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RELIGiON AND POLITICS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA 1997-2000 Philip Gibbs Introduction When the Pharisees asked Jesus whether he supported paying tribute to Caesar, they were presenting him with an apparent dilemma. If he said yes, he would appear to be supporting the Roman occupation. If he said no, he would be classed as a rebel or a religious fanatic. Over two millennia there has been a tendency to use this text as a basis for an understanding of Church and State, with the conclusion that they are completely separate spheres. However, Jesus did not separate the spheres, rather, he prioritised them. He asked for a coin - since he did not carry one - and pointed to Caesar's image there. Then Jesus told the Pharisees: What bears the image of Caesar belongs to him, but you bear the image of God, so you belong to God! Caesar and God may operate in different spheres, but they are never completely separate. Some states, like Israel, England and Italy, have a formalised relationship with a religion or church. Moreover, some highly organised ecclesiastical institutions maintain official church-state relations, for example, the Vatican maintains normal diplomatic relations with a large number of other states including Papua New Guinea. However, for Papua New Guinea, the relationship between church and state is not formalised, though there is an understanding that church and state should preserve a respectful independence while co-operating in areas of mutual concern such as health and education. Despite secularist influences, traditional attitudes integrating religion and politics persist in Papua New Guinea. We have seen religion and politics linked symbolically in the Papua New Guinea 155 parliament building itself. The building takes the form of a traditional haus tambaran or spirit house, and now at the peak of the roof, there is a large white cross. The Speaker, Bernard Narakobi, says that the house and the cross represent the "noble traditions and Christian principles" referred to in the preamble to the Constitution.1 Symbols beg interpretation, and sometimes there is a "conflict of interpretations" Ricoeur 1974. This paper looks at various interpretations, some complementary and some conflicting, of the relationship between religion and politics in present-day Papua New Guinea. I will consider four cases: - Church leaders in politics - Religious leaders as critics - Religious figures as friends - Political leaders funding religious bodies. Using the above examples as illustrations, I will then discuss briefly seven areas in which religion and politics interact in contemporary Papua New Guinea, and suggest some ways in which that relationship might be improved. The 1997 National Elections The 1997 national elections were dominated by the issue of Sir Julius Chan's introduction of Sandline mercenaries earlier that same year in an attempt to solve the Bougainville crisis. The violent reaction to the event led to a general disgust with politicians and their perceived corruption. From this disillusionment emerged operation Brukim Skru' Bend the Knee, a pan-denominational prayer campaign for repentance and the election of a God-fearing government. The leader of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force, Brigadier General Jerry Singirok, made his first anti-Sandline call on the national radio talk-back show hosted by Roger Hau'ofa, an Operation Brukim Skru leader. The `operation' achieved such prominence that a National Intelligence Organisation report unfortunately labelled it a plot by politically minded Christians riding 156 on a wave of anti-corruption sentiments. In this highly charged atmosphere leading up to the elections, many candidates chose to use religious language. "I am a Christian!" "I am born again!" "I fear God!" were slogans designed to appeal to the religious groups praying for change. Some even included a picture of Jesus beside their own picture on election posters Gibbs 1998:46. Following the election, many associated with Operation Brukim Skru were happy to see that a number of leading figures in the new government were professed Christians. In a rally at the Boroko United Church 27 July 1997, the new Prime Minister, Bill Skate, pointed out that now the Governor General, the Chief Justice and himself were "born again" Christians, and that the new speaker of the house, John Pundari, was a devout Christian SDA. The Prime minister added, "Jesus has conquered Satan here in PNG." In Mount Hagen, where Operation Brukim Skru originated, ex-university chaplain, Fr. Robert Lak, toppled former Prime Minister Paias Wingti, and Kuk Kuli was successful with the support of the Women's Aglow Movement whose members had fasted and prayed for his success. Subsequent events have dampened the initial enthusiasm. After the elections, many supporters were shocked by the way idealistic Independents allied themselves with leaders seemingly compromised by the shady deals of the previous government. The sentiments could be summed up in a letter by John Kross: Are we saying that God made a mistake? I think the big mistake lies with church leaders and the general public who swallowed everything certain people said during the last elections to promote their own political agenda Post-Courier 3.5.1999:20. Others however, like Pastor Joseph Walters, took more of a faith stance and maintained that God must have heard the prayers of Operation Brukim Skru, so Christians should not point fingers but rather uphold the government in their prayers Post-Courier 27.4.1999:2. Prime Minister Bill Skate continued to use religious language, and maintained that his becoming Prime Minister was an answer to prayer.2 Gradually, however, the public became less 157 sympathetic. When, at a village in the Central Province, he likened himself to Jesus, sleeping and eating with the poor and the sick, and being "persecuted" by the opposition, Skate was confronted days later by the headline, "PM, you're not like Christ" Post-Courier 8.3.99:4. Church Leaders in Politics John Momis is a well - respected long - standing member of parliament. As a Catholic priest he was deputy chairman of the Constitutional Planning Committee, and served several terms in parliament as a priest-politician before resigning from the active priestly ministry in the Catholic Church. Fr. John Momis had the support of his bishop, Gregory Singkai. Bishop Singkai shielded him from critics, who could not understand how Momis could "serve two masters." Critics tended to overlook the example of missionaries, like Fr. John Nilles SVD, who was an elected member of the National Assembly and the Simbu Provincial Assembly in the early 1970's. By the 1997 elections times had changed. The Catholic Bishops' Conference, supported by Rome, was taking a strong position against priests standing for election to parliament.3 In April 1996, in a letter addressed to priests, seminarians and religious, they wrote: "We bishops emphasise that we do not want any Catholic priest or seminarian or religious to become involved politically by running for office in 1997 or at any other time." Despite the prohibition, three diocesan priests stood for election and two were successful - Fr. Robert Lak and Fr. Louis Ambane. Both have been suspended from public sacramental ministry in the Catholic Church. Nevertheless, both retain their clerical title, and are still considered religious leaders. Other elected churchmen, like Pastor Jacob Wama, and evangelist Peter Lus have not encountered the same opposition from their churches. For the two Catholic clerics, getting elected to political office may have been easier than exercising it. Fr. Ambane's election was nullified by the Supreme Court in October 1998 on the grounds that the Electoral Commission had failed to provide an adequate number 158 of ballot boxes for the elections. He then doubled his votes in a by- election, only to end up fighting a court battle to regain the governor's position from Simeon Wai, the interim governor. Robert Lak's passage was even more tortuous. Having defeated strongman Paias Wingti in what was called a "David and Goliath" contest, Lak soon became embroiled in a prolonged legal battle over charges of unlawful carnal knowledge and of producing a pornographic video. The allegations attracted critics who voiced their opinions in the media, and the Secretary of the Catholic Bishops' Conference had to take a stand in Fr. Lak's defence. Fr. Henk Kronenberg, General Secretary of the Catholic Bishops' Conference wrote, "The media has put the question again, `How much longer will the Catholic Church hierarchy remain mute over the public allegations that one of its member is involved in a sex scandal.' ... If the court convicts him of this, then the bishops will certainly say something, but nobody can just go by allegations" The Independent 28.8.1998:11. One charge was eventually dismissed on technical grounds, and the other charge has been filed Post-Courier 17.6.1999:3. However, as Fr. Lak himself admits, the allegations in the so called sex tape affair have "put his credibility at stake" Post-Courier 13.7.1998:1 .4 Religious Leaders as Critics Archbishop Brian Barnes of the Catholic Church has a practice of making his Christmas and Easter messages relevant to the social and political climate in the nation.5 In his 1999 Easter message he wrote, we are living in a real world, and we can't separate the spiritual from the material and practical problems which we most certainly have e.g. church health workers going unpaid, educational institutions not supported financially, increasing crime,... refusal by our most prominent politician to undergo questioning by police goes against the principle that everyone is equal before the law' Post-Courier Supplement 1.4.1999: 25. Barnes warned that the future of Papua New Guinea as a free 159 democratic country was threatened.

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