The Palestinians: Overview and Key Issues for U.S
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Hamas's Fight Against COVID-19 in the Gaza Strip (Updated to April 5, 2020)
רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר Hamas’s fight against COVID-19 in the Gaza Strip (updated to April 5, 2020) April 5, 2020 Morbidity On March 31, 2020, two new COVID-19 cases were identified among people returning from Egypt to the Gaza Strip through the Rafah crossing. They were quarantined. This brings the number of patients in the Gaza Strip to 12. According to the spokesman for the Health Ministry in the Gaza Strip, five patients have already recovered and the condition of the rest is “stable and encouraging” (Al-Ra’i News Agency, April 4, 2020). According to the spokesman for the Health Ministry in the Gaza Strip, Dr. Ashraf al-Qidra, there are now 1,897 people in 27 quarantine centers. They are all in good health and are soon to be released. The schools serving as quarantine centers will be disinfected 24 hours after they are discharged, so that the facilities can be reused (Al-Ra’i News Agency, April 4, 2020). -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
The Virus of Hate: Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around
Ministry of Strategic Affairs and Public Diplomacy The Virus of Hate Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around the Coronavirus May 2020 Main Findings In September 2019, the Ministry of Strategic Affairs published a report, "Behind the Mask," which demonstrated the connection between antisemitism and the Boycott Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and its delegitimacy campaign against the State of Israel. The report included over 80 examples of leading BDS activists disseminating antisemitic content, consistent with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism. Following the report, and in the wake of the coronavirus crisis, the Ministry has been monitoring antisemitism and efforts to delegitimize Israel with the linking of the State of Israel and Jews to the coronavirus. The Ministry and other organizations focused on combatting hate speech found multiple cases of BDS-supporting organizations and senior government and quasi-governmental officials propagating antisemitic conspiracies and libels. The increased antisemitic rhetoric around the coronavirus has also been accompanied by threats of violence against Jews and Israelis. In the US, the FBI warned that right wing extremists may try to infect Jews with the coronavirus; in Gaza, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar warned that if Gaza were to lack ventilators, "six million Israelis will not breathe." Such threats may materialize into acts of violence, especially as stay home orders are lifted and right wing extremists then may vent their anger -
Meeting with US Congressional Leaders
IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim No. HQ17M02177 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS LIST BETWEEN: MOHAMMED DAHLAN Claimant and (1) M.E.E LIMITED (2) DAVID HEARST Defendants ________________________________ AMENDED DEFENCE OF BOTH DEFENDANTS CPR 16 PD 1.4 SHORT SUMMARY ________________________________ 1. It is denied that the words complained of are actionable, for the following reasons: 1.1. The issues raised by the claim, specifically the lawfulness and propriety of the alleged activities of the Claimant on behalf of the UAE in the conduct of its foreign affairs, are beyond the subject matter jurisdiction of this Court. 1.2. The words complained of are not defamatory of the Claimant as there are no common standards of society generally (either within England and Wales or across the Additional Jurisdictions specified in the Amended Particulars of Claim) by which the alleged activities of the Claimant on behalf of the UAE in the conduct of its foreign affairs can be judged by this Court. 1.3. The words complained of are not defamatory of the Claimant, alternatively have caused no serious harm to his reputation, in light of his pre-existing reputation within the jurisdiction and within the Additional Jurisdictions specified in the Amended Particulars of Claim, which associates him with corruption, torture and human rights abuses, the use of force for political ends and opposing, undermining and supporting the overthrow by force of democratic governments in the Middle East and North Africa on behalf of the UAE. 1.4. The words complained of do not bear the meanings relied on by the Claimant. -
To Vote Or Not to Vote: Implications of Postponing Palestinian Elections by Ghaith Al-Omari
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3477 To Vote or Not to Vote: Implications of Postponing Palestinian Elections by Ghaith al-Omari Apr 28, 2021 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ghaith al-Omari Ghaith al-Omari is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship. Brief Analysis As the risks of holding Palestinian elections come into focus, a Palestinian Authority decision to postpone the elections will increase tensions on the ground while highlighting structural flaws within Fatah and the PA. edia reports and other sources indicate that when Palestinian Authority (PA) president and Fatah leader M Mahmoud Abbas meets with top officials from various factions on April 29, he will call for the postponement of the parliamentary elections set for May 22. This would effectively cancel the elections. Whether he actually formally postpones the elections during the meeting is uncertain. On the one hand, opposition to this move has emerged from significant quarters and may cause him to delay the announcement. On the other hand, the ill- advised election gambit has exposed deep dysfunctions within the Palestinian political system, turning what Abbas may have considered to be a risk-free way for him to renew his legitimacy into something that may threaten the eighty-five-year-old leader’s grip on power. Thus, whether it happens this week or not, a postponement seems extremely likely. A decision to postpone elections has implications. In the short term, priority must be given to preventing any deterioration in security that may be triggered by postponement. -
The Palestinians: Overview, 2021 Aid, and U.S. Policy Issues
Updated September 9, 2021 The Palestinians: Overview, Aid, and U.S. Policy Issues The Palestinians and their ongoing disputes and interactions million (roughly 44%) are refugees (registered in the West with Israel raise significant issues for U.S. policy (see “U.S. Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria) whose claims to Policy Issues and Aid” below). After a serious rupture in land in present-day Israel constitute a major issue of Israeli- U.S.-Palestinian relations during the Trump Administration, Palestinian dispute. The U.N. Relief and Works Agency for the Biden Administration has started reengaging with the Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is mandated Palestinian people and their leaders, and resuming some by the U.N. General Assembly to provide protection and economic development and humanitarian aid—with hopes essential services to these registered Palestinian refugees, of preserving the viability of a negotiated two-state including health care, education, and housing assistance. solution. In the aftermath of the May 2021 conflict International attention to the Palestinians’ situation involving Israel and Gaza, U.S. officials have announced additional aid (also see below) and other efforts to help with increased after Israel’s military gained control over the West Bank and Gaza in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Direct recovery and engage with the West Bank-based Palestinian U.S. engagement with Palestinians in the West Bank and Authority (PA), but near-term prospects for diplomatic progress toward Israeli-Palestinian peace reportedly remain Gaza dates from the establishment of the PA in 1994. For the past several years, other regional political and security dim. -
INSS Insight No. 1309, April 27, 2020 Israel and Hamas: from Corona to Prisoners and a Possible Arrangement
INSS Insight No. 1309, April 27, 2020 Israel and Hamas: From Corona to Prisoners and a Possible Arrangement Yohanan Tzoreff and Kobi Michael Out of fears of a COVID-19 outbreak in Gaza as well as a desire to strengthen public trust in the organization and demonstrate its control over the situation, Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, has proposed an initiative to release prisoners. The initiative led to indirect talks between Israel and Hamas, which may foster a wider arrangement. Israel should not make concessions solely for information on its citizens and the bodies of its soldiers being held in Gaza, but strive to bring them back while also working to bring about a better security reality for after the coronavirus crisis. On April 2, 2020, Yahya Sinwar, the head of the Hamas political bureau in the Gaza Strip, was interviewed on the Hamas-controlled al-Aqsa TV channel. During the interview Sinwar sought to dispel public fears about COVID-19, make it clear that Hamas is managing the situation effectively, and strengthen public trust in the organization's leadership. Sinwar also directed a message at Israel regarding a possible deal for releasing prisoners. He insisted that there has been no change in the official Hamas stance demanding the release from Israeli prisons of its operatives who were freed as part of the Shalit deal and rearrested during Operations Brother's Keeper and Protective Edge of 2014. He also stated that the leadership vacuum in Israel over the last year has prevented progress on this issue. -
Submission to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence And
Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council Submission to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security on its Review of the re-listing of al-Shabaab, Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades (Hamas Brigades), the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) as terrorist organisations under the Criminal Code. Introduction This document forms the submission by the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security (PJCIS) on its review into the relisting of al-Shabaab, Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades (Hamas Brigades), the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) as terrorist organisations under the Criminal Code 1995. This submission will focus on the relisting of Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, though AIJAC also strongly supports the relisting of Palestinian Islamic Jihad: It recommends that the PJCIS not disallow the listing of the Hamas Brigades. It also recommends that the PJCIS advise the Minister for Home Affairs to extend the listing of Hamas’ Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades to Hamas in its entirety. There are three reasons why AIJAC makes these recommendations: 1. There is compelling and publicly available evidence to suggest all of Hamas, not just the Hamas Brigades, is engaged in activity that meets ASIO’s criteria for selecting an organisation to be listed under the Criminal Code 1995. 2. Last year, Yahya Sinwar, a long-time leader of the Hamas Brigades, was nominated Hamas leader in Gaza. This nomination provides recent and compelling evidence that there is no separation between Hamas and the Hamas Brigades. -
The IDF in the Second Intifada
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Hamas and Yahya Sinwar's Tough Choice
MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Hamas and Yahya Sinwar’s Tough Choice (Part 1) by Michael Milstein Jan 24, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Milstein Michael Milstein is the Head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies. Brief Analysis he Palestinian Hamas movement briefly captured renewed attention when Ismail Haniyeh, a leader from T Gaza, received the Ayatollah’s honors at the funeral of Qasem Soleimani in Tehran. Yet for the past few years, it has been Yahya Sinwar—head of the Hamas Political Bureau in Gaza—who has consolidated his stature as one of the most influential figures in the movement. This power shift has occurred over a relatively short period, less than a decade, when Sinwar was freed from the Israeli prison where he had spent a quarter of a century. Sinwar’s personal profile is engrossing, but it is his political history that provides a lens into major contemporary developments both inside Hamas and in Palestinian public life as a whole. This essay aims to outline that profile, and analyze how it is likely to play out in the near future, whether inside the Palestinian arena or in relations with Israel. A second installment will explore the wider significance of Sinwar’s trajectory, and of the choices facing the Hamas leader. Understanding the evolution of Hamas leadership is especially important as Hamas now finds itself at a strategic crossroads. The organization is currently caught in dire straits, both internally and externally: a deep grass-roots protest movement inside Gaza, and alienation from a notable segment of outside Arab players. -
A Decade Since the Outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada: a Strategic the IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland the Rise and Fall
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
The Second Intifada: Background and Causes of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Jeremy Pressman
Document generated on 09/23/2021 11:50 p.m. Journal of Conflict Studies The Second Intifada: Background and Causes of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Jeremy Pressman Volume 23, Number 2, Winter 2003 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/jcs23_2art07 See table of contents Publisher(s) The University of New Brunswick ISSN 1198-8614 (print) 1715-5673 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Pressman, J. (2003). The Second Intifada: Background and Causes of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Journal of Conflict Studies, 23(2), 114–141. All rights reserved © Centre for Conflict Studies, UNB, 2003 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Fall 2003 The Second Intifada: Background and Causes of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict by Jeremy Pressman INTRODUCTION What caused the outbreak of the second intifada? The conventional wis- dom places the blame on one of two central figures, Ariel Sharon or Yasser Arafat. In one version, Sharon, then the leader of the Israeli opposition, started the intifada by going on an intentionally provocative visit to the Temple Mount on 28 September 2000. Alternatively, Arafat, President of the Palestinian Authority (PA), decided that the new State of Palestine should be launched in blood and fire; he unleashed Palestinian militants rather than accept a negotiated resolution of the conflict.