadership can accept. As such, there is a gap between the two sides that continues to widen as the years go on. In many aspects, the current situation is worse than it was eight years ago. In 2000, there were three leaders who were both determined and capable of reaching an agreement: U.S. president Bill Clinton, Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. That type of leadership is missing today. In addition, while the two sides enjoyed a reasonable level of security, cooperation, and trust in 2000, the subsequent intifada has created a completely different situation on the ground today. -
Hydro-Hegemony in the Upper Jordan Waterscape: Control and Use of the Flows Water Alternatives 6(1): 86-106
www.water-alternatives.org Volume 6 | Issue 1 Zeitoun, M.; Eid-Sabbagh, K.; Talhami, M. and Dajani, M. 2013. Hydro-hegemony in the Upper Jordan waterscape: Control and use of the flows Water Alternatives 6(1): 86-106 Hydro-Hegemony in the Upper Jordan Waterscape: Control and Use of the Flows Mark Zeitoun School of International Development, University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK; [email protected] Karim Eid-Sabbagh School of Oriental and African Studies, Houghton Square, London; [email protected] Michael Talhami Independent researcher, Amman, Jordan; [email protected] Muna Dajani Independent researcher, Jerusalem; [email protected] ABSTRACT: This paper blends the analytical framework of hydro-hegemony with a waterscape reading to explore the use and methods of control of the Upper Jordan River flows. Seen as a sub-component of the broader Lebanon-Israel-Syria political conflict, the struggles over water are interpreted through evidence from the colonial archives, key informant interviews, media pieces, and policy and academic literature. Extreme asymmetry in the use and control of the basin is found to be influenced by a number of issues that also shape the concept of 'international waterscapes': political borders, domestic pressures and competition, perceptions of water security, and other non-material factors active at multiple spatial scales. Israeli hydro-hegemony is found to be independent of its riparian position, and due in part to its greater capacity to exploit the flows. More significant are the repeated Israeli expressions of hard power which have supported a degree of (soft) 'reputational' power, and enable control over the flows without direct physical control of the territory they run through – which is referred to here as 'remote' control. -
Towards a Middle East at Peace: Hidden Issues in Arab–Israeli Hydropolitics
Water Resources Development, Vol. 20, No. 2, 193–204, June 2004 Towards a Middle East at Peace: Hidden Issues in Arab–Israeli Hydropolitics ARNON MEDZINI* & AARON T. WOLF** *Department of Geography, Oranim School of Education, Tivon, Israel **Department of Geosciences, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA ABSTRACT When peace negotiations do one day resume between Israelis and Arabs, shared water resources will again take centre stage, acting both as an irritant between the parties, and as a tremendous inducement to reach agreement. The ‘hidden’ hydropo- litical issues that will need to be resolved between Israel, Lebanon and Syria in the course of eventual boundary talks are considered. Two of these issues, the village of Ghajar and its relation to the Wazani Springs, and the possibility of groundwater flow from the Litani to the Jordan headwaters, change the fundamental understanding of the relation- ship between hydrologic and political claims, and could threaten the entire approach to water negotiations both between Israel and Syria and between Israel and Lebanon. Fortunately, other agreements within the basin can inform the path solutions here might take. The most critical step towards conflict resolution is separating the concepts of territorial sovereignty from water security. This can be done most effectively by offering joint management, monitoring and enforcement strategies, as well as encouraging greater transparency in water data across boundaries. Introduction Despite the current deadly, and apparently intractable, conflict between Israelis and Arabs, history suggests that peace negotiations will one day resume. When they do, shared water resources will again take centre stage, acting both as an irritant between the parties, and as a tremendous inducement to reach agree- ment. -
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse country transitioning toward independence and democratic consolidation after a ruinous civil war and the subsequent Syrian and Israeli occupations. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the cold war. Current policy priorities of the United States include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran, Syria, and others in Lebanon’s political process, and countering threats from Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $1 billion total over three years, including for the first time U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. The scope and influence of foreign actors, primarily Syria and Iran; unresolved territorial disputes; concerns about extremist groups operating in Lebanon; and potential indictments by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are among the challenges facing the Lebanese government and U.S. -
Avoiding Another War Between Israel and Hezbollah
COUNTING THE COST Avoiding Another War between Israel and Hezbollah By Nicholas Blanford and Assaf Orion “He who wishes to fight must first count the cost.” Sun Tzu, The Art of War ABOUT THE SCOWCROFT MIDDLE EAST SECURITY INITIATIVE The Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative honors the legacy of Brent Scowcroft and his tireless efforts to build a new security architecture for the region. Our work in this area addresses the full range of security threats and challenges including the danger of interstate warfare, the role of terrorist groups and other nonstate actors, and the underlying security threats facing countries in the region. Through all of the Council’s Middle East programming, we work with allies and partners in Europe and the wider Middle East to protect US interests, build peace and security, and unlock the human potential of the region. You can read more about our programs at www.atlanticcouncil.org/ programs/middle-east-programs/. May 2020 ISBN-13: 978-1-61977-099-7 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. This report is made possible by general support to the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Programs. COUNTING THE COST Avoiding Another War between Israel and Hezbollah CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................2 -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Good News & Information Sites
Written Testimony of Zionist Organization of America (ZOA) National President Morton A. Klein1 Hearing on: A NEW HORIZON IN U.S.-ISRAEL RELATIONS: FROM AN AMERICAN EMBASSY IN JERUSALEM TO POTENTIAL RECOGNITION OF ISRAELI SOVEREIGNTY OVER THE GOLAN HEIGHTS Before the House of Representatives Committee on Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security Tuesday July 17, 2018, 10:00 a.m. Rayburn House Office Building, Room 2154 Chairman Ron DeSantis (R-FL) Ranking Member Stephen Lynch (D-MA) Introduction & Summary Chairman DeSantis, Vice Chairman Russell, Ranking Member Lynch, and Members of the Committee: Thank you for holding this hearing to discuss the potential for American recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, in furtherance of U.S. national security interests. Israeli sovereignty over the western two-thirds of the Golan Heights is a key bulwark against radical regimes and affiliates that threaten the security and stability of the United States, Israel, the entire Middle East region, and beyond. The Golan Heights consists of strategically-located high ground, that provides Israel with an irreplaceable ability to monitor and take counter-measures against growing threats at and near the Syrian-Israel border. These growing threats include the extremely dangerous hegemonic expansion of the Iranian-Syrian-North Korean axis; and the presence in Syria, close to the Israeli border, of: Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Quds forces; thousands of Iranian-armed Hezbollah fighters; Palestinian Islamic Jihad (another Iranian proxy); Syrian forces; and radical Sunni Islamist groups including the al Nusra Levantine Conquest Front (an incarnation of al Qaeda) and ISIS. The Iranian regime is attempting to build an 800-mile land bridge to the Mediterranean, running through Iraq and Syria. -
Galilee Sea Of
UN Demilitarised Zone 0 10 km Mt Hermon 0 5 miles Mt Hermon Hatzbani Ski Station River Dan Nahal 98 Neve Ativ Tel Dan Banias (Israeli Metula Nature Nature Nimrod settlement) L E B A N O N Ghajar Reserve ReserveFortress Majdal Nahal Iyyun Shams Kibbutz 989 Kibbutz Kfar Nature Reserve Nimrod (Israeli Kibbutz Dan 99 Gil’adi settlement) Tel Hai Ma’ayan Ein Kinya ine Kibbutz Banias 4 99 Birket UN Demilitarised Zone 9977 Baruch Snir Waterfall Mas'ada Ram 7 HaGoshrim 9 1 Kiryat Beit Hillel raeli L Shmona Border of 1923 Is Buq'ata Manara 9888 British Mandate 918 of Palestine 978 98 90 Sde Nehemia Odem Kibbutz (Israeli Quneitra Kibbutz Neot Kfar Blum settlement) Viewpoint Mordechai 977 Mt Bental 959 (1165m) 886 Wasset Jct Hula 9881 Merom Golan Quneitra Valley (Israeli settlement) Ramot Agamon HaHula Mt Avital Naftali Ein Zivan 899 (Israeli Zivan Jct 886 978 settlement) Kerem Beit 90 Hula Bar'am Nature 918 Zimra Reserve Gilabon 98 Yesud Nature Ramat Dalton Nafah Jct HaMa'ala Yesud Reserve Jct HaMa'ala 91 Ramat Dalton Jordan River Rafting Jish Industrial Park Zavitan UPPER GALILEE Ayalet Mt Meron Summit (13km); Gadot GOLAN HaShahar Jct Nahariya (40km) Tel Hatzor Nahal HEIGHTS Kadita Hatzor B'not Ya'akov Katzrin Tomb of iver Bat Ya'ar HaGlilit 91 Bridge (Israeli Katzrin Industrial Zone the Rashbi Mahanayim R settlement) Rosh n 9088 87 Pina Yehudiya Nature Reserve – 866 Meron Mahanayim Kfar Ani'am Artists' Village Jct Jct HaNasi Jorda Mesushim Entrance (Israeli settlement) 888 Mt Meron Tsfat Yehudiya Nature Reserve Nature Reserve 89 90 Yehudiya Nature -
The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland
INSS Insight No. 242, February 20, 2011 The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland The much-publicized conflict between the Minister of Defense and the outgoing IDF Chief of Staff, as well as the drama surrounding the appointment of the new Chief of Staff, diverted public attention from the critical question of the state of the IDF today compared to its state four years ago, when Gabi Ashkenazi assumed Israel's highest military post. Five points are particularly noteworthy. First of all, the past four year period has been among the most peaceful the country has ever known. The northern border, the West Bank, and in fact all of Israel’s borders – including the Gaza Strip region since Operation Cast Lead – were calm sectors with few incidents. While it is true that there are external explanations for the calm, there is no doubt that the quality of the IDF’s activity and operational discipline contributed to this state of affairs. Second, by virtually every known parameter, the army’s preparedness has improved dramatically. Reservists are training more, and their training is of better quality. The army has undertaken major re-equipment processes. The frequency of drills and exercises of the upper echelons has increased, and operational plans, some of which were buried deep in the drawer when the Second Lebanon War broke out, have been reformulated and brought up to date so that they are ready for implementation. Third, the IDF’s five year program, "Tefen," is now entering its fourth year. Unlike the past, it is actually progressing according to plan – and to budget. -
MDE 02/02/00 UA 30/00 Fear for Saf ISRAEL
PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 02/02/00 UA 30/00 Fear for safety 8 February 2000 ISRAEL/LEBANONCivilians in Lebanon and northern Israel During the night of 7 February 2000, at least 18 civilians were injured during an attack by the Israel Air Force (IAF) on civilian targets in Lebanon. Amnesty International fears that there may be more indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian objects in Lebanon and northern Israel by both the Lebanese armed opposition group Hizbullah, and the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) and its militia ally, the South Lebanon Army (SLA). In the last two weeks Hizbullah and other armed groups in Lebanon have carried out an increasing number of attacks against the IDF, which occupies part of south Lebanon, and the SLA. The deputy head of the SLA, Colonel Akel Hashem, and five Israeli soldiers have been killed. Israel had retaliated by bombing military targets in Lebanon. On the night of 7 February, however, the IAF bombed three power stations in Baalbek, Deir Nbouh, near Tripoli and another in Jamhur, 10 kilometres east of Beirut. According to media reports, the civilian casualties occurred around Baalbek. The IAF also attacked a Hizbullah base in the Bekaa Valley. Hizbullah leaders have recently threatened to attack Israeli civilians in reprisal for Israeli attacks on Lebanese civilians and civilian objects. In a radio interview on 3 February, a Hizbullah member of the Lebanese parliament said: "We would like to remind the enemy that our Katyushas [rockets] are always ready and capable of terrorising [Israel’s] settlers in the same way that the enemy terrorises our people." At a press conference on 8 February, the head of the Operations Directorate of the IDF, Major-General Giora Eiland, said: "We will consider other actions, more elaborate ones, severe ones .. -
S/PV.8449 the Situation in the Middle East, Including the Palestinian Question 22/01/2019
United Nations S/ PV.8449 Security Council Provisional Seventy-fourth year 8449th meeting Tuesday, 22 January 2019, 10 a.m. New York President: Mr. Singer Weisinger/Mr. Trullols ................... (Dominican Republic) Members: Belgium ....................................... Mr. Pecsteen de Buytswerve China ......................................... Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d’Ivoire ................................... Mr. Ipo Equatorial Guinea ............................... Mr. Ndong Mba France ........................................ Mr. Delattre Germany ...................................... Mr. Heusgen Indonesia. Mrs. Marsudi Kuwait ........................................ Mr. Alotaibi Peru .......................................... Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland ........................................ Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation ............................... Mr. Nebenzia South Africa ................................... Mr. Matjila United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland .. Ms. Pierce United States of America .......................... Mr. Cohen Agenda The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question . This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 ([email protected]). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 19-01678 (E) *1901678* S/PV.8449 The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question 22/01/2019 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. with the provisional rules of procedure and previous practice in this regard. Expression of sympathy in connection with and There being no objection, it is so decided. -
A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution .................................................................................