Croatian Spring and the Yugoslav Position Between the Cold War Blocs 1965-1971
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Rural-Urban Differences and the Break-Up of Yugoslavia L’Opposition Ville-Campagne Et La Dissolution De La Yougoslavie
Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires Vol. VI, n° 1-2 | 2002 Volume VI Numéro 1-2 Rural-urban differences and the break-up of Yugoslavia L’opposition ville-campagne et la dissolution de la Yougoslavie John B. Allcock Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/447 DOI: 10.4000/balkanologie.447 ISSN: 1965-0582 Publisher Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk) Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2002 Number of pages: 101-125 ISSN: 1279-7952 Electronic reference John B. Allcock, « Rural-urban differences and the break-up of Yugoslavia », Balkanologie [Online], Vol. VI, n° 1-2 | 2002, Online since 04 February 2009, connection on 17 December 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/447 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.447 © Tous droits réservés Balkanologie VI (1-2), décembre 2002, p. 101-125 \ 101 RURAL-URBAN DIFFERENCES AND THE BREAK-UP OF YUGOSLAVIA* John B. Allcock* INTRODUCTION There has been widespread debate over the possible causes of the break up of the former Yugoslav federation, encompassing a broad choice of political, economic and cultural factors within the country, as well as aspects of its in ternational setting, which might be considered to have undermined the in tegrity of the state. Relatively little attention has been paid, however, to the importance of rural-urban differences in the development of these social and political conflicts. I set it out in this paper to remind the reader of the impor tance of this dimension of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, al though within the format of a brief article it is possible to do no more than il lustrate a hypothesis which will certainly require more rigorous empirical examination. -
The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
Memorial of the Republic of Croatia
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE CASE CONCERNING THE APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE (CROATIA v. YUGOSLAVIA) MEMORIAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA APPENDICES VOLUME 5 1 MARCH 2001 II III Contents Page Appendix 1 Chronology of Events, 1980-2000 1 Appendix 2 Video Tape Transcript 37 Appendix 3 Hate Speech: The Stimulation of Serbian Discontent and Eventual Incitement to Commit Genocide 45 Appendix 4 Testimonies of the Actors (Books and Memoirs) 73 4.1 Veljko Kadijević: “As I see the disintegration – An Army without a State” 4.2 Stipe Mesić: “How Yugoslavia was Brought Down” 4.3 Borisav Jović: “Last Days of the SFRY (Excerpts from a Diary)” Appendix 5a Serb Paramilitary Groups Active in Croatia (1991-95) 119 5b The “21st Volunteer Commando Task Force” of the “RSK Army” 129 Appendix 6 Prison Camps 141 Appendix 7 Damage to Cultural Monuments on Croatian Territory 163 Appendix 8 Personal Continuity, 1991-2001 363 IV APPENDIX 1 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS1 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CHRONOLOGY BH Bosnia and Herzegovina CSCE Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe CK SKJ Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Jugoslavije (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia) EC European Community EU European Union FRY Federal Republic of Yugoslavia HDZ Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (Croatian Democratic Union) HV Hrvatska vojska (Croatian Army) IMF International Monetary Fund JNA Jugoslavenska narodna armija (Yugoslav People’s Army) NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation -
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process. -
Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars. -
Book Reviews ∵
southeastern europe 41 (2017) 231-245 brill.com/seeu Book Reviews ∵ Josip Manolić Politika i domovina: Moja borba za suverenu i socijalnu Hrvatsku (Zagreb, Croatia: Golden Marketing, 2015) 406 pp., isbn 978-953-212-454-5. The 1990s may be receding into history, but recent events in the Balkans sometimes make it seem like the dreadful decade never ended. Throughout the former Yugoslavia, new memoirs written by major actors in the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the wars of Yugoslav succession are being published regular- ly. One of these is Politics and Homeland: My Struggle for a Sovereign and Social Croatia by Josip Manolić, the second prime minister of Croatia from August 1990 to July 1991. Manolić’s short tenure in this post belies his influence. He belongs to the old guard of the Croatian political elite, with a career going back to the Partisan movement during the Second World War, and subsequent posts in the state se- curity service (ozna/udba) and the public security service. In the mid-1960s, Manolić shifted to politics but then subsequently fell from power as one of the many casualties of the purges that followed the Croatian Spring. At the end of the 1980s, Manolić became involved in the establishment of the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, hdz). In the early 1990s, he also for a time supervised the work of the Croatian security services. Given his long and eventful life - Manolić was born in 1920 near Đurđevac – the reader of these memoirs may justifiably expect some interesting tales. There are indeed some noteworthy revelations to be found, but generally speaking this volume is a dry read that will discourage all but the keenest students of Croatian history and politics. -
Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact. -
Članci Republika Srpska Krajina and the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination*
ČLANCI PETER RADAN, PhD, Professor of Law Macquarie University, Sydney Sydney, New South Wels, 2109, Australia [email protected] UDK: 341.231 originalan naučni rad 323.1(497.5) primljeno: 17. maj 2017. prihvaćeno: 11. oktobar 2017. DOI: 10.29362/IST20VEKA.2018.1.RAD.9-34 REPUBLIKA SRPSKA KRAJINA AND THE RIGHT * OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION ABSTRACT: In Part I of this article author details the claims to inde- pendent statehood of Croatia and Krajina based upon the right of peoples to self-determination in the context of the emergence of nationalism as a powerful political force in Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. He also details the response of the international community to the crisis which these irreconcilable claims gave rise to. In Part II author explores the reasons why the secession of Croatia suc- ceeded and the secession of Krajina failed. Finally, the ramifications of Croa- tia’s and Krajina’s competing claims to statehood for the right of peoples to self-determination are discussed in the Conclusion. KEYWORDS: Republika Srpska Krajina, The break-up of Yugoslavia, War in Croatia 1991–1995, International Law, Self-determination, Secession, Inter-ethnic relations, National Minorities, Serbs in Croatia, Nationalism Introduction On 9 November 1989 the Berlin Wall came down. More than any other, this event of that tumultuous year symbolised the end of the Cold War and ush- ered in what Allen Buchanan has called ‘the age of secession’.1 The usual justi- fication for secessionist demands was the right of peoples to self-determination. One of the means by which this right is realised is by ‘the establishment of a sovereign and independent state’.2 The critical question for self-determination relates to the meaning of ‘peoples’. -
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe. -
Konferansen for Sikkerhet Og Samarbeid I Europa Og Britisk Politikk
Konferansen for Sikkerhet og Samarbeid i Europa og britisk politikk. - Status quo eller forandring? Eirik Løkke Masteroppgave Historisk institutt Universitetet i Bergen November 2010 Forord History will be kind to me because I intend to write it. Winston Churchill Utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre uttalte til Aftenposten i august 2009 at Storbritannia var et forbilde. Ikke først og fremst på grunn av politikken, men for deres evne til systematisk å velge ut hva som er viktig. Det er en betraktning jeg etter en måned på Public Records Office i Kew, London, må si meg helt enig i. Den vennlighet og service som de ansatte ved statsarkivene viste meg er jeg evig takknemlig for. Når denne oppgave nå ferdigstilles er det mange som fortjener en takk. Noen mer enn andre. Knut Tornes, Sjur Haga Bringeland og Ola Roth Johnsen fortjener alle en stor takk for verdifull korrekturlesning. Jeg vil særlig få trekke frem multitalentet Gard Vaaler, hvis språkkyndighet, datakompetanse og generell kunnskap har bidratt til at denne oppgave er betydelig bedre enn hva den ellers ville ha vært. Sist, men ikke minst, vil jeg få trekke frem min veileder, Astrid Forland, som til tross for at jeg altfor ofte ikke rakk mine egne tidsfrister utviste stor tålmodighet. Til tross for alle disse verdifulle innspill, bidrag og faglige råd er naturligvis de mangler som fremdeles gjenstår fullt og helt mine egne. Eirik Løkke Bergen 22. November 2010 Summary The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), with its Final Act in Helsinki in August 1975 also comprising the non-aligned and neutral states in Europe, led to rapprochement between East and West.