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Virgil's Camilla and the Traditions of Catalogue and Ecphrasis (Aeneid 7.803-17) Author(S): Barbara Weiden Boyd Source: the American Journal of Philology, Vol

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Virgil's Camilla and the Traditions of Catalogue and Ecphrasis (Aeneid 7.803-17) Author(S): Barbara Weiden Boyd Source: the American Journal of Philology, Vol Virgil's Camilla and the Traditions of Catalogue and Ecphrasis (Aeneid 7.803-17) Author(s): Barbara Weiden Boyd Source: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 113, No. 2 (Summer, 1992), pp. 213-234 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/295558 . Accessed: 14/10/2011 17:09 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Johns Hopkins University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Journal of Philology. http://www.jstor.org VIRGIL'S CAMILLA AND THE TRADITIONS OF CATALOGUE AND ECPHRASIS (AENEID 7.803-17) Hos super advenit Volsca de gente Camilla agmen agens equitumet florentisaere catervas, bellatrix, non illa colo calathisve Minervae femineas adsueta manus, sed proelia virgo dura pati cursuquepedum praevertereventos. illa vel intactae segetis per summa volaret graminanec teneras cursu laesisset aristas, vel mare per mediumfluctu suspensa tumenti ferret iter celeris nec tingeret aequore plantas. illam omnis tectis agrisqueeffusa iuventus turbaquemiratur matrum et prospectateuntem, attonitis inhians animis ut regius ostro velet honos levis umeros, ut fibulacrinem auro internectat,Lyciam ut gerat ipsa pharetram et pastoralempraefixa cuspide myrtum. (Aeneid 7.803-17) 1. ETHNOGRAPHY, CATALOGUE, AND PATTERNS OF HISTORICAL NARRATIVE The placement of Camilla's portrait at the close of the catalogue of Italian forces in Aeneid 7 has provoked more than its share of puzzle- ment. Many commentators have wondered at Virgil's intention in giving the "place of honor" (Ehrenplatz) to a woman, especially since she is unheard of elsewhere in the tradition surrounding the Trojan invasion of Italy. Williams offers a solution to the puzzle by effectively excluding her from the catalogue, seeing in the list a symmetrical design framed by the two most mighty warriors, Mezentius and Turnus; Camilla is "a sort of pendant, bringing the book to a close on a note of strange 1See, e.g., A. Lesky: "Warum hat Vergil gerade Camilla an das Ende des ... Ka- taloges gestellt?," in "Zu den Katalogen der Aeneis," Forschungen zur romischen Litera- tur (=Festschrift Buchner), ed. W. Wimmel (Wiesbaden 1970) 191; F Klingner: "Warum nicht Turnus ... sondern Camilla den Ehrenplatz des Finales erhalten hat, kann man nicht sicher sagen," Virgil (Zurich 1967) 518. Both are quoted by E. Courtney, "Vergil's Military Catalogues and Their Antecedents," Vergilius 34 (1988) 3. See also the relevant discussions cited below. American Journal of Philology 113 (1992) 213-234 C 1992 by The Johns Hopkins University Press 214 BARBARA WEIDEN BOYD beauty."2Recently, Courtney has suggested that the solution lies not in attempting to exclude Camilla from the list proper,3 but in observing the parallel between her placement and that of Artemisia in Herodotus' catalogue of Persian and allied forces before Salamis (7.61-99). Court- ney suggests that a now lost epic catalogue of the army of Xerxes in the Persica of Choerilus of Samos also ended with Artemisia, and so served as intermediary between Herodotus and Virgil.4 The question of catalogue structure is a good one, for it is reason- able to suppose that, as so often in the Aeneid, here too Virgilian design is meaningful. The solutions offered by scholars from Williams to Courtney, however, tend to consider form as something distinct from function, and generally ignore the role of the catalogue as a whole in the larger narrative. The question remains, therefore: Why a woman at the end of Virgil's catalogue? Perspective provides an important clue. From the standpoint of Virgil's audience, the leaders and troops surveyed in the catalogue are, however sympathetic, the enemy: enemies of Aeneas and the Trojan cause, enemies of the "progress," however ironically sensed, of Roman civilization.5 Virgil's review of Italian forces plays upon the national sympathies of his readers: the old place-names and stories evoke the prehistory of Rome, without themselves being Roman in any historical sense; it is rather only through defeat of these forces that a new national identity will be forged. In this context, the naming of a female as last 2R. D. Williams, "The Function and Structure of Virgil's Catalogue in Aeneid 7," CQ 11 (1961) 149. 3As attempted by Williams (note 2 above): "From now on I shall speak of the twelve groups (Mezentius to Turnus), leaving aside the attached episode about Camilla" (150, n. 2; italics mine). It should be observed that Williams' proposed "structure" is problematic from the outset, since he also ignores Virgil's description of Lausus (A. 7.649-54). Cf. E. Fraenkel, "Vergil und die Aethiopis," Philologus 87 [n. f. 41] 1932) 242- 43 and "Some Aspects of the Structure of Aeneid VII," JRS 35 (1945) 11. For a recent look at Virgil's structured attentiveness elsewhere in the catalogue, see J. O'Hara, "Messapus, Cycnus, and the Alphabetical Order of Vergil's Catalogue of Italian Heroes," Phoenix 43 (1989) 35-38. 4Courtney (note 1 above) 5-8. 5Cf. W. W. Fowler, Virgil's "Gathering of the Clans"2 (Oxford 1918) 27-29; A. Parry, "The Two Voices of Virgil's Aeneid," Arion 2 (1963) esp. 66-69; C. F. Saylor, "The Magnificent Fifteen: Vergil's Catalogues of the Latin and Etruscan Forces," CP 69 (1974) esp. 253-55; F Cairns, Virgil's Augustan Epic (Cambridge 1989) 125; R. F Moorton, "The Innocence of Italy in Virgil's Aeneid," AJP 110 (1989) 105-30. VIRGIL'S CAMILLA, CATALOGUE AND ECPHRASIS 215 among the leaders is ominous, with its overtones of abnormality and weakness: a woman's leadership has already once in the Aeneid been proven problematic.6 On this point the analogy provided by Herodotus proves instruc- tive, for Artemisia too is listed last among enemy forces. She is also of interest to Herodotus for nationalistic reasons: like him, Artemisia is from Halicarnassus. Nonetheless, she and he are at opposite poles in respect to the European Greeks, for she is allied with Xerxes. Herod- otus admires her; at the same time, he notes that even Xerxes himself saw her relative audacity as ominous, and as an indictment of his men: oi [eLvavbQeg yEyovaWi ot1yvvaiCXEg, ai be yUvaixE?g &av6G (8.88.3).7 The link between Herodotus and Virgil, at least the most impor- tant one, is to be found in the ethnographical tradition. Pembroke, Hartog, and others have shown that, in exploring the customs of non- Greek peoples, Herodotus draws upon the Greek ethnographical con- vention of inversion, which finds evidence in other cultures for behav- iors that are "unnatural" among the Greeks.8 Again and again, the implication of inversion is that, among the Greeks, it is unnatural, ov xaTa vo6tov, for women to have any sort of dominant role or to be particularly visible in the company of men. In accordance with this pattern, we find that almost none of the women who play an active role in Herodotus' history are themselves European or ethnic Greek in ori- gin or are Greek allies; conversely, European or ethnic Greek women, 6Among the numerous parallels Virgil draws between Dido and Camilla, see his description of Dido ready for the hunt at A. 4.133-39 (quoted and discussed below). For the development of similarities between the two, see, e.g., K. W. Gransden, Virgil's Iliad (Cambridge 1984) 188; R. O. A. M. Lyne, Further Voices in Vergil's Aeneid (Oxford 1987) 136-37; M. Wilhelm, "Venus, Diana, Dido and Camilla in the Aeneid," Vergilius 33 (1987) 43-48. 7See F Jacoby, "Herodotus," RE Suppl. 2 (Stuttgart 1913) 210-11, 216. On the possibility that Virgil knows and is following Herodotus' seventh book here, see N. Horsfall, "Camilla, o i limiti dell'invenzione," Athenaeum 66 (1988) 31 and n. 6. 8The fundamental study of the subject is K. Trudinger, Studien zur Geschichte der griechisch-romischen Ethnographie (Basel 1918). See also A. Schroeder, "De ethnogra- phiae antiquae locis quibusdam communibus observationes" (Diss. Halle 1921) esp. 15- 25; S. Pembroke, "Women in Charge: The Function of Alternatives in Early Greek Tradi- tion and the Ancient Idea of Matriarchy," JWCI 30 (1967) 1-35; F Hartog, Le miroir d'Herodote (Paris 1980) esp. 225-69 [ = The Mirror of Herodotus, trans. J. Lloyd (Berke- ley 1988) 212-59]; and M. Rossellini and S. Said, "Usages de femmes et autres nomoi chez les 'sauvages' d'Herodote: essai de lecture structurale," ASNP 8 (1978) 949-1005. 216 BARBARA WEIDEN BOYD or women of peoples allied to the Greek cause, are generally passive, and frequently victims of rape.9 Similarly, Camilla's behavior marks her as unnatural and un-Ro- man: "bellatrix, non illa colo calathisve Minervae / femineas adsueta manus, sed proelia virgo / dura pati" (7.805-7). Her lack of interest or skill in spinning and weaving precludes her from any association with the faithful passivity so valued by Roman men in their women,'0 the image of whom Virgil will soon revive in a homely simile comparing the vigilance of Vulcan in his work on Aeneas' new armor to that of a woman rising early to spin (8.407-14): inde ubi primaquies medio iam noctis abactae curriculoexpulerat somnum, cum femina primum, cui tolerarecolo vitam tenuique Minerva impositum,cinerem et sopitos suscitat ignis noctem addens operi, famulasquead luminalongo 9S.
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