Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science
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History Brief: Timeline of US-Iran Relations Until the Obama
MIT International Review | web.mit.edu/mitir 1 of 5 HISTORY BRIEF: TIMELINE OF US‐IRAN RELATIONS UNTIL THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION Key Facts & Catalysts By Sam Sasan Shoamanesh Looking back at key events in this US‐Iran chronicle is helpful in understanding some of the traditional causes of friction and mistrust between Tehran and Washington. A reference to the annals of US‐Iran relations will also be valuable in appreciating that the policies of the past sixty years have not been advantageous to US interests and on the contrary, have resulted in blowbacks, which still vex the relations to this day. 1856: Genesis of Formal Relations | Diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States began in 1856. 1909: American Lafayette in Iran | In 1909, Howard Baskerville, an American teacher and Princeton graduate on a Presbyterian mission in Tabriz, Iran, instantly becomes an Iranian national hero where after joining the Constitutionalists during the Constitutional Revolution of 1905‐1911, loses his young life while fighting the Royalists and the forces of the Qajar king, Mohmmad Ali Shah’s elite Cossack brigade. He is remembered as saying: ʺ[t]he only difference between me and these people is my place of birth, and this is not a big difference.ʺ To this day he is revered by Iranians. Second World War | Until the second World War, the US had no interest or an active policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and relations remained cordial. 1953 C.I.A. Coup | In 1951, Prime Minister Mossadegh and his National Front party (“Jebhe Melli”), a socio‐democratic, liberal‐secular nationalist party in Iran, nationalize the country’s oil industry. -
Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism
Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism Mohammad Rezaie Yazdi A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham March 2016 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was based and formed upon the concept of Khomeinism, the religious, political, and social ideas of Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini. While the Iranian revolution was carried out with the slogans of independence, freedom, and Islamic Republic, Khomeini's framework gave it a specific impetus for the unity of people, religious culture, and leadership. Khomeinism was not just an effort, on a religious basis, to alter a national system. It included and was dependent upon the projection of a clash beyond a “national” struggle, including was a clash of ideology with that associated with the United States. Analysing the Iran-US relationship over the past century and Khomeini’s interpretation of it, this thesis attempts to show how the Ayatullah projected "America" versus Iranian national freedom and religious pride. -
Business in Iran After the Nuclear Deal
Presenting a live 90-minute webinar with interactive Q&A Back to Business in Iran After the Nuclear Deal: Maximizing Opportunity and Minimizing Liability Risks Navigating Remaining Sanctions and Customs Controls, Obtaining Necessary Licenses, and International Tax Planning TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 2015 1pm Eastern | 12pm Central | 11am Mountain | 10am Pacific Today’s faculty features: Mehrdad Ghassemieh, Partner, Harlowe & Falk, Tacoma, Wash. Nnedinma C. Ifudu Nweke, Senior Counsel, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, Washington, D.C. Barbara D. Linney, Member, Miller & Chevalier Chartered, Washington, D.C. David B. Woodward, President & CEO, Associates in Cultural Exchange, Seattle The audio portion of the conference may be accessed via the telephone or by using your computer's speakers. Please refer to the instructions emailed to registrants for additional information. If you have any questions, please contact Customer Service at 1-800-926-7926 ext. 10. Tips for Optimal Quality FOR LIVE EVENT ONLY Sound Quality If you are listening via your computer speakers, please note that the quality of your sound will vary depending on the speed and quality of your internet connection. If the sound quality is not satisfactory, you may listen via the phone: dial 1-866-570-7602 and enter your PIN when prompted. Otherwise, please send us a chat or e-mail [email protected] immediately so we can address the problem. If you dialed in and have any difficulties during the call, press *0 for assistance. Viewing Quality To maximize your screen, press the F11 key on your keyboard. To exit full screen, press the F11 key again. Continuing Education Credits FOR LIVE EVENT ONLY In order for us to process your continuing education credit, you must confirm your participation in this webinar by completing and submitting the Attendance Affirmation/Evaluation after the webinar. -
Ship Covers Relating to the Iran/Iraq Tanker War
THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR AND RENAMED TANKERS ~ Lawrence Brennan, (US Navy Ret.) SHIP COVERS RELATING TO THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR & REFLAGGED KUWAITI TANKERS, 1987-881 “The Kuwaiti fleet reads like a road map of southern New Jersey” By Captain Lawrence B. Brennan, U.S. Navy Retired2 Thirty years ago there was a New Jersey connection to the long-lasting Iran-Iraq War. That eight years of conflict was one of the longest international two-state wars of the 20th century, beginning in September 1980 and effectively concluding in a truce in August 1988. The primary and bloody land war between Iran and Iraq began during the Iranian Hostage Crisis. The Shah had left Iran and that year the USSR invaded Afghanistan. The conflict expanded to sea and involved many neutral nations whose shipping came under attack by the combatants. The parties’ intent was to damage their opponents’ oil exports and revenues and decrease world supplies. Some suggested that Iran and Iraq wanted to draw other states into the conflict. An Iranian source explained the origin of the conflict at sea. The tanker war seemed likely to precipitate a major international incident for two reasons. First, some 70 percent of Japanese, 50 percent of West European, and 7 percent of American oil imports came from the Persian Gulf in the early 1980s. Second, the assault on tankers involved neutral shipping as well as ships of the belligerent states.3 The relatively obscure first phase began in 1981, and the well-publicized second phase began in 1984. New Jersey, half a world away from the Persian (Arabian) gulf, became involved when the United States agreed to escort Kuwait tankers in an effort to support a friendly nation and keep the international waters open. -
Why Not? E Case for an American-Iranian Alliance
BOLOGNA CENTER JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Why Not? !e Case for an American-Iranian Alliance Renad Mansour and Ben Hartley In an age of global uncertainty, allies and enemies must be scrutinized, and we must question why we choose to be in con#ict. Iran, as it pursues a nuclear weapon as a security guarantee, is perhaps the most important case to re-examine. "is paper argues that the United States should not only prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, it should try to make Iran an American ally. What this would look like in practice is di$cult to say. "is paper merely initiates discussion of a scenario long considered impossible, and shows that there is signi%cant mutual interest in pursuing it. While shared trust cannot occur in the current situation, o!ers of cooperation from both sides o!er the only recourse to a future without a prolonged nuclear stando! akin to that with North Korea. "e scope of this paper is con%ned to laying the groundwork for establishing potential areas of cooperation and identifying the mutual bene%ts that would arise as a result. “"e only di!erence between me and these of sanctions, the rial has depreciated people is my place of birth, and this is not a by over 75 percent.2 !e government’s big di!erence.” 1 subsidy program, although moderately — Howard Baskerville e"ective for segments of the population such as the extreme poor, has squeezed Howard Baskerville fought for the middle class. Prices for bread, rice, constitutional democracy in Iran during vegetables, and milk doubled in 2012, the 1930s, dying at the age of 24 while leaving Iranians without money for food leading revolutionary forces against and shelter.3 Unemployment is believed the Qajar royalists. -
US-Iraq Relations, Oil, and the Struggle for the Persian Gulf Alexander Alamovich Navruzov Concordia University - Portland, [email protected]
Concordia University - Portland CU Commons Undergraduate Theses Spring 2019 A Cynical Enterprise: US-Iraq Relations, Oil, and the Struggle for the Persian Gulf Alexander Alamovich Navruzov Concordia University - Portland, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.cu-portland.edu/theses Part of the History Commons CU Commons Citation Navruzov, Alexander Alamovich, "A Cynical Enterprise: US-Iraq Relations, Oil, and the Struggle for the Persian Gulf" (2019). Undergraduate Theses. 182. https://commons.cu-portland.edu/theses/182 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by CU Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of CU Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Cynical Enterprise: US-Iraq Relations, Oil, and the Struggle for the Persian Gulf A senior thesis submitted to The Department of Humanities College of Arts and Sciences In partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts degree in History by Alexander Alamovich Navruzov Faculty Supervisor _________________________________________ ______________ Dr. Joel Davis Date Department Chair __________________________________________ _____________ Dr. Kimberly Knutsen Date Dean, College of Arts & Sciences ____________________________________________ _____________ Dr. Michael Thomas Date Provost ____________________________________________________ ____________ Dr. Michelle Cowing Date Concordia University Portland, Oregon April, -
Kiyaei, Mousavian Discuss Nuclear Deal and Iran's Future As Regional
11/6/2015 Kiyaei, Mousavian discuss nuclear deal and Iran’s future as regional power | The Chautauquan Daily • • • Morning Lecture, Morning Lecture Recaps Kiyaei, Mousavian discuss nuclear deal and Iran’s future as regional power Sam Flynn on August 22, 2015 / 0 comments The Iran nuclear deal has stirred much debate and controversy in the United States over the last two months. Seyed Hossein Mousavian and Emad Kiyaei, two Iranians, teamed up to shed light on the nuclear deal and Iran’s perspective on the global landscape. Mousavian, a former diplomat and Iranian nuclear negotiator, and Kiyaei, executive director of the American-Iranian Council, were the final morning lecturers of Week Eight, “The Middle East Now and Next.” Mousavian is a pro-U.S. Iranian and the co-author of Iran and the United States, An Insider’s View on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace, which was published last year and chronicles U.S.-Iran relations from 1856 to the present day. The two men took the Amphitheater stage sans Mousavian’s son, Mohammed, who was scheduled to appear. Mohammed was held up by a delayed flight from Philadelphia, where he is a graduate student at the University of Pennsylvania. Kiyaei questioned Mousavian on the deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, its implications, significance and whether it was a good or bad deal. According to Mousavian, the international consensus is that the U.S. and its allies, the P5+1 consisting of Germany, France, the United Kingdom, China and Russia, achieved their objective: to prevent every path that Iran could take to a nuclear bomb. -
America and Securitization of Iran After the Islamic Revolution 1979 Till 2013; Continuation Or Change
Geopolitics Quarterly, Volume: 11, No 4, Winter 2016 PP 85-116 America and Securitization of Iran after the Islamic revolution 1979 till 2013; continuation or change Mohammad Marandi- Associate Professor of English literature, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Mehrdad Halalkhor- Ph.D Student of North American Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Received: 31/07/2015 Accepted: 30/09/2015 ____________________________________________________________________________ Abstract U.S foreign policy towards Iran has been so uncertain and variable since the beginning of this relation, but alongside of the fluctuation, some kind of consistency is distinguishable. Until the 1979, Islamic revolution Iranian people played a major role in the American anti- communism strategy in the Middle East. The U.S. grand strategy was based on its confrontation with the USSR, and Iran was the key for controlling the Middle East. The process of underpinning Iran’s power as a liberal alliance in the region was the core idea in American consideration towards Iran. After the 1979 revolution, -Iran as a regional actor, had changed its priority and no longer identified itself in the western coalition, based on American foreign policy. On the other hand, America also changed its identification of Iran as a friend and started to demonize Iran’s role in the Middle East and the world. Envisaging these trends, this very fundamental and important question will appear in the minds that: Did America have a turning point in its foreign policy towards Iran after the 1979 revolution, or was the principle of its foreign policy steady or tactical change occurred? In order to answer this question, this article going to examine the history of the U.S. -
Chapter 11: the 600-Ship Navy 1980–1989
Chapter 11 The 600-Ship Navy 1980–1989 build-up of naval aviation, the rise of global acts and Wasp (LHD 1)-class multipurpose amphibious assault of terrorism, and the U.S. response to global ships were commissioned, and Congress authorized more crises characterized the eighth decade of naval of these ships for construction. Naval aviation celebrated aviation.A As the decade began, aircraft carriers sailed its 75th anniversary in 1986, and throughout the year the ready to project U.S. power against extremists who held Navy lauded the men and women who had contributed to Americans hostage in Tehrān, Iran. These ships had the force. increasingly deployed to the Indian Ocean during the Involvement in confrontations during the decade began latter part of the 1970s, and strengthened the trend into with the Iranian hostage crisis from 1979 to 1981. Clashes the 1980s as a result of ongoing and growing problems in with the Libyans demonstrated naval aviation’s air-to-air and the Middle East, East Africa, and Asia. strike capabilities, and Operation Urgent Fury reestablished Eastern Bloc naval expansion threatened Western democracy on the Caribbean island of Grenada. Operations control of the sea, and the United States countered by in and around Lebanon kept naval aviation occupied during developing a maritime strategy that focused on the the mid-1980s, and responding to terrorist crimes and three pillars of deterrence, forward defense, and alliance hijackings around the Mediterranean basin became an solidarity. To accomplish this plan, the Navy developed ongoing requirement for most of the decade. a maritime component in which carriers were to thrust The Persian Gulf War between Iran and Iraq escalated toward strategic points encircling the Eastern Bloc and and the fleet became involved in short but fierce battles in contain the Soviet fleet to enable U.S. -
The U.S.-Iran Showdown: Clashing Strategic Universes Amid a Changing Region
Reports The U.S.-Iran Showdown: Clashing Strategic Universes Amid a Changing Region *Ross Harrison April 16 2020 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.n an MH-60S Sea Hawk helicopter transports cargo from the fast combat support ship USNS Arctic to the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln during a replenishment-at-sea in the Arabian Sea [AP] Figuring out where the U.S.-Iran relationship is today requires that we go deeper than focusing on the immediate issues. This paper will show how the United States and Iran drifted over time into two wildly different strategic universes. The United States for much of its history with Iran has operated within the prism and strategic doctrine of the Cold War, even long after that conflict ended. Within such a doctrine, placing U.S. troops in the region deters Iran and economic sanctions weaken its capabilities to sow regional mischief. Iran’s lens on reality is very different, based on its centuries-old historical experience of having its sovereignty threatened by great powers. Lacking the ability to use conventional means to cope with greater powers directly, it has developed a “whole of region” approach since its 1979 revolution that fuses together ideology with unconventional military means. This paper will also argue that once the Middle East regional order collapsed under the weight of the Arab Spring and the ensuing civil wars, Iran’s view of strategic reality gave it an edge that it lacked during earlier periods of its history. Within this changed regional order, the United States, which had built its doctrine around combatting a global threat from the Soviet Union, found itself flatfooted in dealing with a regional phenomenon like post-revolutionary Iran. -
Maritime Operations in Unstable Geopolitical Environments
Welcome to the Seventh Annual Company Security Officer (CSO)/National Maritime Interagency Advisory Group (NIAG) Meeting Maritime Conference Center (MCC) on the campus of the Maritime Institute of Technology and Graduate Studies (MITAGS) 692 Maritime Boulevard Linthicum Heights, MD 21090 Baltimore, Maryland Tuesday-Thursday, September 17-19, 2019 The Theme for this Year’s Event is: Maritime Operations in Unstable Geopolitical Environments Meeting Schedule of Events: Tuesday: September 17th 1300-1600 – Port of Baltimore tour for local and early arrival travelers (tentative venue Subcom vessel/facilities & MARAD vessel) Dress – business casual with clothes and closed toed shoes appropriate for industrial area visitation 1700-1830 – Dinner: No host social in MITAGS Dining Hall (pay as you go) Presentation: You Tube Seminar of Operation Earnest Will: The U.S. Navy in the “Tanker War” by Stephen Phillips delivered at Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Lab on June 28, 20181 Dress - business casual 1830-2000 – Bridge Simulator: State-of-the-Art Bridge Simulator and Trainers available to demonstrate merchant marine Bridge training for all participants Wednesday: September 18th 0730-0800 - Registration and Check-in (Outside Auditorium) 0800-0805 - Welcome to MITAGS Campus (Mr. Glen Paine, Executive Director) 1 Operation Earnest Will refers to the 1987 reflagging of 11 Kuwaiti Oil Tankers during the Iran-Iraq War: 1980- 1988. Numerous warships and commercial vessels were struck by Iranian laid sea-borne mines and shore-based anti-ship missiles. 1. Introduction: RADM Mark H. Buzby, Maritime Administrator (MARAD) – tentative Mr. Lyston Lea, Principal Advisor, National Maritime Intelligence-Integration Office (NMIO) Mr. Cameron Naron, Director, Office of Maritime Security (MARAD) Mr. -
A Social Justice Theory of Self-Defense at the World Court James Kraska U.S
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 9 Article 3 Issue 1 Fall/Winter 2011 2011 A Social Justice Theory of Self-Defense at the World Court James Kraska U.S. Navy Judge Advocate General Corps. Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation James Kraska A Social Justice Theory of Self-Defense at the World Court, 9 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 25 (2011). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol9/iss1/3 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SOCIAL JUSTICE THEORY OF SELF-DEFENSE AT THE WORLD COURT James Kraskat I. Introduction. ......................................... 25 II. Background. ......................................... 26 III. Social Justice and the Use of Force Jurisprudence.............. 31 A. Protecting the Global Commons: The Corfu Channel Case .. 33 B. Defining Aggression Up in the Post-Colonial Era ........... 36 C. Paramilitary Activities: The Nicaragua Case ............... 37 D. Irregular Maritime Warfare: The Oil Platforms Case ........ 40 IV. Conclusion: Realizing a Social Justice Theory ................. 42 I. Introduction This article offers a theory of social justice that helps to explain use of force or jus ad bellum jurisprudence at the World Court.' More precisely, the theory pro- vides a prism for understanding the interpretation of Article 2(4) and Article 51 of the U.N. Charter in cases before the International Court of Justice (ICJ).