Round up Reply by Minister for Defence Teo Chee Hean in Parliament
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200708 BT Ge2020 in Numbers
BT Infographics GE2020 Election by the numbers Social media platforms have been abuzz with virtual campaigning efforts as polling day draws close, taking the place of physical rallies that were among highlights of past elections in pre-pandemic times. With political parties pushed into the digital age, The Business Times looks at how the GE2020 has unfolded in cyberspace. BY CLAUDIA TAN & NATALIE CHOY VOTERS 93 2,653,942 SEATS CONTESTED 0.5% 0.5% CONSTITUENCIES PPP Independent FOLLOWER GROWTH Number of Facebook followers gained per day Largest GRC Smallest SMC 2.6% Ang Mo Kio Potong Pasir 2.6% SDA 185,465 electors 19,740 electors 2.6% RDU People’s Action Party SPP Average growth rate: 2.3% 3.1% 1,332 RP 1,347 338 338 653 5.2% 516 NSP July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 Workers’ Party GRCs: 17 SMCs: 14 5.2% Average growth rate: 9.5% New: Sengkang New: Kebun Baru, Yio Chu Kang, PV Marymount, Punggol West 2,699 2,098 2,421 1,474 1,271 1,336 July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 5.7% 40 74 118 152 48.4% Female New 192PSP Male SHARE-OF-VOICE SDP Candidates PAP Progress Singapore Party Based on content generated by political Average growth rate: 22.4% parties on digital media platforms 1,539 1,539 1,119 0.19% 2.29% 932 836 776 People’s Power Party Singapore Democratic 10.9% July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 1.72% Alliance WP Peoples Voice Singapore Democratic Party 1.48% 1.60% Average growth rate: 5.6% Reform Party Singapore People’s Party 813 1.46% 498 558 565 503 540 National Solidarity Party 12.5% 0.67% PSP July 1 July 2 -
Using Newspaper Reports to Glean Insight Into Current Affairs. a Case Study : the Singapore Parliamentary and Presidential Elections
Using newspaper reports to glean insight into current affairs. A Case study : The Singapore Parliamentary and Presidential Elections. NewspaperSG • Online archives of Singapore newspapers • 1831 – 2009 • URL: newspapers.nl.sg Elections in 2011 • Parliamentary Elections : 7 May 2011 • Presidential Elections : 27 August 2011 Singapore’s politics • 10 Parliamentary Elections between 1968 – 2006 • People’s Action Party (PAP) won all seats in 1968, 1972, 1976, 1980. • Opposition won 2 seats in 1984; 1 in 1988; 4 in 1991; 2 in 1997; 2 in 2001; and 2 in 2006. • 2011 : PAP lost 6 seats and garnered only 60.14% (lowest ever) of total votes casted. Presidential Elections • 1993 : Ong Teng Cheong elected • 1999 & 2005 : S R Nathan (uncontested) • 2011 candidates: – Tan Cheng Bock, Tan Jee Say, Tan Kheng Yam & Tan Kin Lian • Singaporeans politically apathetic? • Only concern about economic well-being and material wealth? • “stifling environment” • traditional media bias towards ruling party • Internet (political sites) & new media NewspaperSG usage stats in 2011 Month Unique visitors Number of visits Pages Jan 2011 35285 65453 395319 Feb 2011 36412 64109 376205 Mar 2011 49841 90780 473786 Apr 2011 42936 76677 412861 May 2011 66527 116862 611861 Jun 2011 47421 85069 522151 Jul 2011 48929 90345 517565 Aug 2011 51222 94665 523321 Sep 2011 49802 93781 509233 Oct 2011 48486 94649 506465 Nov 2011 46601 105525 495306 Dec 2011 43821 107918 490345 Total 567283 1085833 5836418 Most viewed articles in May 2011 Most viewed articles in August 2011 Top keyword -
Competing Narratives and Discourses of the Rule of Law in Singapore
Singapore Journal of Legal Studies [2012] 298–330 SHALL THE TWAIN NEVER MEET? COMPETING NARRATIVES AND DISCOURSES OF THE RULE OF LAW IN SINGAPORE Jack Tsen-Ta Lee∗ This article aims to assess the role played by the rule of law in discourse by critics of the Singapore Government’s policies and in the Government’s responses to such criticisms. It argues that in the past the two narratives clashed over conceptions of the rule of law, but there is now evidence of convergence of thinking as regards the need to protect human rights, though not necessarily as to how the balance between rights and other public interests should be struck. The article also examines why the rule of law must be regarded as a constitutional doctrine in Singapore, the legal implications of this fact, and how useful the doctrine is in fostering greater solicitude for human rights. Singapore is lauded for having a legal system that is, on the whole, regarded as one of the best in the world,1 and yet the Government is often vilified for breaching human rights and the rule of law. This is not a paradox—the nation ranks highly in surveys examining the effectiveness of its legal system in the context of economic compet- itiveness, but tends to score less well when it comes to protection of fundamental ∗ Assistant Professor of Law, School of Law, Singapore Management University. I wish to thank Sui Yi Siong for his able research assistance. 1 See e.g., Lydia Lim, “S’pore Submits Human Rights Report to UN” The Straits Times (26 February 2011): On economic, social and cultural rights, the report [by the Government for Singapore’s Universal Periodic Review] lays out Singapore’s approach and achievements, and cites glowing reviews by leading global bodies. -
1 Response by Mr Lim Hng Kiang, Minister for Trade
RESPONSE BY MR LIM HNG KIANG, MINISTER FOR TRADE AND INDUSTRY DURING THE COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY DEBATE Let me take Mr Steve Chia’s question. I think, first, he must understand how to interpret statistics. When the statistics shows that the income has risen, it does not mean that there could not be 3 per cent people who are unemployed and therefore, the income has dropped. This is the per capita GNI, gross national income, which looks at the average numbers. 2 PM, in his speech on 19 Jan 2005, mentioned that the overall per capita income had increased since 1998 and I think, indeed, it had increased because the per capita income is a widely-used benchmark in international comparison. So, we are using internationally accepted statistics and the method of measuring statistics. The per capita income is obtained by dividing the gross national income (GNI) by the population and therefore, the gross national income which is the income receivable by all residents of the economy would include both Singaporeans and foreigners. 3 Mr Steve Chia claimed that this would distort the numbers because it would include the high-earning expatriates. I think he would realize that the number of expatriates and people with employment pass were in fact a smaller percentage compared with the larger pool of other types of foreign workers. So if anything, the foreigner element of the calculation in Singapore’s context would tend to drag the number down. Even if we excluded foreigners, the latest statistics showed that the average income of Singaporeans in 2004 is 10.1 per cent higher than in 1998; compared to 10 years ago, the average income of Singaporeans had increased by 25.1 per cent. -
Exclusive Frontline Interview with Dr Tan Cheng Bock
1 9 ............................. President’s Forum VOLUME 38 NO.7 J U LY 2 0 0 6 11 ........................... News from SMA Council MICA (P) 180/02/2006 13 ........................... Medical Tourism/Medical Travel (Part 2) 17 ........................... The Hobbit Speaks on Subutex 19 ........................... Tips for Creating Your Website 24 ........................... What’s Up Doc - Dr Allen Yeoh SMANEWS Exclusive Frontline Interview EDITORIAL BOARD with Dr Tan Cheng Bock Editor By Dr Toh Han Chong and Dr Tan Wu Meng Dr Toh Han Chong Deputy Editor Dr Daniel Fung Members Prof Chee Yam Cheng Dr Lee Chung Horn Dr Jeremy Lim Dr Terence Lim Dr Oh Jen Jen Dr Tan Poh Kiang Dr Tan Wu Meng Dr Teo Eng Swee Cuthbert Ex-Officio Dr Wong Chiang Yin Dr Raymond Chua Chief Administrator Ms Chua Gek Eng Editorial Manager Ms Krysania Tan Editorial Executive Ms Adeline Chua r Tan Cheng Bock obtained his medical a board member of the Land Transport Authority till degree from the then University of Singapore September 2005. The views and opinions in 1968 and went on to become a medical Besides politics, Dr Tan is also active in the expressed in all the articles D are those of the authors. practitioner. He joined the political scene in 1980 as a corporate sector, chairing Chuan Hup Holdings These are not the views Member of Parliament (MP) and has served the Ayer Limited and Dredging International Asia Pacific. of the Editorial Board nor the SMA Council unless Rajah Constituency for 25 years. In the 2001 general Though Dr Tan has since retired from the political specifically stated so in elections, Dr Tan topped the polls with a 88% win. -
Speech by Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong at the Singapore
SPEECH BY SENIOR MINISTER GOH CHOK TONG AT THE SINGAPORE SCOUT ASSOCIATION’S 100t h YEAR ANNIVERSARY DINNER AT SUNTEC INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION CENTRE ON SATURDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2010, AT 7.30 PM Introduction 1. First, let me congratulate the Singapore Scout Association on the 100th anniversary of scouting in Singapore. This is a worthy milestone to celebrate, especially as Singapore is such a young nation. 2. Scouting was first introduced to Singapore in 1908, but only officially inaugurated two years later. Under the guidance of Scoutmaster Frank Cooper Sands who was also known as the “Father of Malayan Scouting”, the scout movement grew rapidly. From only 20 scouts 100 years ago, it has 11,000 members today, 9,000 of whom are students. Value of uniformed groups 3. Still, in my view, this is not a large number, given our current eligible student population of over 400,000. But we should not judge the impact of the scout movement by numbers but rather by the values it imparts and the leaders it has thrown up. An eminent example was the late Dr Ee Peng Liang, a former president of the Singapore Scout Association. He headed the Community Chest for many years and was known as Mr Compassion. It is also not surprising that many former scouts have held or are holding senior positions in the government and private sector. Tommy Koh and Tan Cheng Bock, both of whom are here tonight, come to mind. And it cannot just be a coincidence when both former Prime Ministers, and the present one, were all scouts. -
IPS FORUM – RESERVED PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Mr K
1 IPS FORUM – RESERVED PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Mr K. Shanmugam Minister for Home Affairs and Minister for Law 8 September 2017 2 OVERVIEW 1. Role of the President 2. 2016 Amendments • Eligibility Criteria • Reserved Elections 3 (1) ROLE OF THE PRESIDENT 4 ROLE OF THE PRESIDENT From 1965 From 1991 Symbolic Role Additional Custodial Role in 2 specific areas Past Key Reserves Appointments • Head of State • Unifying figure • Ceremonial duties • Traditional Westminster functions Safeguarding the Protecting the Past Reserves integrity of the Public Service 5 SYMBOLIC ROLE 6 SYMBOLIC ROLE “[The Yang di-Pertuan Negara] is not a powerful man with power of life and death over us. His role is that of constitutional Head of the State of Singapore. He is the personification of the State of which you and I are members. … Source: National Gallery He symbolises all of us. To him devotion and loyalty are due.” – Then PM Lee Kuan Yew, 3 Dec 1959, Inauguration of President Yusof Bin Ishak 7 SYMBOLIC ROLE • Our position follows the UK – • Monarch plays important role symbolizing national identity & unity • British constitutional expert, Vernon Bogdanor: “… First, there are constitutional functions, primarily formal or residual, such as appointing a Prime Minister and dissolving the legislature. Second, there are various ceremonial duties. Third, and perhaps most important, is the symbolic function, by means of which the head of state represents and symbolises not just the state but the nation. It is this last role that is the crucial one...” 8 SYMBOLIC ROLE • Hallmark of Presidential office from its inception • Prior Convention – to rotate among ethnic groups “[The] convention of rotating the Presidency among the races was important to remind Singaporeans that their country was multi-racial. -
GE2020 Results
Five-member GRCs Aljunied Ang Mo Kio East Coast Electors: 150,821; Electors: 185,261; Electors: 121,644; total votes cast: 151,007; rejected votes: 5,009 total votes cast: 178,039; rejected votes: 5,009 total votes cast: 115,630; rejected votes: 1,393 59.93% 40.07% 71.91% 28.09% 53.41% 46.59% (85,603 votes) (57,244 votes) (124,430 votes) (48,600 votes) (61,009 votes) (53,228 votes) WORKERS’ PEOPLE’S PEOPLE’S REFORM PEOPLE’S WORKERS’ PARTY ACTION PARTY ACTION PARTY PARTY ACTION PARTY PARTY Pritam Singh Alex Yeo Lee Hsien Loong Kenneth Jeyaretnam Heng Swee Keat Abdul Shariff Sylvia Lim Chan Hui Yuh Darryl David Andy Zhu Cheryl Chan Dylan Ng Gerald Giam Chua Eng Leong Gan Thiam Poh Charles Yeo Jessica Tan Kenneth Foo Leon Perera Shamsul Kamar Nadia Ahmad Samdin Darren Soh Maliki Osman Nicole Seah Faisal Manap Victor Lye Ng Ling Ling Noraini Yunus Tan Kiat How Terence Tan 2015 winner: Workers’ Party (50.95%) 2015 winner: People’s Action Party (78.63%) 2015 winner: People’s Action Party (60.73%) Jurong Marine Parade Nee Soon Electors: 131,058; Electors: 139,622; Electors: 146,902; total votes cast: 125,400; rejected votes: 2,517 total votes cast: 131,630; rejected votes:1,787 total votes cast: 139,289; rejected votes: 2,199 74.62% 25.38% 57.76% 42.24% 61.90% 38.10% (91,692 votes) (31,191 votes) (74,993 votes) (54,850 votes) (86,219 votes) (53,070 votes) PEOPLE’S RED DOT PEOPLE’S WORKERS’ PEOPLE’S PROGRESS ACTION PARTY UNITED ACTION PARTY PARTY ACTION PARTY SINGAPORE PARTY Tharman Shanmugaratnam Alec Tok Tan Chuan-Jin Fadli Fawzi K Shanmugam -
9789814794282
10.8mm Mano Sabnani Marbles, Mayhem andFor Review only My Typewriter In a world where so many people believe that they cannot go far because they were Marbles, Mayhem Marbles, not born gifted or with a silver spoon, Mano Sabnani’s story offers profound Mayhem inspiration – showing how an ordinary man can achieve extraordinary things by following a very simple and ethical and set of principles. My From greenhorn journalist to Editor of the Business Times, Managing Editor of the Straits Times, CEO/Editor-in-Chief Typewriter of TODAY, and Managing Director at DBS, Mano witnessed and the transformation of Singapore since independence and the painful trade-offs that had to be made as it achieved its My Typewriter phenomenal economic success. In Marbles, Mayhem and My Typewriter, Mano relates the story of his life, career and family, from an idyllic boyhood in Joo Chiat through to National Service, university days, a shoestring trek through Asia and Europe, marriage and fatherhood, to his role as an “activist investor” speaking up on behalf of ordinary shareholders. Along the way, Mano offers unique stories and special insight into a myriad of topics: friendship, leadership, values, the Marshall Cavendish existence of God, the role of man in nature – and life itself. BIOGRAPHY Editions ISBN-978-981-4794-28-2 The Unfadable Life of an Ordinary Man ,!7IJ8B4-hjecic! Mano Sabnani For Review only “Mano was a hitchhiker when Singaporean youths compared unfa- vourably with their Malaysian peers in the adventure sphere. He was a university publication editor when campus life was much more robust than now. -
The People's Action Party and the Singapore Presidency in 2017 : Understanding the Contradictions Between State Discourse and State Practice
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. The People's Action Party and the Singapore presidency in 2017 : understanding the contradictions between state discourse and state practice Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman; Waikar, Prashant 2019 Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, & Waikar, P. (2019). The People's Action Party and the Singapore presidency in 2017 : understanding the contradictions between state discourse and state practice. Asian Survey, 59(2), 382‑405. doi:10.1525/AS.2019.59.2.382 https://hdl.handle.net/10356/142254 https://doi.org/10.1525/AS.2019.59.2.382 Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, & Waikar, P. 2019. The People's Action Party and the Singapore presidency in 2017 : understanding the contradictions between state discourse and state practice. Asian Survey, 59(2), 382‑405. https://doi.org/10.1525/AS.2019.59.2.382 © 2019 by the Regents of the University of California/Sponsoring Society or Association. Downloaded on 26 Sep 2021 20:56:15 SGT MOHAMED NAWAB MOHAMED OSMAN AND PRASHANT WAIKAR The People’s Action Party and the Singapore Presidency in 2017 Understanding the Contradictions between State Discourse and State Practice Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/as/article-pdf/59/2/382/79470/as_2019_59_2_382.pdf by guest on 17 June 2020 ABSTRACT While the Singapore government has sought to construct the elected presidency as an institution critical to Singapore’s political system, the result in fact forces the insti- tution to contradict itself. This paradox has important implications for politics in a post–Lee Hsien Loong Singapore. KEYWORDS: People’s Action Party, Singapore presidential election 2017, state praxes, state discourse, post-Lee Singapore INTRODUCTION In September 2017, Singapore elected Halimah Yacob as the country’s first- ever female president. -
Singapore in 2002: Economic Lassitude and Threats to Security
SINGAPORE IN 2002 Economic Lassitude and Threats to Security William Case Abstract During 2002, Singapore’s government attempted to stimulate political life by encouraging debate among its backbenchers in parliament. It took steps also to revive economic competitiveness, adjusting tax incentives and targeting new industries. And it tried to perpetuate security, setting up a range of new agencies through which to deal with terrorist threats. Politics In Singapore’s last general election, held in 2001, the People’s Action Party (PAP) government strengthened its hold over parlia- ment, winning 82 of 84 seats. It thereby countered the opposition’s once- potent strategy of contesting in less than a majority of constituencies in hopes of maximizing protest votes, while acquiescing in the PAP’s return to office. Throughout 2002, then, the government, its mandate refreshed, met with few political challenges. To the contrary, it was left to deal with its perennial dilemma over how to fabricate some challenging discussion in parliament. Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong thus proposed in March that a People’s Ac- tion Forum of some 20 PAP backbenchers be formed to act as in-house crit- ics,1 providing some semblance of the opposition that parliament cannot. Though this proposal was eventually shelved, constraints were still loosened on parliamentary debate, except over constitutional, budgetary, and security matters. William Case is Senior Lecturer in the School of International Busi- ness and Asian Studies, Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia. Asian Survey , 43:1, pp. 167–173. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2003 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. -
This Is a Pre-Print of Walid Jumblatt Abdullah (2020) “'New Normal' No
This is a pre-print of Walid Jumblatt Abdullah (2020) “‘New normal’ no more: democratic backsliding in Singapore after 2015,” Democratization. “New Normal” No More: Democratic Backsliding in Singapore After 2015 Introduction “Is there evidence of a global democratic recession? The answer is unfortunately, yes.”1 The ominous warning has spurred a significant volume of scholarship investigating democratic backsliding.2 Yet, within the field of Comparative Politics, scholars have almost exclusively focused on backsliding in democracies. Scant attention has been paid to democratic backsliding in hybrid regimes. If hybrid regimes are not static, but can move forward or backwards along the spectrum of autocracy and liberalization, then it is crucial to investigate democratic backsliding in hybrid regimes as much as their trajectories towards liberalization. Democratic backsliding in hybrid regimes, which can be defined as an extension of executive powers – formal or informal – and the constricting of political space for non-state actors, whether members of the opposition or civil society, needs to be interrogated, and its causes, understood.3 This article investigates the competitive authoritarian regime of Singapore and the quality of democracy in the city-state since the year 2011. 2011 is chosen as a starting point because it was the year in which the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) suffered its worst ever electoral performance, and subsequently, adopted a softer tone and promised an expansion of the political space. Many analysts expected the PAP to pursue a continued path of liberalization after 2011. Yet, after the subsequent GE in 2015, in which the PAP attained a much higher share of the votes in a resounding victory, there is an apparent democratic backsliding.