Teaching Borders: a Model Arising from Israeli Geography Education”
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A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution ................................................................................. -
B'tselem Report: Dispossession & Exploitation: Israel's Policy in the Jordan Valley & Northern Dead Sea, May
Dispossession & Exploitation Israel's policy in the Jordan Valley & northern Dead Sea May 2011 Researched and written by Eyal Hareuveni Edited by Yael Stein Data coordination by Atef Abu a-Rub, Wassim Ghantous, Tamar Gonen, Iyad Hadad, Kareem Jubran, Noam Raz Geographic data processing by Shai Efrati B'Tselem thanks Salwa Alinat, Kav LaOved’s former coordinator of Palestinian fieldworkers in the settlements, Daphna Banai, of Machsom Watch, Hagit Ofran, Peace Now’s Settlements Watch coordinator, Dror Etkes, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz and Nir Shalev, of Bimkom. 2 Table of contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: Statistics........................................................................................................ 8 Land area and borders of the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea area....................... 8 Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley .................................................................... 9 Settlements and the settler population........................................................................... 10 Land area of the settlements .......................................................................................... 13 Chapter Two: Taking control of land................................................................................ 15 Theft of private Palestinian land and transfer to settlements......................................... 15 Seizure of land for “military needs”............................................................................. -
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmuel Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmu'el Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv Open Source Center OSC Summary: A self-published book by Israeli playwright Shmu'el Hasfari and political activist Eldad Yaniv entitled "The National Left (First Draft)" bemoans the death of Israel's political left. http://www.fas.org/irp/dni/osc/israel-left.pdf Statement by the Authors The contents of this publication are the responsibility of the authors, who also personally bore the modest printing costs. Any part of the material in this book may be photocopied and recorded. It is recommended that it should be kept in a data-storage system, transmitted, or recorded in any form or by any electronic, optical, mechanical means, or otherwise. Any form of commercial use of the material in this book is permitted without the explicit written permission of the authors. 1. The Left The Left died the day the Six-Day War ended. With the dawn of the Israeli empire, the Left's sun sank and the Small [pun on Smol, the Hebrew word for Left] was born. The Small is a mark of Cain, a disparaging term for a collaborator, a lover of Arabs, a hater of Israel, a Jew who turns against his own people, not a patriot. The Small-ists eat pork on Yom Kippur, gobble shrimps during the week, drink espresso whenever possible, and are homos, kapos, artsy-fartsy snobs, and what not. Until 1967, the Left actually managed some impressive deeds -- it took control of the land, ploughed, sowed, harvested, founded the state, built the army, built its industry from scratch, fought Arabs, settled the land, built the nuclear reactor, brought millions of Jews here and absorbed them, and set up kibbutzim, moshavim, and agriculture. -
Global Expert Mission Israel Precision Medicine 2020
Connecting for Positive Change _ ktn-uk.org/Global Global Expert Mission Israel Precision Medicine 2020 Contact Dr Sandeep Sandhu Knowledge Transfer Manager – International & Development [email protected] ISRAEL PRECISION MEDICINE 2020 Contents Welcome 5 1 Introduction 6 1.1 Start-Up Nation and Current Support of Innovation in Israel 6 1.1.1 Who Funds Innovation in Israel? 6 1.1.2 Who Approves New Medicines and Technologies in Israel? 7 1.1.3 Who Provides Healthcare and Health Insurance in Israel? 7 1.2 A Culture of Entrepreneurship 8 1.3 A Network of Support 8 1.4 Academic Foundations 8 1.5 The Geography of Innovation 9 1.6 The Challenge of Translation 9 1.7 Precision Medicine in Israel 9 1.7.1 Drug Discovery and Precision Medicine 10 1.7.2 Clinical Trials and Precision Medicine 10 1.7.3 Key Policies and Mechanisms Supporting Precision Medicine 11 2 Current Collaborations and Synergies 12 2.1 Existing Mechanisms for Collaboration Between the UK and Israel 12 2.1.1 UK Science and Innovation Network in Israel 12 2.1.2 UK-Israel Tech Hub 12 2.1.3 UK-Israel Science Council 12 2.1.4 Britain Israel Research and Academic Exchange Partnership (BIRAX) 12 2.1.5 UK-Israel Memorandum of Understanding in Innovation 13 2.1.6 UK-Israel Memorandum of Understanding in Bilateral Science and Technology 13 2.2 Synergistic Themes 13 2.2.1 Data - UK Biobank, NHS and Israeli Medical Records 13 2.2.2 The Concept of Bio-Convergence 14 3 Fertile Areas for Inspiration and Collaboration 16 3.1 Working with our Similarities 16 3.1.1 The UK-Israel Academic -
Margalit Halbertal Liberalism and the Right to Culture.Pdf
Liberalism and the Right to Culture Authors(s): AVISHAI MARGALIT and MOSHE HALBERTAL Source: Social Research, Vol. 61, No. 3, Liberalism (FALL 1994), pp. 491-510 Published by: The New School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045 Accessed: 24-03-2016 19:06 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.74.76 on Thu, 24 Mar 2016 19:06:54 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Liberalism and the Right to BY AVISHAI MARGALIT Culture /. AND MOSHE HALBERTAL Setting Up the Problem JlTuman beings have a right to culture- not just any culture, but their own. The right to culture has far-reaching implications for the liberal conception of the state. A culture essentially requires a group, and the right to culture may involve giving groups a status that contradicts the status of the individual in a liberal state. -
Uti Possidetis Juris, and the Borders of Israel
PALESTINE, UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS, AND THE BORDERS OF ISRAEL Abraham Bell* & Eugene Kontorovich** Israel’s borders and territorial scope are a source of seemingly endless debate. Remarkably, despite the intensity of the debates, little attention has been paid to the relevance of the doctrine of uti possidetis juris to resolving legal aspects of the border dispute. Uti possidetis juris is widely acknowledged as the doctrine of customary international law that is central to determining territorial sovereignty in the era of decolonization. The doctrine provides that emerging states presumptively inherit their pre-independence administrative boundaries. Applied to the case of Israel, uti possidetis juris would dictate that Israel inherit the boundaries of the Mandate of Palestine as they existed in May, 1948. The doctrine would thus support Israeli claims to any or all of the currently hotly disputed areas of Jerusalem (including East Jerusalem), the West Bank, and even potentially the Gaza Strip (though not the Golan Heights). TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 634 I. THE DOCTRINE OF UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS ........................................................... 640 A. Development of the Doctrine ..................................................................... 640 B. Applying the Doctrine ................................................................................ 644 II. UTI POSSIDETIS JURIS AND MANDATORY BORDERS ........................................ -
The Apartheid Smear Israel Is Not an Apartheid State the Allegation Damages the Peace Process
The ApArTheid SmeAr Israel is not an apartheid state The allegation damages the peace process Professor Alan Johnson BRITAIN ISRAEL COMMUNICATIONS & RESEARCH CENTRE 2 The Apartheid Smear As a movement we recognise the legitimacy of Palestinian nationalism just as we recognise the legitimacy of Zionism as a Jewish nationalism. We insist on the right of the state of Israel to exist within secure borders, but with equal vigour support the Palestinian right to national self-determination. We are gratified to see that new possibilities of resolving the issue through negotiation have arisen since the election of a new government in Israel. We would wish to encourage that process, and if we have the opportunity, to assist.1 Nelson mandela, 1993 The whole world must see that Israel must exist and has the right to exist, and is one of the great outposts of democracy in the world … Peace for Israel means security and that security must be a reality.2 martin Luther King Jr, 1967 The charge that Israel is an apartheid state is a false and malicious one that precludes, rather than promotes, peace and harmony.3 Judge richard J. Goldstone (former Justice of the South African Constitutional Court, who led the United Nations 2008-9 fact-finding mission on the Gaza conflict), 2011 If Israel were an apartheid state, I, for example, would not be allowed to work for a Jewish newspaper or live in a Jewish neighbourhood or own a home. The real apartheid is in Lebanon, where there is a law that bans Palestinians from working in over 50 professions. -
The Impact of Scarce Water Resources on the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Volume 32 Issue 4 Fall 1992 Winter 1992 The Impact of Scarce Water Resources on the Arab-Israeli Conflict Aaron Wolf John Ross Recommended Citation Aaron Wolf & John Ross, The Impact of Scarce Water Resources on the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 32 Nat. Resources J. 919 (1992). Available at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nrj/vol32/iss4/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Natural Resources Journal by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. AARON WOLF and JOHN ROSS* The Impact of Scarce Water Resources on the Arab-Israeli Conflict ABSTRACT The Jordan River watershed is included within the borders of countries and territorieseach of whose water consumption is cur- rently approachingor surpassingannual recharge. The region is als6 particularly volatile politically, with five Arab-Israeli wars since 1948, and many tenacious issues yet unresolved. This paper suggests that scarce water resources are actually inextricably related to regional conflict, having led historically to intense, and sometimes armed, competition, but also to occasional instances of cooperation between otherwise hostile players. The focus on water as a strategic resource has particularrelevance to policy options given,for example, Israel's reliance on the West Bank for a share of its water resources, and the water needs of at least one impending wave of immigration to the region. Included in the paper are sections describing the natural hydrography and water consumption patterns of the region, a brief history of political events affected by 'hydro-strategic'considerations, and a survey of some resource strategy alternativesfor the future. -
Peace in Israel and Palestine: Moving from Conversation to Implementation of a Two-State Solution
PEACE IN ISRAEL AND PALESTINE: MOVING FROM CONVERSATION TO IMPLEMENTATION OF A TWO-STATE SOLUTION Kenneth L. Lewis, Jr.* I. INTRODUCTION .......................................... 253 R II. PALESTINE IS A STATE EVEN IF THE UNITED NATIONS FAILS TO OFFICIALLY RECOGNIZE PALESTINE AS A STATE ................................................... 255 R III. THE SHELL GAME: MANY NATIONS RECOGNIZE PALESTINE AS STATE, BUT IT REMAINS UNCERTAIN WHETHER PALESTINE HAS A DEFINED TERRITORY AND WHETHER IT IS UNDER THE CONTROL OF ITS OWN GOVERNMENT ........................................... 257 R A. The Boundaries of a Palestinian State, Without Force of Security Council Orders, are Merely Amorphous Talking Points ...................................... 259 R 1. Resolution 242 Should be a Basis for Defining the Boundaries of Israel/Palestine .............. 259 R 2. Resolution 338 is Instructive in its Application of Resolution 242 ............................... 260 R 3. At a Minimum, the Palestinian State Should Include the West Bank and Gaza ............... 262 R * Professor Kenneth L. Lewis, Jr. is a tenured Professor of Law at Nova Southeastern University’s Shepard Broad College of Law. Professor Lewis is an accountant and attorney, and before joining the faculty at Shepard Broad College of Law, he was a chief financial officer for a multi-million dollar corporation, and later worked as attorney with the firm of Greenberg Traurig in Miami, Florida. Professor Lewis is very active in his community, and among other things, he has served as a member of the Lauderhill Regional Chamber of Commerce Board of Directors, an appointed member on the City of Lauderhill’s Affordable Housing Committee, and past President of the City of Lauderhill Youth Soccer Association. Professor Lewis would like to thank his research assistants, Jennifer Bautista and Lauren Matta, for their diligence and exceptional work. -
“Obstacles to Peace” in the Israeli - Palestinian Arab Conflict
“Obstacles to Peace” in the Israeli - Palestinian Arab Conflict Everyone in the world – including a large majority of both Israelis and Palestinian Arabs – would like to see the two sides in the conflict reach an agreement to share the Palestine region and live peacefully as neighbors. However, there are a number of obstacles that keep the two sides from reaching an agreement for a lasting peace: 1. Jerusalem The city of Jerusalem contains important holy sites for Judaism, Christianity, & Islam, all of which are located within about five minutes of each other in the “Old City” of Jerusalem, which is located in the eastern half of the city. When the United Nations drew up its original partition plan, they hoped to turn Jerusalem into an international city, which would be run by the U.N. and remain open to everyone. In the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel captured the western half of the city and Jordan captured the eastern half. In the 1967 Six Days War, Israel captured the eastern half and “annexed” it, making Jerusalem a unified city and officially a part of Israel. Today, Israel considers Jerusalem to be its capital. Palestinian Arabs make up a majority of people who live in East Jerusalem (none of whom have been granted Israeli citizenship, by the way), and they want that part of the city to be the capital of a Palestinian State. Israel considers this demand to be unacceptable, and will not give up half the city to the Arabs, especially when the “Arab half” contains the major Jewish religious sites, including the Western Wall and Temple Mount. -
Best Line of Defense: the Case for Israeli Sovereignty in the Jordan Valley
Best Line of Defense: The Case for Israeli Sovereignty in the Jordan Valley JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy June 2020 DISCLAIMER This report is a product of JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy. The report does not necessarily represent the views or opinions of JINSA, its founders or its board of directors. Cover image credit: Getty Images Policy Project Staff, Contributors and Advisors JINSA Staff & Contributors Michael Makovsky, PhD President & CEO Gen Charles “Chuck” Wald, USAF (ret.) Distinguished Fellow/Senior Advisor, Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy; Former Deputy Commander of U.S. European Command Sander Gerber Distinguished Fellow, Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy Steven Rosen Senior Fellow, Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy Charles B. Perkins Director for U.S.-Israel Security Policy Abraham Katsman Fellow, Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy Advisors IDF MG (ret.) Yaakov Amidror Distinguished Fellow, Gemunder Center for Defense & Strategy IDF MG (ret.) Yaacov Ayish Senior Vice President for Israeli Affairs Table of Contents I. Executive Summary 7 II. Geostrategic Importance of the Jordan Valley 10 III. Israeli Control Requires Israeli Sovereignty 16 IV. Legal Basis for Extending Israeli Sovereignty 20 V. Potential Risks, But Manageable 21 Endnotes 26 I. Executive Summary Israel’s recently declared intent to extend sovereignty to parts of the West Bank beginning in July, based on the Trump peace plan, has sparked passionate discussion. Often overlooked is the distinction between Israel extending its sovereignty to all proposed areas of the West Bank, versus just to the Jordan Valley. The former encompasses 29 percent of heavily populated areas in the West Bank, while the sparsely populated Jordan Valley comprises just 15 percent of the West Bank’s landmass.* And the Jordan Valley is a critical slice of strategic territory that holds the key to Israel’s security. -
Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories
REPORT ON ISRAELI SETTLEMENT IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES A Bimonthly Publication of the Foundation for Middle East Peac e Volum e 21 N umber 3 May-June 2011 RUNNING IN PLACE: U.S. POLICY RUNS OUT OF STEAM By Geoffrey Aronson Jordan Valley was mooted. prompted Netanyahu to clarify that “[M]ost people,” Netanyahu declar - his definition of settlement blocs was It is a measure of the stalemate now ed, “broad.” The settler-run Web site Arutz defining the Israeli-Palestinian peace 7 observed that the Knesset speech was are [also] united in regard to my process that the mere reassertion by US viewpoints on the issue that seems to be “less defensive and more confident on and Israeli leaders of long-held, if con - in dispute, the political process with the this [settlement] issue [than his Bar Ilan flicting, views is counted as news. In a Palestinians. The citizens of Israel are speech one year ago], raising the ante series of speeches in late May, President much more united than is commonly and announcing that Israel would insist Barack Obama and Prime Minister believed, and much more united than the on keeping the large settlement blocs in Benjamin Netanyahu each sought to political parties that are supposed to rep - its possession.” make his case before an international resent them here in this house. There are Netanyahu reprised these themes in a audience whose frustration with U.S. consensuses regarding the basic issues: speech before a rapturous joint session leadership and Israeli rejectionism has First, about my demand that the of U.S.