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Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth

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Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth APRIL 2018 ISSUE NO. 238 Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth HARSH V PANT AKSHAY RANADE ABSTRACT In an apparent turnaround for Indian foreign policy, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in London in April underscores a change of approach towards a forum generally considered as a non-entity in Indian strategic circles. As a rising power, India is looking at engaging in avenues where its status is recognised, especially during this period of unprecedented global structural changes. This brief examines the possible ways through which India can nurture a productive partnership with the Commonwealth. INTRODUCTION Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to Modi’s predecessor, Manmohan Singh, attend the Commonwealth Heads of decided to absent himself from the 2011 Government Meeting (CHOGM) in London in CHOGM summit in Australia, and the 2013 April, after giving the last summit at Malta in one in Sri Lanka. Modi’s decision to attend 2015 a miss, signals a change of approach CHOGM 2018 against the backdrop of India’s towards a forum generally considered as a historical lack of interest in the organisation, non-entity in Indian strategic circles. Even has sent reassuring signals especially in Observer Research Foundation (ORF) is a public policy think-tank that aims to influence the formulation of policies for building a strong and prosperous India. ORF pursues these goals by providing informed analyses and in-depth research, and organising events that serve as platforms for stimulating and productive discussions. © 2018 Observer Research Foundation. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, archived, retained or transmitted through print, speech or electronic media without prior written approval from ORF. Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth London. It is being interpreted as a sign of Commonwealth of Nations (or simply, India’s willingness to engage constructively ‘Commonwealth’) provides India with a with the organisation at a time when it is platform to engage with a wide array of states struggling with the very question of its across the world with similar political cultures. relevance. This may be surprising to some, as As India grows to a US$10-trillion economy by Modi has shown little interest in similar fora 2030, it needs its own arenas and platforms, and has endeavoured to take Indian strategic especially ones where China is not a member. thinking beyond such seemingly archaic Modi’s renewed look at the Commonwealth platforms.1 Modi’s willingness to attend the may well be an indication that New Delhi is summit has therefore raised the pertinent eyeing the organisation as a prospective forum question of whether India is reconsidering its for its power projection. To actualise this, orientation towards the Commonwealth. however, New Delhi will have to invest diplomatic capital to remould the platform CHOGM 2018 comes at a time when according to its own strategic needs. Modi’s Britain is facing uncertainty following Brexit, London visit, in this context, could be and there is renewed interest in the considered as a step in that direction. Commonwealth as the country prepares to separate from the European Union. The This brief examines the possible ways government of Theresa May is making an through which India can engage with the effort to reconnect with its historical partners Commonwealth to have a productive in the Commonwealth and the Anglosphere at partnership. It first gives a historical overview a time when its traditional partners in Europe of India’s association with the Commonwealth, are renegotiating their terms of engagement then proceeds to discuss the issues that will be with the United Kingdom. Today, as Britain key for India to reap substantial tangible searches for a new global identity in the outcomes as it reimagines the future of the aftermath of Brexit, there are those who Commonwealth and the countr y ’s believe that the Commonwealth—where one- engagement with it. third of the world’s population in English- speaking democracies reside, spanning HISTORICAL OVERVIEW multiple ethnic and religious faultlines—can emerge as a significant international India is one of the founding members of the platform. India, one of the most important modern Commonwealth. This may be an irony, amongst the world’s emerging powers, should given the Commonwealth’s colonial roots and take the lead in reimagining the future of the independent India’s firm anti-imperial Commonwealth. convictions. Prominent Indian nationalist leaders, including Jawaharlal Nehru, firmly As a rising power, India too is looking at rejected any idea of India joining the British those avenues where its status as an emerging Commonwealth after independence. At the power is recognised during this period of Lahore session of the Indian National Congress unprecedented global structural changes and in 1940, Nehru said, “India could never be an shifts in balance-of-power equations. The equal member of the Commonwealth unless 2 ORF ISSUE BRIEF No. 238 l APRIL 2018 Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth imperialism and all that it implies is The London Declaration incorporated discarded.”2 He said he did not “believe in India’s concerns which Nehru had advocated reforming imperialism by entering into a before India decided to be a part of the partnership with (it).”3 Yet, India decided to Commonwealth. Prominent among them was remain a part of the Commonwealth, and India’s rejection of an idea of a two-tier historians underline the role of Nehru as the membership and identifying the British prime factor in shaping India’s decision to be monarch only as the symbol of the “free associated with its modern avatar.4 There are a association of Commonwealth countries”. few who consider Nehru’s decision to join the Further, the name “British Commonwealth” Commonwealth as being driven by his own was dropped and the group adopted idealist and internationalist ideological “Commonwealth of Nations” as its new name. inclinations; others believe that Nehru had It emphasised the fact that the members of the more pragmatic political objectives. One of the Commonwealth remained “united” and that prominent considerations in joining the they were “free and equal” and “freely Commonwealth was that it offered a platform cooperating” in pursuit of their common where India could connect with other erstwhile objectives. Only after Indian sensitivities were colonies, allowing New Delhi to continue to taken into account did India become a member raise its concerns regarding imperialism and of the Commonwealth. The London racism. Nehru himself underscored this during Declaration was thus considered a diplomatic the Constituent Assembly debates when he win for India as it set a precedent in terms of suggested that “we join the Commonwealth India being a Republic and yet continuing to be obviously because we think it is beneficial to us a member of the Commonwealth as a free and and to certain causes in the world that we wish equal country.7 India’s interest in the to advance.”5 Others have argued that Commonwealth was sustained throughout the continuing to be with the Commonwealth was Nehru years; the prime minister attended a political strategy which New Delhi adopted to every single meeting of the grouping during counter the Pakistani influence in the elite his term. After Nehru, however, India’s club. Muhammed Ali Jinnah, since Pakistan’s interest in the organisation began to recede. nascent stage, had maintained that his country Consequently, after the London Declaration, will be a part of the Commonwealth. India’s India had little impact on other major refusal to be a part of it would have meant the Commonwealth milestones— such as the likelihood of an “anti-India” Commonwealth creation of the Secretariat in 1965, the that will continue to provide military Singapore Declaration of 1971, the Harare assistance to Pakistan.6 While the Indian Declaration of 1991, and the setting up of the rationale for joining the Commonwealth can be Ministerial Action Group in 1995. India hardly debated extensively, India was indeed able to showed any interest in the group, underscored i n f l ue nce t h e p ro ce e d i n g s o f t h e by the noticeable absence of its prime Commonwealth during its early years. ministers in official meetings.8 Illustrative of this was the London Declaration of 1949 which in effect created the modern Despite being a founding member of the Commonwealth. organisation, it would take India almost six ORF ISSUE BRIEF No. 238 l APRIL 2018 3 Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth decades before taking the position of been a noticeable apathy in Indian outlook Secretary General in 2008. India hosted the towards an organisation which many believe Commonwealth Summit only once in 1983. has been incapable of delivering the required India’s presence in the organisation was thus results to inspire Indian interest. Modi’s only a little more than token. India had little decision to attend the summit may well signal operational visibility in the Commonwealth, a change of Indian attitude towards a relatively except occasionally when it would use the large forum. With attempts being made at forum to raise concerns regarding racism dec entr alising the Commonwealth structure and human rights violations. Even by delegating the operational aspects of the Commonwealth as an organisation did not organisation to different member states, there
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