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Of Catamites and Kings Refl Ections on Butch, Gender, and Boundaries1 Gayle Rubin

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Of Catamites and Kings Refl Ections on Butch, Gender, and Boundaries1 Gayle Rubin 32 Of Catamites and Kings Refl ections on Butch, Gender, and Boundaries1 Gayle Rubin Gayle Rubin is justly famous for her articles “T e Traf c in Women” and “T inking Sex”—the latter of en cited as a foundational text of queer theory. A lesser-known piece, reproduced below, shows every bit as much of Rubin’s trademark brilliance in its thoughts on the varieties of female masculinity. Writing in 1992, Rubin of ers a candid assessment of the extent of gender dysphoria in lesbian communities, and suggests that issues of gender variance and what later came to be called female masculinity were “strangely out of focus in lesbian thought, analysis, and terminology.” In breaking this silence, and in pointing out the areas of overlap between lesbian and transgender concerns, Rubin helped chart the course of transgender scholarship in the decade ahead. Perhaps the most striking feature of Rubin’s article is her call for lesbian communities to tolerate the presence of FTM transsexuals, rather than expel them, during their transition from woman to man. Categories like woman, man, butch, lesbian and transsexual, Rubin contends, are all “imperfect, historical, temporary, and arbitrary. We use them and they use us. Instead of f ghting for immaculate classif cations and impenetrable boundaries, let us strive to maintain a community that sees diversity as a gif and anomalies as precious.” WHAT IS BUTCH? Conceptions and Misconceptions of Lesbian Gender Attempting to def ne terms such as butch and femme is one of the surest ways to incite volatile discus- sion among lesbians. “Butch” and “femme” are important categories within lesbian experience, and as Downloaded by [Simon Fraser University] at 19:29 21 June 2016 such they have accumulated multiple layers of signif cance. Most lesbians would probably agree with a def nition from T e Queen’s Vernacular, that a butch is a “lesbian with masculine characteristics.”2 But many corollaries attending that initial premise oversimplify and misrepresent butch experience. In this essay, I approach “butch” from the perspective of gender in order to discuss, clarify, and chal- lenge some prevalent lesbian cultural assumptions about what is butch. Many commentators have noted that the categories “butch” and “femme” have historically served numerous functions in the lesbian world. Describing the lesbian community in Buf alo from the 1930s through the 1950s, Elizabeth Kennedy and Madeline Davis comment that these roles had two dimensions: First, they constituted a code of personal behavior, particularly in the areas of image and sexuality. Butches af ected a masculine style, while fems appeared characteristically female. 471 472 GAYLE RUBIN Butch and fem also complemented one another in an erotic system in which the butch was expected to be both the doer and the giver; the fem’s passion was the butch’s fulf llment. Second, butch-fem roles were what we call a social imperative. T ey were the organizing principle for this community’s relation to the outside world and for its members’ relationships to one another.3 While I do not wish to deny or underestimate the complexity of its functions, I will argue that the simplest def nition of butch is the most helpful one. Butch is most usefully understood as a category of lesbian gender that is constituted through the deployment and manipulation of masculine gender codes and symbols. Butch and femme are ways of coding identities and behaviors that are both connected to and distinct from standard societal roles for men and women.4 Among lesbian and bisexual women, as in the general population, there are individuals who strongly identify as masculine or feminine as well as individuals whose gender preferences are more f exible or f uid. “Femmes” identify predominantly as feminine or prefer behaviors and signals def ned as feminine within the larger culture; “butches” identify primarily as masculine or prefer masculine signals, personal appearance, and styles. T ere are also many lesbians (and bisexual women) with intermediate or unmarked gender styles. In the old days, terms such as ki-ki indicated such intermediate or indeterminate gender styles or identities. We appear to have no contemporary equivalent, although at times, lesbian and dyke are used to indicate women whose gender messages are not markedly butch or femme.5 Butch is the lesbian vernacular term for women who are more comfortable with masculine gender codes, styles, or identities than with feminine ones. T e term encompasses individuals with a broad range of investments in “masculinity.” It includes, for example, women who are not at all interested in male gender identities, but who use traits associated with masculinity to signal their lesbianism or to communicate their desire to engage in the kinds of active or initiatory sexual behaviors that in this society are allowed or expected from men. It includes women who adopt “male” fashions and mannerisms as a way to claim privileges or deference usually reserved for men. It may include women who f nd men’s clothing better made, and those who consider women’s usual wear too conf ning or uncomfortable or who feel it leaves them vulnerable or exposed.6 Butch is also the indigenous lesbian category for women who are gender “dysphoric.” Gender dysphoria is a technical term for individuals who are dissatisf ed with the gender to which they were assigned (usually at birth) on the basis of their anatomical sex. Within the psychological and medical communities, gender dysphoria is considered a disorder, as were lesbianism and male homosexuality before the American Psychiatric Association removed them from its of cial list of mental diseases in 1973.7 I am not using gender dysphoria in the clinical sense, with its connotations of neurosis or psy- chological impairment. I am using it as a purely descriptive term for persons who have gender feelings and identities that are at odds with their assigned gender status or their physical bodies. Individuals Downloaded by [Simon Fraser University] at 19:29 21 June 2016 who have very powerful gender dysphoria, particularly those with strong drives to alter their bodies to conform to their preferred gender identities, are called transsexuals.8 T e lesbian community is organized along an axis of sexual orientation and comprises women who have sexual, af ectional, erotic, and intimate relations with other women. It nevertheless harbors a great deal of gender dysphoria.9 Drag, cross-dressing, passing, transvestism, and transsexualism are all common in lesbian populations, particularly those not attempting to meet constricted standards of political virtue.10 In spite of their prevalence, issues of gender variance are strangely out of focus in lesbian thought, analysis, and terminology. T e intricacies of lesbian gender are inadequately and infrequently ad- dressed. Butch is one of the few terms currently available with which to express or indicate masculine OF CATAMITES AND KINGS 473 gender preferences among lesbians, and it carries a heavy, undif erentiated load.11 T e category of butch encompasses a wide range of gender variation within lesbian cultures. Within the group of women labeled butch, there are many individuals who are gender dysphoric to varying degrees. Many butches have partially male gender identities. Others border on being, and some are, female-to-male transsexuals (FTMs), although many lesbians and FTMs f nd the areas of overlap between butchness and transsexualism disturbing.12 Saying that many butches identify as masculine to some degree does not mean that all, even most, butches “want to be men,” although some undoubtedly do. Most butches enjoy combining expressions of masculinity with a female body. T e coexistence of masculine traits with a female anatomy is a fundamental characteristic of “butch” and is a highly charged, eroticized, and consequential lesbian signal.13 By saying that many lesbians identify partially or substantially as masculine, I am also not saying that such individuals are “male identif ed” in the political sense. When the term male identif ed was originally used in early seventies feminism, it denoted nothing about gender identity. It described a political attitude in which members of a category of generally oppressed persons (women) failed to identify with their self-interest as women, and instead identif ed with goals, policies, and attitudes benef cial to a group of generally privileged oppressors (men). T ough such women were sometimes butch or masculine in style, they might as easily be femme or feminine. One typical manifestation of male identif cation in this sense consisted of very feminine heterosexual women who supported traditional male privilege. On a more contemporary note, some of the feminine right-wing women whose political aims include strengthening male authority in conventional family arrangements could also be called male identif ed. T ere are many problems with the notion of male identif ed, not the least of which are questions of who def nes what “women’s interests” are in a given situation and the assumption of a unitary category of “women” whose interests are always the same. But the point here is not a political critique of the concept of male identif cation. It is simply to register that a similarity in terminology has of en led to a conf ation of political positions with gender identities. A strongly masculine butch will not neces- sarily identify politically with men. In fact, it is sometimes the most masculine women who confront male privilege most directly and painfully, and are the most enraged by it.14 VARIETIES OF BU TCH T e iconography in many contemporary lesbian periodicals leaves a strong impression that a butch always has very short hair, wears a leather jacket, rides a Harley, and works construction. T is butch paragon speaks mostly in monosyllables, is tough yet sensitive, is irresistible to women, and is semi- otically related to a long line of images of young, rebellious, sexy, white, working-class masculinity Downloaded by [Simon Fraser University] at 19:29 21 June 2016 that stretches from Marlon Brando in T e Wild One (1954) to the character of James Hurley on “Twin Peaks” (1990).
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