Black Panthers Hold Forth at Camoius Pally , Identifies BARBARA AUTHIOR
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Locking up Our Own: James Forman Jr. in Conversation with Khalil Gibran Muhammad"
TRANSCRIPT "LOCKING UP OUR OWN: JAMES FORMAN JR. IN CONVERSATION WITH KHALIL GIBRAN MUHAMMAD" A conversation with James Forman, Jr. and Khalil Gibran Muhammad Introduction: Leonard Noisette Recorded May 8, 2017 ANNOUNCER: You are listening to a recording of the Open Society Foundations, working to build vibrant and tolerant democracies worldwide. Visit us at OpenSocietyFoundations.org. LEONARD NOISETTE: Good afternoon. Thanks to the Open Society fellowship program for pulling this event together. And thank you all for joining us. I'm Lenny Noisette. I oversee the criminal justice portfolio here in U.S. programs as-- as part of the Open Society Foundations. So I am particularly pleased to be able to kick off what I am sure will be an engaging and informative discussion with James Forman and Khalil-Gibran Muhammad about James's compelling new book, Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America. Just by way of instruction, James Forman Jr. is a professor of law at Yale Law School. He is a graduate of-- At-- Atlanta's Roosevelt High School, Brown University, and Yale Law School. And was a law clerk for Judge William Norris of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor of the United States Supreme Court. After clerking, James joined the Public Defender Service in Washington, D-- D.C., where for six years he represented both youth and adults charged with crimes. During his time as a public defender, James became frustrated with the lack of TRANSCRIPT: LOCKING UP OUR OWN: JAMES FORMAN JR. -
The History of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a Curriculum Tool for Afrikan American Studies
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1990 The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies. Kit Kim Holder University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Holder, Kit Kim, "The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies." (1990). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 4663. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/4663 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES A Dissertation Presented By KIT KIM HOLDER Submitted to the Graduate School of the■ University of Massachusetts in partial fulfills of the requirements for the degree of doctor of education May 1990 School of Education Copyright by Kit Kim Holder, 1990 All Rights Reserved THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966 - 1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES Dissertation Presented by KIT KIM HOLDER Approved as to Style and Content by ABSTRACT THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1971 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES MAY 1990 KIT KIM HOLDER, B.A. HAMPSHIRE COLLEGE M.S. BANK STREET SCHOOL OF EDUCATION Ed.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS Directed by: Professor Meyer Weinberg The Black Panther Party existed for a very short period of time, but within this period it became a central force in the Afrikan American human rights/civil rights movements. -
The Crusader Monthll,J Nelijsletter
THE CRUSADER MONTHLL,J NELIJSLETTER ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, EDITOR -IN EXILE- VoL . ~ - No. 9 MAY 1968 Afro-Americans & Slick John Kennedy Government of the United States is no government T~E of the Afro-Americans at all. The slick John Ken- nedy gang is operating one of the greatest sham govern- ment in the entire world. Afro-Americans and fair minded Od > ~- O THE wN«< /l~USL . lF Yov~Re EyER IN NE60, CALL ME AT whites must be gullible indeed to believe that the racist, KKK dominated so-called U.S. Government is concerned with the welfare and human rights of colored people. The colored people of the USA must bring themselves to realize that taken integration is a slick manuever to check the restlessness of an oppressed people fast becoming infect ed with the germ of total resistance policy developing among all of the oppressed peoples of the world. Token integration means nothing to the masses. Even an idiot should be able to see that so-called Token integration is no more than window dressing designed to lull the poor downtrodden Afro-American to sleep and to make the out side world think that the racist, savage USA is a fountainhead of social justice and democracy. The Afro-American in the USA is facing his greatest crisis since chattel slavery. All forms of violence and underhanded methods o.f extermination are being stepped up against our people. Contrary to what the "big daddies" and their "good nigras" would have us believe about all of the phoney progress they claim the race is making, the True status of the Afro-Ameri- can is s#eadily on the down turn. -
Oral History Bill Brent Bill Brent Was a Captain in the Black Panther Party
Student Handout Oakland Museum of California What’s Going On? California and the Vietnam Era Lesson Plan #2 1968: Year of Social Change and Turning Point in Vietnam and the U.S. Oral History Bill Brent Bill Brent was a Captain in the Black Panther Party. My name is Brent, Bill Brent and I a Captain of the Black Panther Party associated with the Central Headquarters of the Black Panther Party, located in Oakland California. Oakland, population 400,000—32% black. In Merritt College two students, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. Later they began to organize their brothers against their closest enemy, the police whom they call the PIGS. In 1966, taking advantage of a law, which authorized the carrying of visible arms patrols of the Black Panther Party for Self- Defense, cruised in the ghetto following police cars. As soon as a black is arrested they check the procedure making sure the law is observed and their brother knows his rights. As a result, the police hate them and the black community admires them. But the law has changed; they no longer carry arms even if they speak of them often, quoting Mao dreaming of obtaining power through guns and justice through power. The Black Panther Party are not anarchists we believe in government for the People. In the Black community we want government to serve the people, we gonna first start with [inaudible]…They killed brother Bobby Hutton, shot Brother Eldridge Cleaver, shot Brother Warren Wells, arrested Brother David Hilliard our National Captain of the Black Panther Party, they are making it their business through the process of arresting me and my wife, through the process of arresting numerous Panthers on the block… the Oakland. -
Page 1 of 4 Popmatters | Columns | Mark Reynolds | Negritude 2.0 | Re
PopMatters | Columns | Mark Reynolds | Negritude 2.0 | Re-Seizing the Time Page 1 of 4 Features | Columns | Blogs | News | Music | Film | TV | DVDs | Books | Comics | Multimedia | Events | PopComix | Front about contributors submissions book imprint advertising contests PopShop Media Center CALL FOR COLUMNISTS: PopMatters Seeks Intelligent Misfits. Deadline: Mid-to-late January 2007. TO FEATURES | recent :. Readers’ Delig :. Slipped Discs COLUMNS | recent NEGRITUDE 2.0: Re GLOBAL BEAT FUSIO BLOGS | recent SHORT ENDS AND L This - Yvonne D POPCOMIX ANNEX: premiere] CONDENSED VERSI PERIPATETIC POST MUSIC | recent | s :. Deerhoof: Frie :. David Kilgour :. Voice: Gumbo :. Akon: Konvict :. Steve Turner: :. The Frank He :. Johannes Lins EVENTS | recent :. Art with a Vie TELEVISION | recen NEGRITUDE 2.0: Re-Seizing the Time :. Gay, Straight [15 January 2007] :. Lincoln Heigh by Mark Reynolds For all the gains we’ve made in electoral DVDS | recent | S Email Print Comments (0) politics and community leadership, there :. Return to the :. Archie Shepp has yet to be a successor to the Black William Lee Brent isn’t one of those names quickly Panther Party as a nationally organized, BOOKS | recent associated with the furious tenor of ‘60s counter- politically oriented body speaking out and :. 31 Days: The culture. His face isn’t fodder for dorm-room posters working on the vanguard in the name of We Have Today like Che Guevara’s, his rhetoric isn’t burned into the black progress, directly confronting and MULTIMEDIA | rece history books like Stokely Carmichael’s. Many people :. Spider Man: B probably didn’t realize that Brent enjoyed any challenging the powers-that-be. -
Waveland, Mississippi, November 1964: Death of Sncc, Birth of Radicalism
WAVELAND, MISSISSIPPI, NOVEMBER 1964: DEATH OF SNCC, BIRTH OF RADICALISM University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire: History Department History 489: Research Seminar Professor Robert Gough Professor Selika Ducksworth – Lawton, Cooperating Professor Matthew Pronley University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire May 2008 Abstract: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) was a nonviolent direct action organization that participated in the civil rights movement in the 1960s. After the Freedom Summer, where hundreds of northern volunteers came to participate in voter registration drives among rural blacks, SNCC underwent internal upheaval. The upheaval was centered on the future direction of SNCC. Several staff meetings occurred in the fall of 1964, none more important than the staff retreat in Waveland, Mississippi, in November. Thirty-seven position papers were written before the retreat in order to reflect upon the question of future direction of the organization; however, along with answers about the future direction, these papers also outlined and foreshadowed future trends in radical thought. Most specifically, these trends include race relations within SNCC, which resulted in the emergence of black self-consciousness and an exodus of hundreds of white activists from SNCC. ii Table of Contents: Abstract ii Historiography 1 Introduction to Civil Rights and SNCC 5 Waveland Retreat 16 Position Papers – Racial Tensions 18 Time after Waveland – SNCC’s New Identity 26 Conclusion 29 Bibliography 32 iii Historiography Research can both answer questions and create them. Initially I discovered SNCC though Taylor Branch’s epic volumes on the Civil Right Movements in the 1960s. Further reading revealed the role of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) in the Civil Right Movement and opened the doors into an effective and controversial organization. -
Living for the City Donna Jean Murch
Living for the City Donna Jean Murch Published by The University of North Carolina Press Murch, Donna Jean. Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California. The University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Project MUSE. muse.jhu.edu/book/43989. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/43989 [ Access provided at 22 Mar 2021 17:39 GMT from University of Washington @ Seattle ] 5. MEN WITH GUNS In the aftermath of the Watts rebellions, the failure of community pro- grams to remedy chronic unemployment and police brutality prompted a core group of black activists to leave campuses and engage in direct action in the streets.1 The spontaneous uprisings in Watts called attention to the problems faced by California’s migrant communities and created a sense of urgency about police violence and the suffocating conditions of West Coast cities. Increasingly, the tactics of nonviolent passive resistance seemed ir- relevant, and the radicalization of the southern civil rights movement pro- vided a new language and conception for black struggle across the country.2 Stokely Carmichael’s ascendance to the chairmanship of the Student Non- violent Coordinating Committee SNCC( ) in June 1966, combined with the events of the Meredith March, demonstrated the growing appeal of “Black Power.” His speech on the U.C. Berkeley campus in late October encapsu- lated these developments and brought them directly to the East Bay.3 Local activists soon met his call for independent black organizing and institution building in ways that he could not have predicted. -
Book Review the Black Police: Policing Our Own
BOOK REVIEW THE BLACK POLICE: POLICING OUR OWN LOCKING UP OUR OWN: CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN BLACK AMERICA. By James Forman Jr. New York, N.Y.: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2017. Pp. 306. $27.00. Reviewed by Devon W. Carbado∗ & L. Song Richardson∗∗ INTRODUCTION Since Darren Wilson shot and killed Michael Brown in 2014,1 the problem of police violence against African Americans has been a rela- tively salient feature of nationwide discussions about race. Across the ideological spectrum, people have had to engage the question of whether, especially in the context of policing, it’s fair to say that black lives are undervalued. While there is both a racial and a political divide with respect to how Americans have thus far answered that question, the emergence of Black Lives Matter movements2 has made it virtually im- possible to be a bystander in the debate. Separate from whether racialized policing against African Americans is, in fact, a social phenomenon, is the contestable question about solu- tions: Assuming that African Americans are indeed the victims of over- policing, meaning that by some metric they end up having more inter- actions with the police and more violent encounters than is normatively warranted, what can we do about it? And here, the answers range from abolishing police officers altogether, to training them, to diversifying po- lice departments. It is on the last of these proposed solutions — the diversification of police departments — that we focus in this essay. The central question we ask is: What are the dynamics that might shape how African American police officers police other African Americans? Asked another way, what do existing theories about race and race relations, ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Associate Vice Chancellor of BruinX for Equity, Diversity and Inclusion, the Honorable Harry Pregerson Professor of Law, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law. -
'The Only Position for Women in SNCC Is Prone'
‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’ 29 ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’: Stokely Carmichael and the Perceived Patriarchy of Civil Rights Organisations in America 1 Sabina Peck Second Year Undergraduate, 1 University of New South Wales There is the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement ... There are those, some of the young people [of SNCC] especially, who have said to me that if I had not been a woman I would have been well known in certain places, and perhaps held certain kinds of positions. – Ella Baker, 19702 Until relatively recently, historiography concerning the Civil Rights movement and its organisations has been fairly devoid of the study of the participation of women, focusing instead on certain charismatic, notably black male individuals such as Martin Luther King Jnr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X.3 Steven Lawson, for example, has traced the evolution of 1 Note the following abbreviations are used throughout the article: CORE- Congress of Racial Equality MFDP – Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People SCLC – Southern Christian Leadership Conference SNCC – Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee 2 Ella Baker, Developing Community Leadership, Taped interview with Gerda Lerner (December 1970) paragraphs 15 and 14, respectively. 3 Joan C. Browning explores the extent to which women’s activities have been glossed over in Civil Rights Historiography in her article, ‘Invisible Revolutionaries: White Women in Civil Rights Historiography’ Journal of Women’s History, Vol. -
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class William P. Jones The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socioeconomic institutions,” vet- eran civil rights activist Bayard Rustin wrote in 1965, pointing out that black work- ers were more likely to be unemployed, earn low wages, work in “jobs vulnerable to automation,” and live in impoverished ghettos than when the U.S. Supreme Court banned legal segregation in 1954. Historians have attributed that divergence to a nar- rowing of African American political objectives during the 1950s and early 1960s, away from demands for employment and economic reform that had dominated the agendas of civil rights organizations in the 1940s and later regained urgency in the late 1960s. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and other scholars emphasize the negative effects of the Cold War, arguing that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations responded to domestic anticom- munism by distancing themselves from organized labor and the Left and by focusing on racial rather than economic forms of inequality. Manfred Berg and Adam Fair- clough offer the more positive assessment that focusing on racial equality allowed civil rights activists to appropriate the democratic rhetoric of anticommunism and solidify alliances with white liberals during the Cold War, although they agree that “anti- communist hysteria retarded the struggle for racial justice and narrowed the political Research for this article was supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities/Newhouse Fellowship at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. -
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James Forman Papers [Finding Aid]. Library of Congress
James Forman Papers A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2014 Revised 2014 December Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Additional search options available at: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms010125 LC Online Catalog record: http://lccn.loc.gov/mm2007085371 Prepared by Connie L. Cartledge with the assistance of Tracey Barton, Maria Farmer, Sherralyn McCoy, Dan Oleksiw, and Carolyn Ray Revised and expanded by Connie L. Cartledge Collection Summary Title: James Forman Papers Span Dates: 1848-2005 Bulk Dates: (bulk 1961-2001) ID No.: MSS85371 Creator: Forman, James, 1928-2005 Extent: 79,000 items ; 255 containers plus 2 oversize ; 100.2 linear feet ; 1 digital file (1.09 MB) Language: Collection material in English, French, and Spanish Location: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Summary: Author, journalist, and civil rights activist. Correspondence, memoranda, diaries, subject files, speeches and writings, family papers, appointment books and calendars, and other papers relating primarily to Forman's activities as executive secretary of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and president of the Unemployment and Poverty Action Committee. Selected Search Terms The following terms have been used to index the description of this collection in the Library's online catalog. They are grouped by name of person or organization, by subject or location, and by occupation and listed alphabetically therein. People Al-Amin, Jamil, 1943- Belafonte, Harry, 1927- --Correspondence. Bellamy, Fay--Correspondence. Braden, Anne, 1924-2006--Correspondence. Carmichael, Stokely--Correspondence. Carmichael, Stokely. Clinton, Bill, 1946- --Correspondence. -
Robert F. Williams, Negroes with Guns, Ch. 3-5, 1962
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Robert F. Williams R. C. Cohen Negroes With Guns *1962, Ch. 3-5 Robert F. Williams was born and raised in Monroe, North Carolina. After serving in the Marine Cops in the 1950s, he returned to Monroe and in 1956 assumed leadership of the nearly defunct local NAACP chapter; within six months its membership grew from six to two-hundred. Many of the new members were, like him, military veterans trained in the use of arms. In the late 1950s the unwillingness of Southern officials to address white violence against blacks made it increasingly difficult for the NAACP to keep all of its local chapters committed to non-violence. In 1959, after three white men were acquitted of assaulting black women in Monroe, Williams publicly proclaimed the right of African Americans to armed self-defense. The torrent of criticism this statement brought down on the NAACP prompted its leaders — including Thurgood Marshall, Roy Wilkins, and Martin Luther King, Jr. — to denounce Williams. The NAACP eventually suspended him, but he continued to make his case for self-defense. Williams in Tanzania, 1968 Chapter 3: The Struggle for Militancy in the NAACP Until my statement hit the national newspapers the national office of the NAACP had paid little attention to us. We had received little help from them in our struggles and our hour of need. Now they lost no time. The very next morning I received a long distance telephone call from the national office wanting to know if I had been quoted correctly.