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Burning Down the House: the Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites Dena Doroszenko

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Burning Down the House: the Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites Dena Doroszenko Northeast Historical Archaeology Volume 31 Special Issue: Historic Preservation and the Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Farmsteads in the Article 5 Northeast 2001 Burning Down the House: The Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites Dena Doroszenko Follow this and additional works at: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Doroszenko, Dena (2001) "Burning Down the House: The Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites," Northeast Historical Archaeology: Vol. 30-31 31, Article 5. https://doi.org/10.22191/neha/vol31/iss1/5 Available at: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol31/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Northeast Historical Archaeology by an authorized editor of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. Burning Down the House: The Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites Cover Page Footnote The uthora would like to thank the Ontario Heritage Foundation, the Barnum Museum, and the City of Mississauga. In addition, there were many individuals involved during the excavation period at each of these sites. In particular, Mary Catherine Garden and Gary Warrick have contributed to the discussions regarding this paper that began in the early 1990s after the work at Benares. This article is available in Northeast Historical Archaeology: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol31/iss1/5 Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 30--31, 2001-2002 41 Burning Down the House: The Archaeological Manifestation of Fire on Historic Domestic Sites Dena Doroszenko This paper examines the manifestation of fire as found archaeologically at two historic domestic sit:s in O~~ario. Ea:h site experienced a burning episode of varying significance in the property's history. Sozl deposttwn, debns fields, heat alteration of artifacts, fire intensity, and types of fire debris are discussed. · Cet article examine les manifestations de feu tel que retrouvees archeologiquement sur deux sites historiques de nature domestique en Ontario. Chacune des proprietes de ces sites a connu des incendies d'importance variee pendant son histoire. La deposition des sols, des champs de debris, Ia transformation par le feu des artefacts, l' intensite du feu et les types de debris associes au feu seront discutes. Introduction collapse differently than stone or brick build­ This article examines two Ontario Heritage ings. This is a significant point, for it is not Foundation (OHF) farmsteads where fires of uncommon in the archaeological record to varying severity occurred. Established in encounter evidence related to the destruction 1968, the Ontario Heritage Foundation is a by fire of rural 19th-century wooden build­ leader and recognized expert in heritage con­ ings. servation. The OHF has a broad mandate to Encountering fire debris in the archaeolog­ preserve, protect, and promote cultural and ical record requires some understanding of the natural heritage in Ontario. The OHF owns process involved in the creation of this deposit 135 built and natural heritage properties. In and furthermore, the correct identification of addition, the OHF holds title to 180 easements the stratigraphic layers themselves as part of a that protect heritage sites owned by others and bum episode. In the following description of manages the provincial plaque program that two case studies in Ontario, it was recognized celebrates important people, places, and early in the excavation of each site that the events. Furthermore, the OHF conducts com­ stratigraphic deposits were in some instances munity outreach programs such as the subtle, thin, and not necessarily substantial in Heritage Community Recognition Program appearance whereas in other areas of each site, that publicly acknowledges the work of her­ larger deposits were readily identified. This itage volunteers across the province. resulted in careful examination of these There are specific consistencies that reflect deposits and research into what archaeological fire and clean-up behavior in each OHF case. fire deposits might consist of and how they are Physical evidence of fire plays a crucial role at created. both sites. The oral history connected to each The process described by White and property varies in accuracy, but helps to deter­ Kardulias in their 1985 article has been noted mine the resulting damage to each home. Of to be present at a number of OHF properties, significant interest is the immutable lack of where following a building demolition, historical documentation about each fire. The whether due to a fire or age, the archaeological lack of documentation is remarkable given the record reflects nothing more than infilling and devastation caused by each fire. relandscaping of the area. Generally, the area The destruction of a building by fire, where the building once stood is abandoned whether it is constructed of wood, stone, or brick, is often encountered in the archaeolog­ and the owners have little interest in reusing ical record of historical sites. How a fire burns the building's foundations. Economics of the and the course it takes requires an under­ household generally play a factor in the deci­ standing of the chemical and physical proper­ sion to abandon or rebuild on a rural farm­ ties involved. Suffice it to say, wood buildings stead. This results in patterning that differs 42 Burning Down the House/Ooroszenko from that described by White and Kardulias toward the roof and expose the trusses of a (1985) when the context of razing is linked to building to higher temperatures than any por­ the event of fire destruction of a home and tion of the building. Roof collapses often subsequent rebuilding. signal the structural failure of the building (Carroll1979). Experimental burnings of wood houses also indicate that they burn quickly Principles of Fire Behavior and with intense heat (Bankoff and Winter Fire as a cultural artifact has been with 1979). humans since the Neolithic Age (Pyne 1997). As a result, wood buildings collapse in Societies around the world have used fire to three ways (FIG. 1): 90° angle collapses; transform their landscapes, often for agricul­ lean-over collapses; and collapse in an tural use. Humans have struggled to control inward/ outward configuration (Dunn 1988). this natural force and process in the wilder­ While it may not be possible to determine if a ness and the hearth, often unsuccessfully wood building has collapsed and in which (Hazen 1992). direction, because of the level of clean-up Fire is commonly defined as the rapid oxi­ activities after a fire, the fire debris field may dation of a substance (Carroll 1979: 65). indicate direction. For example, if there is a Discussion of how a fire burns and the course heavier debris field to the front of a building, it takes is limited to fires in which wood is the then one may hypothesize the possibility of a chief combustible agent. Construction mate­ 90° collapse of the front of the building. As rials play a vital role in how a fire bums. Fire shown in Figure 1, a 90° angle collapse gener­ breaks down wood from a solid substance ally involves one wall falling straight outward. composed of lignin and cellulose to its ele­ This collapse is often due to the corners of the mental components. Flame fires pyrolize (i.e., building splitting apart from the remaining bum) wood into volatile flammable gases. It is walls. Lean-over collapses involve the entire these gases that bum, not the wood. Pyrolysis building starting to tilt or lean to one side. is defined as the destruction of wood through Subsequently, the density of fire debris would the application of heat in the presence or be found on one side of the building versus absence of oxygen. If no oxygen is present, the others. The inward/outward collapse of a charcoal is formed; with oxygen present, building is the most dangerous while a fire is pyrophoric carbon is formed. Pyrophoric underway for its collapse happens when sev­ carbon is formed by the application of a low eral walls within the building collapse simul­ heat source to a combustible material. This taneously (Dunn 1988: 193-194). degradation of wood changes the structure of Other indications of the intensitY of a fire wood thereby lowering the ignition tempera­ include changes to other materials found in ture required to sustain combustion. This often the area of a fire. Substances of particular signals the rate of burning (Carroll 1979: 66- interest are glass artifacts and metals (e.g., 67). As a fire destroys the wood from the out­ iron). Glass will soften at approximately 1000° side inward, the structural strength of the F and flow at 1300° F. Wrought iron has a wood section is decreased until finally the melting point set at 2750° F (Carroll 1979:52). structure collapses (Carroll1979: 54). Evidence of melted iron artifacts, however, is Wood buildings often experience wall and rare. More often, they appear fire hardened floor collapse simultaneously. As a result, the and reddened. These melting points are useful length of time for collapse can be estimated: for determining the temperatures reached wood-frame buildings generally collapse after during a fire. 1 hour of intense burning because of rapid fire spread (Dunn 1988: 198). Three contributing The Role of Fire During The Nineteenth causes of building collapse are fire destruction of bearing walls, the mortise and tenon joints Century of a braced frame building, and overloading of Fire was a constant and central concern for exterior wooden walls (Dunn 1988: 202). High most people during the 19th century because temperatures generated by a fire accumulate of its use as energy to cook food, heat homes, Northeast Historical Archaeology/Val. 3D-31, 2001-2002 43 and provide light.
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