Masalha: The Politics of Denial: Israel and the Palestinian Refugee Problem Review by: Ilan Pappé Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Autumn 2004), pp. 81-82 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.81 . Accessed: 28/03/2014 10:35

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DISPOSSESSING REFUGEES policies of expansion and uprooting. The books were detailed and left very few holes The Politics of Denial: Israel and the in this chronology of state crimes, of which Palestinian Refugee Problem, by Nur very fewreaders in the West, particularly in Masalha. London and Sterling, VA: Pluto the United States, are aware. In this rather Press, 2003. vi + 269 pages. Bibliography to thin book, this same narrative is presented p. 290. $24.95 paper. concisely, and consequently the picture is clearer and even more chilling. Reviewed by Ilan Pappe´ The advantage of having in one place the The title of this book is somewhat mis- continuum of thought and praxis of dispos- leading. It is in part a book about the Israeli session can be seen particularly in the less- “politics of denial,” as its title promises, but known episodes of transfer and expulsion. it also exposes even more forcefully, and to One such example is the story of Gaza, nar- my mind more importantly, the Israeli pol- rated in chapter three of this book. Masalha itics of dispossession. The two, denial and points out the direct link between denials of dispossession, of course, are intertwined. the nakba, Israeli advocacy of resettlement Those who dispossess are powerful enough plans for the refugees far away from Pales- to erase their crimes from their own and tine, and the actual policies of expulsion. He others’ official narratives. is right in stressing the need to analyze each The chapters on denial are part of a new of the three objectives in relation to one an- field of inquiry for this prolific historian. other. Whenever the historical opportunity One chapter is devoted to the beginning seemed ripe, the Zionist movement or the of the struggle against denial of the 1948 state of Israel pushed strongly in all three nakba in Israel, through the works of both directions: trying to wipe out the refugee is- the new historians and the professional sue from the peace agenda, attempting to Palestinian historiographies that appeared resettle the refugees away from Palestine, more or less at the same time. A later chapter and uprooting the Palestinians who had not examines thoroughly the way denial of the yet become refugees. This relentless effort 1948 ethnic cleansing has been perpetuated of dispossession has not ceased for one mo- by the peace efforts since 1967. The epilogue ment since 1948. In 1956, such a historical calls for a future peace in Palestine based on juncture seemed to be available for the Is- Israeli acknowledgment of the 1948 ethnic raelis, but they did not have enough time cleansing and the restitution of its victims’ to fulfill their plans on all three fronts. In rights, through the implementation of UN conjunction with the 1956 Anglo-French- resolution no. 194 and the right of return. Israeli attack on Egypt, the Gaza Strip fell The rest of the book is, to my mind, one under Israeli control for a short while. The of the first, and definitely one of the most historiographers of that war tend to focus, successful, attempts to present the Zionist naturally, on the Egyptian-Israeli scene, for- and Israeli politics of dispossession through getting about Gaza with its large refugee the years. Masalha earlier wrote a sort of community. The Israeli government initially trilogy: His first book dealt with the 1948 thought Gaza would remain forever part of expulsion (Expulsion of the Palestinians, Israel and could not have predicted the in- Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992); his ternational pressure that eventually forced second book examined transfer plans in its army to withdraw. In those early days, the State of Israel well into the 1990s (A the government could satisfy its territorial Land without a People: Israel, Transfer, and appetite by adding yet another part of Pales- the Palestinians,Faber and Faber, 1997); tine to the state of Israel, but at the same and his last book (Imperial Israel and the time the annexation enlarged the number Palestinians: The Politics of Expansion, of Palestinians under Israeli rule. As always Pluto Press, 2000) analyzed contemporary in Zionist history, the question was how to incorporate as much of Palestine as possi- ble with as few Palestinians as possible. The same Israeli officials involved in the 1948 Ilan Pappe´ is senior lecturer in the political ethnic cleansing were busy devising plans to science department, Haifa University. disperse the refugees in Gaza far away from

Journal of Palestine Studies Vol. XXXIV, No. 1 (Autumn 2004), pp. 81–98, ISSN 0377-919X, electronic ISSN 1533-8614. C 2004 by the Institute for Palestine Studies. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, at http://www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.

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Palestine, but the short-lived occupation did Center for Middle Eastern Studies at North not allow them the time to implement their Park University in Illinois. His love for learn- scheme. ing and search for truth, as a firm believer The Gaza Strip again became a relevant and as an academic, led him to move from a topic for Israeli transfer policies in 1967. pro-Israel position in his younger years to a However, the old veterans of the 1948 de- more comprehensive view of the Arab-Israeli population operations conceded the initia- conflict. This transformation is reflected in at tive to someone else: Ariel Sharon, who least five publications and numerous chap- wanted to introduce Jewish settlements ters and journal articles that he authored there and reduce the population of the focusing on Christianity and Israel. Dying in refugee camps. He was then, as he is now, the Land of Promise is the most recent of at the center of a Gaza initiative. his many publications. Out of his conviction Iamsure that readers of this book would for the need for a more accurate understand- experience the same d´ej`avufeeling as I had ing of the Middle East and the Arab-Israeli while reading it. However, the difference to- conflict and its repercussions, he cofounded day is that Sharon finds the settlements an in 1986 Evangelicals for Middle East Under- inefficient tool of depopulation and resorts standing and served as its national director to direct killings, starvation, and economic for ten years until 2000. stagnation. Yet, the wider picture today is In Dying in the Land of Promise,Wagner still the same as the one Masalha portrayed expounds the reality that Palestinian Chris- so skillfully in his historical survey. It applies tians are an integral part of their people at- not only to Gaza, but also to the West Bank, tested by the details of the more recent and and in the more distant future, to the Pales- as well distant history. Wagner is alarmed by tinian areas inside Israel. Thus, the author’s the dwindling numbers of Palestinian Chris- analysis of Israeli policies remains relevant: tians, a development that he sees linked to isolation of vast areas by means of building the creation of Israel and to the various Israeli high walls and electric fences, operations policies of negation of Palestinian rights, dis- aimed at thinning the population, schemes possession of land, and forced migration of of expulsion, and a constant effort of decep- Palestinians since 1948. The work is an en- tion and denial to absolve the Israelis from cyclopedic summary of the history of the any responsibility and accountability. By ex- church in the Holy Land, with Palestinian posing the ideology behind the atrocities Christians contextually placed in each of the and by telling the full story of their history, successive historical stages. In this revised Masalha’s book is an invaluable contribu- edition—the first edition was in 2001— tion in the struggle against such horrendous Wagner also points out the effects on Pales- programs in the future. No less significant tinians of the present intifada, which started is his critique of the pseudo peace plans in September 2000. His concern, which is such as Oslo, the road map, and the Geneva shared by population experts, is that with Accords that undermined, intentionally or continuing Israeli occupation and its various unintentionally, the struggle against denial ongoing measures of control and contain- and dispossession in Palestine. ment, more and more Palestinian Christians, as well as Palestinian Muslims, will leave, DISLODGMENT OF CHRISTIANS thus emptying the land of its living stones. The decline of Palestinian Christians trou- Dying in the Land of Promise: Palestine bles Wagner because their numbers in the and Palestinian Christianity from Pen- occupied Palestinian territories do not reach tecost to 2000, 2nd rev. ed., by Donald 50,000, while Palestinian Christians within E. Wagner. London: Melisende, 2003. 285 Israel number no more than 110,000. Alto- pages. Appendix to p. 292. Bibliography to gether, Palestinian Christians constitute less p. 307. $21.95 paper. than 2 percent of the total population of what was pre-1948 Palestine, a decline from Reviewed by Bernard Sabella 15 percent at the end of the nineteenth cen- Donald Wagner is an Evangelical Presby- tury. In contrast, more than a quarter of a terian minister and executive director of the million Palestinian Christians are found in

Bernard Sabella is associate professor of sociology, Department of Social Sciences, articles and chapters in books on Palestinian Bethlehem University, and author of numerous Christians.

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 83 diaspora communities ranging from Sydney, California Press, 2003. xii + 254 pages. Notes Australia, to San Pedro Sula, Honduras. to p. 302. Bibliography to p. 315. Index to Clearly the ingathering of the Jews in Is- p. 323. $19.95 paper. rael has led to a process of dislodgment of Reviewed by Jamil Hilal Palestinians, Christians included, from Pales- tine. The two processes go together: on the Nathan Brown did most of the research one hand, rebirth; on the other hand, dis- for this book in 1999 and 2000 while hold- lodgement or death. The example of the ing a Fulbright teaching fellowship at Ben- Palestinian Christian community is perhaps Gurion University in Israel. Apart from his the best crystallization of this interdepen- aboveresearch interest, Brown does not dent process of rebirth and dying. Wagner hide his interest (and that of all members methodically and painstakingly points out of his family) in living for a period in Israel. the metamorphosis of the dying Palestinian He states the central theme of his book to Christianity through historical and contex- be “that the struggle over defining Pales- tual details. For a reader who may like to tine concerns not how Palestinian politics concentrate more on present realities of should begin but over how it should be re- Palestinian Christianity, this may be detract- sumed” (p. 5). He contends that much of ing. Wagner’s intention, however, is to show Palestinian politics since the signing of the the devastating historical and other effects of Oslo accords “has consisted of a struggle the disappearance of Palestinian Christians. over how to build a Palestinian polity as de- Proportionately higher numbers of Pales- tached as possible from the context of the tinian Christians than Palestinian Muslims struggle with Israel” (ibid). leave, but the willingness to remain shown In other words, the book is set to prove by Palestinian Christians who refuse to leave that the Palestinian national narrative—in best is exemplified by a sixty-five-year-old Ra- which the Zionist movement in Mandate mallah Christian woman who, when asked, Palestine, the establishment of the state of in one of those surveys intended to gauge Israel in 1948, and its occupation of the intention to emigrate, whether she wanted West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 figure to join family members abroad, insisted that prominently—is of minor relevance to the she would stick to the land even if it meant understanding of present-day Palestinian pol- living only on thyme and olive oil, a popular itics. Hence, the stress of the book’s seven Palestinian dip. chapters is not really on the central issues The defiance of those Palestinians, Chris- of Palestinian politics (self-determination, tians and Muslims alike, who insist on stick- sovereign statehood, and the refugee ques- ing it out in the land are the hope for the tion) but on legalistic, constitutional, and regeneration of Palestine. Israel and its Chris- institutional aspects of the Palestinian Au- tian Zionist supporters particularly in the thority (PA) in its attempts, unsuccessful so United States are manipulating Christianity far, to build a semblance of a state under ideologically to suit the political agenda of extremely adverse conditions imposed by a Israeli military occupation and the conse- colonial settler regime. quent Palestinian dislodgement. But what It is no accident that the book stresses the is the responsibility of Christianity and its “Rocard Report” (published in 1999) spon- biblical heritage in the face of this appar- sored by Henry Seigman of the U.S. Council ently interminable conflict? Wagner seems on Foreign Relations, which is very critical, to stress that the answer lies in justice. In rightly, of the performance of the PA. (The this sense Dying in the Land of Promise is a reviewer was a member of the Palestinian call to Western Christians, particularly those team, which contributed to the report.) The sympathetic to Israel on biblical grounds, to report’s mandate was confined to examining reconsider their position, especially when the institutional structure and performance this position leads to the negation and ac- of the PA at the end of the interim period tual disappearance of a Palestinian Christian community that has been in place in the Holy Land since the beginning of Christianity. Jamil Hilal is a Palestinian sociologist living in the West Bank and the author of numerous books INSTITUTIONS OVER REALITY on Palestinian society, including ThePalestinian Political System after Oslo (Palestinian Institute Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Ac- for the Study of Democracy [MUWATIN]/ cords: Resuming Arab Palestine, by Ramallah and the Institute for Palestine Studies, Nathan J. Brown. Berkeley: University of 1998).

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 84 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES and the onset of the final status period for the Gaza Strip from the West Bank and both negotiating the core issues of statehood, from East Jerusalem, the daily humiliation of refugee rights, the status of Jerusalem, bor- tens of thousands of Palestinians at the hun- ders, the removal or evacuation of Israeli dreds of checkpoints, etc.). The author does colonial settlements, and control over wa- not see that the weakening of the PA, the ter resources. The Rocard Report is basically fragmentation of Palestinian society and its a policy oriented technocratic document, impoverishment, the detention of thousands not a political treatise or a study of Pales- of political activists, and the assassination of tinian national politics. The contest over the political leaders and cadres, all had the aim formation of the Palestinian political system of destroying the possibility of a viable and continued with renewed struggle after the independent Palestinian state and the rec- Oslo accords, with new contenders entering tification of the historic injustice done to the field (e.g., Hamas). Unresolved questions the Palestinians, through dispossession, dis- related to the Palestinian national project, persal, occupation, and land confiscation. the rights of the Palestinian refugees, the bor- A language of neutrality is often nothing ders of the future Palestinian state, and its but a language to hide the inherent par- relations with Israel continued to dominate tiality to the occupier and oppressor. Even politics. In fact, one major reason behind the though this book is rich in details about second intifada was the failure of the “peace many Palestinian governmental institutions process” to move Palestinians toward inde- as they operated on the eve of the second pendent statehood. intifada, linguistic neutrality cannot replace Despite its details about internal institu- objectivity, which demands looking at so- tional and legislative issues, the book fails ciopolitical reality without distorted lenses to conceptualize the relationship between and calling an occupation an occupation, Israel and the West Bank/Gaza Strip as a a colonial power a colonial power, and an settler colonial relationship with all its impli- apartheid system an apartheid system. cations. Hence, it deals with Israeli policies and actions only as responses to the intifada, (RE)OCCUPATION OF RAMALLAH which is referred to in terms of violence (p. 2) rather than—regardless of the methods When the Birds Stopped Singing: Life in some of its political activists employed, par- Ramallah under Siege, by Raja Shehadeh. ticularly against Israeli civilians—as an upris- South Royalton, VT: Steerforth Press, 2003. ing aimed at ending the military occupation viii + 152 pages. $12.95 paper. and achieving political independence. Even Bienvenue a` Ramallah [Welcome to when the Israeli army reoccupied most of the Ramallah], by Theodora´ Oikonomides. West Bank in April 2002, this is referred to as Paris: Flammarion, 2003. 221 pages. Glossary a military campaign (pp. 105, 204). Although to p. 225. Chronology to p. 229. 18 euros the author acknowledges “the widespread paper. destruction, the confiscation of records, the scale of looting and the targeting of appar- Reviewed by Nubar Hovsepian ently innocent organizations” (p. 249) by Diaries and eyewitness accounts, as a the Israeli invading army, he refrains from genre of writing, convey the meaning of explaining the political aims behind such ac- the quotidian as experienced by individu- tions, and, in fact, insists that the purpose als. As such they do not purport to present behind the destruction “remains unclear and a detached and heavily referenced histori- selection of targets obscure” (ibid). cal account of the subject at hand. As a daily The author’s technocratic paradigm of diarist, I have recorded my thoughts and politics does not allow him to see the colo- experiences for more than thirty uninter- nial dimension nor the similarities (and rupted years. Reading Raja Shehadeh’s latest specifics) of Israeli policies toward the Pales- reconstructed diary compels me to recon- tinians compared with other colonial settler struct my diary of the civil war in Lebanon, situations or with apartheid-type policies and, like Shehadeh, use the occasion to tell (e.g., the closures, the curfews, the “separa- a story of how I lived and perceived the war tion wall,”the bypass roads, the classification of Palestinian territory according to the de- gree Israel allows administrative powers to Palestinians, the pass system, the slicing of Nubar Hovsepian is associate professor of the West Bank into a number of separate and political science/international studies at self-enclosed “Bantustans,” the cutting off of Chapman University in Orange, California.

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 85 and was affected by it. I thus would cate- have the luxury of living quietly, creatively, in gorize both works under review here as a his own country. He will be chased, choked, genre of writing about memory and war, for and hounded” (p. 43). For example, She- Shehadeh and Oikonomides bear witness to hadeh records for 11 April 2002 that the the present conflict in Palestine as history. In destruction of property—of NGOs, includ- this context, memory as Pierre Nora notes ing their libraries and computers, aims to is a “perpetually actual phenomenon” that destroy the institutional memory that Pales- can capture the present eternally (“Between tinians have built over the years (p. 85). Memory and History: Les Lieux de Memoire,” When Israeli troops destroy the medical trans. by Marc Roudebush, Representations equipment and information in the offices of 26 [Spring 1989], p. 8). the Thalassemia (lethal form of anemia) Pa- Shehadeh and Oikonomides both chron- tients’ Friends Society, he cries out: “How icle the travails of life under occupation, does the vandalism of such an office help particularly during the Israeli reinvasion of protect Israelis?” (p. 88). parts of the West Bank in 2002. Although the Shehadeh is exasperated with the role books complement one another, they are that Palestinians must perform in a script quite different. Shehadeh presents a Pales- written by others. Arab leaders and the me- tinian narrative of summud (steadfastness) dia portray the Palestinians as heroic victims. and endurance. In contrast, Oikonomides, But he does not want to play this predeter- ayoung French educated “international” mined role and does not want to be either (working with a London-based development pitied or admired. Al-Jazeera portrays Pales- organization), though sympathetic and per- tinians as abstract heroic symbols. Thus, haps in solidarity with Palestinians and their Palestinians serve as the providers of “in- plight, is more distanced from what she spiration and rhetoric to those who feel witnesses (p. 15). In fact, she learns to be impotent in their restricted world. [The careful not to utter the dreaded nine-letter Palestinian] accentuates their [Arabs] feel- word—Palestine—to her Israeli interroga- ing of helplessness and relieves it” (p. 56). tors at Ben-Gurion airport. In contrast, he is offended by Israeli utter- Shehadeh is no ordinary Palestinian, his ances that depict all Palestinians through name being synonymous with the struggle the prism of “terror” and as “terrorists.” He forPalestinian human rights. This is his third is most offended by the simultaneous Is- published diary, written almost ten years af- raeli claim that the Israeli army is among ter he withdrew from public life to protest the most moral military forces in the world, the incompetence of the Palestinian leader- an abuse of language he sees as verging ship. He writes as a humanist, but one who on the pornographic (p. 95). Israeli propa- understands the politics of the situation. He ganda reduces all Palestinians to terrorists; warned against the serious shortcomings of thus, the Israeli public becomes numb and Oslo, which he repeatedly refers to as a “false unable to have empathy for other human be- peace,”but rather than dwelling on the broad ings, and in the process they become racists political issues, he chooses to chronicle the (pp. 95–96). quotidian, which is filled with curfews and Shehadeh is equally intolerant of the Israeli troops taking over his brother’s house. stupidity, incompetence, and neglect of the The absurdity of this illegal takeover is rep- Palestinian leadership and the oppositional resented by his sister-in-law’s need to ask forces that have nurtured an arms culture for “permission from an Israeli soldier to and militarized the Palestinian struggle (p. take her daughter to the toilet in her own 5). He decries Palestinian leaders for placing house” (p. 16). Tala, the daughter, admires young men in harm’s way, abandoning them her father but is forced to see him “pushed to meet senseless deaths. “How much has around and humiliated” (p. 17). This vignette this society suffered for the irresponsibility serves as a metaphor for the humiliation of its leaders?” (p. 132). He does not want that all Palestinians experience daily in lives Palestinian society to build new myths of filled with constant “trauma, tragedy, catas- heroism; instead, he seeks a society that is trophe, violence, brutality, and stupidity” free of myths and heroism (p. 116). And that (p. 21). seems to be why suicide bombings trouble The Israeli invasion of Ramallah is not Shehadeh. For a moment, when Israelis are just punitive in nature—curfews, arrests, de- hit with an explosion, there is a reversal struction of property, and random arrests. of roles, and they become victims. But this The Israeli soldiers return with a vengeance “victory” is “sour, embittering, sobering” (p. “to remind me that a Palestinian does not 78), as there are no winners here.

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In December 2000, Shehadeh’s mother, mean “pass but on foot.” Blue cards and as a member of the Jerusalem choir’s annual yellow license plates mean “pass” (welcome Christmas concert, summed up what he to Israel), etc. The message is clear: the color and all Palestinians want. Unable to go to of racism (p. 60). Jerusalem, the choir sang at the Qalandia After four months in Qalandia, Oikono- checkpoint, and his mother stood in the rain mides moved to Bayt Hanina, and a few carrying a placard that stated simply: “End months later, relocated to Ramallah, where the occupation now. Israelis go home” (p. she remained until October 2003. Oikono- 152). mides introduces her French readers to the The book by Oikonomides shows us the meaning of checkpoints, the humiliation poverty and deprivation of a segment of that Palestinians experience on a daily ba- the Palestinian population that Shehadeh sis, and the absurdity of the Israeli regime of does not highlight. As a young woman with occupation. She provides hand-drawn illus- aGreek surname, she became actively en- trations of checkpoints, maps that identify gaged with the Palestine solidarity move- settlements (colonies), and sketches of set- ment in France. She went to Palestine in tler roads that Bantustanize the West Bank. October 2000, initially to work and live in She introduces simple and poor Palestini- the Qalandia refugee camp, a location that ans and focuses on the young (shebab). And enabled her to observe the class divisions like Shehadeh, she does not shy away from of Palestinian society. She notes that the di- criticizing the culture of arms that prevails rector of a cooperative designed to help the among Palestinians. poor does not live in the camp and displays the arrogance of a middle-class Palestinian REFUGEES’ PREDICAMENT who has disdain for refugees who have be- come dependent on assistance (p. 29). In The Palestinian Impasse in Lebanon: contrast is Um Sleiman, a camp resident The Politics of Refugee Integration, by who cleans the cooperative, is religious and Simon Haddad. Foreword by Hilal Khashan. veiled, but a great cook and hospitable. She Brighton, UK and Portland, OR: Sussex Aca- adopts Oikonomides, a European outsider demic Press, 2003. x + 148 pages. Appen- who thus is in a better position to see the dices to p. 161. Select Bibliography to p. other Palestine. Oikonomides observes that 170. Index to p. 179. $65.00 cloth. Um Sleiman had not gone beyond elemen- tary education, but she learned Hebrew and Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon— other things on her own. And she manages Where to Belong? by Doroth´ee Klaus. to work, care for eleven siblings, and keep a Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2003. 176 positive demeanor despite the hardships of pages. Bibliography to p. 199. Index to p. occupation. More details about Um Sleiman 205. 25 euros paper. and others like her would have enhanced Reviewed by Laleh Khalili the book. Missing, too, are details about the author’s own work during her three years in In the aftermath of the Lebanese civil war Palestine. (1975–1991) and in reaction against refugee Oikonomides displays a good sense of settlement schemes that first were fielded humor and irony, as she tries to explain during the 1992 Madrid talks, the Lebanese what occupation entails. In “The Colors government increasingly and drastically has of Discrimination,” she dazzles her reader curtailed Palestinian refugees’ civil rights. with the various color-coded license plates The aim of the draconian limits on Palestinian and identity (ID) cards. The holders of blue employment, property ownership, and uni- cards can enter Jerusalem, but the holders versity education has been an open secret of green cards are not allowed to leave the throughout: The Lebanese state wishes to West Bank. The color game can become “encourage” Palestinian refugees in Lebanon surreal. She describes a house in Qalandia, to emigrate, so as to reduce the numbers of where the balcony is physically located in Jerusalem, and the bedrooms are in the West Bank. With much irony she says, “don’t ask me the color of the identity cards of this Laleh Khalili is a Ph.D. candidate in political science at Columbia University. The title of her houses’ inhabitants” (p. 59). The rules are soon-to-be-completed doctoral dissertation is simple: Green and orange ID cards with Citizens of an Unborn Kingdom: Stateless green license plates mean “do not pass.” Palestinian Refugees and Contentious Others with green IDs and work permits Commemoration.

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 87 possible refugees settling in Lebanon at a fu- using conceptual tools from research on im- ture date. Conventional wisdom holds that migration to North America and Australia. these policies have arisen because the great The conclusions he draws from his survey majority of the Lebanese do not want Pales- results confirm his original hypothesis that tinian refugees settled in their midst. The two most Lebanese do not want to see Pales- volumes reviewed here support this view, tinian refugees settled in their midst, blame although the authors use differing—though the Palestinians for the civil war, and do complementary—methods for arriving at not desire their integration or assimilation their conclusions. into the Lebanese society. (His Sunni and Haddad, an associate professor of po- Druze respondents are far less adamant than litical science at the Notre Dame Univer- other sectarian groups in their hostility to- sity in Lebanon, utilizes survey questions ward and distrust of Palestinians.) While this to gauge the attitude of the Lebanese to- conclusion in itself is unsurprising, Haddad ward Palestinian refugees and their possi- also interestingly argues that this hostility ble settlement in Lebanon. He also surveys is a result of low interaction between the Palestinian refugees about their opinions Lebanese and Palestinian respondents, and of possible Palestinian statehood and set- that “the higher the respondents’ frequency tlement in Lebanon or further afield. His of communication, the more they feel closer pool of respondents includes 273 Palestini- to Palestinians” (p. 122). ans who were “interviewed at and outside The second volume is based on the au- the camps” (p. 79) and 1,073 Lebanese citi- thor’s doctoral thesis, and it uses ethnogra- zens. The Lebanese respondents are mostly phy to explore the attitudes of Lebanese and 18–35 years old (72 percent), male (64 Palestinians toward one another. Klaus con- percent), college educated (58 percent), ducted 180 in-depth interviews and held and “people with professional and manage- even more informal conversations with rial occupations” (p. 77). Although Haddad Palestinian and Lebanese respondents be- has collected data on the respondents’ age, longing to different backgrounds. Although class, and gender, his primary basis of mea- she does not provide an overall breakdown surement and comparison is religious iden- of her correspondents’ age, gender, class, or tity. However, even in this small sample, confessional belonging, when quoting them Christians are overrepresented: Whereas in the text—which she does extensively— population estimates put the percentage she identifies them by all of those factors, of Lebanese Christians at or below 30 per- while allowing them to remain anonymous. cent, nearly half of Haddad’s respondents In her introduction, she states her aim as un- (48 percent) are Christians. By contrast, the derstanding “the sources of both continuous Shi‘a, the Sunni, and the Druze comprise stalemate and coexistence” (p. 8), as well as respectively 27, 18, and 7 percent of all focusing on Palestinians who live outside the respondents (p. 77). The author does not camps (p. 6). However, the book seems to provide a similar breakdown by age, gender, cover a vast and sometimes unwieldy range class, or religion for the Palestinian respon- of anthropological themes (such as state- dents (although the questionnaires indicate lessness, kinship, the honor code, fear and that he collected this data), and nor do we trauma, and unsettled populations, among know what percentage are camp residents. others), and most of the Palestinians quoted Prior to the analysis of the survey re- seem to be camp residents. sults in chapters seven through eleven, One of the strengths of Klaus’s book is Haddad outlines the historical and social the excellent range of “voices” recorded background of Palestinian refugees’ pres- throughout. She liberally quotes her respon- ence in Lebanon. The first four chapters dents in order to provide anecdotal support include a review of the strategies of regional for her thematic arguments, and the range of parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict, a brief opinions and attitudes she conveys through overview of the Palestinian exodus from these direct quotes is illuminating and inter- Israel in 1948, an assessment of the Pales- esting. Klaus dedicates nearly half the book tinians’ role in the Lebanese civil war (in to an historical summary of the Palestinian chapter three, Haddad claims that the civil predicament in Lebanon. Although the re- warwas primarily between Palestinian guer- spondents’ anecdotes are colored by their rillas and local militias), and the obstacles present concerns and prejudices and may to Palestinian integration and resettlement. not represent their political positions in the Haddad also attempts to ground his analysis 1970s and 1980s, nevertheless, these chap- in theory by drawing comparisons with and ters are fascinating to read, and by providing

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 88 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES the Lebanese viewpoint of those years, com- inal focus. For example, her discussion of plement Rosemary Sayigh’s groundbreaking pre-1948 life in Palestine (pp. 135–42) has From Peasants to Revolutionaries (London: little bearing on her argument. In Haddad’s Zed Books, 1979) and Too Many Enemies volume, more attention should have been (London: Zed Books, 1994). The latter half of paid to fact checking, to prevent glaring er- chapter six and the whole of chapter seven, rors such as describing Hamas as “a splinter where the Palestinian respondents voice group of Osbat al-Ansar” (p. 81 n. 5) or stat- doubts about their future, their identity, and ing that Lebanon “has some of the fewest their relation with their hosts, are among resources and wealth [sic]” in the Middle the more poignant and interesting sections East (p. 45). Haddad’s inconsistent and in- in the volume, as they show the complex- correct spelling of names and confusing use ity of attitudes present in a particular social of honorific titles in both the text and the group. Similarly, the direct quotations by bibliography are also problematic. For exam- Klaus’s Lebanese respondents show that ple, Rosemary Sayigh’s last name is rendered their opinions toward Palestinians are not as “Sayyigh” in the text and the bibliography, monolithic and can range from sympathetic and political scientist Farid al-Khazen’s name (p. 96) to vitriolic (pp. 94–95) to downright is preceded with the use of the honorific bigoted (p. 97). “Sheikh” (p. 32), which can bemuse the un- A fundamental premise in both books is familiar reader. More significantly, Haddad that the confessional identities of the actors uses quoted material ahistorically; for ex- is their primary categorical identity and that ample, describing a present-day situation by it determines their attitudes and opinions, al- using a quote from a 1984 article by Rashid though Klaus’s research—implicitly—shows Khalidi (p. 42 and p. 48 n. 7), or utilizing a that class is a significant factor in delineat- Kata’ib party document from 1999 to explain ing attitudes. Both authors assume sectarian Maronite attitudes circa the 1970s (p. 38 n. allegiances as monolithic, internally coher- 16 and p. 32). The absence of details and the ent, and the primary motivator of politics. proliferation of euphemized discussion lead In some ways, the readers of both books Haddad either to make sweeping general- are expected to know the internal politics of izations without further explanation—“Any Lebanon and to understand the euphemisms [demographic] imbalance would have a ma- that are intended to describe someone’s pol- jor political, social, economic and security itics through naming his or her religion. impact” (p. 47)—or to assert facts with- Thus, Klaus’s identification of a respondent out documentary support. For example, in as “Maronite technician, Mount Lebanon afootnote, he reports that the number of area” (p. 97) is supposed to evoke in the refugees registered with UNRWA is nearly reader historical knowledge of the role of 400,000, half residing in the camps, but “the Mount Lebanon’s Maronites in the civil war researcher was told [by whom?] that the real and it replaces a discussion of the politics number [of camp residents or all refugees?] in which this person is engaged. Haddad’s did not exceed 130,000” (p. 80). More mun- similarly unproblematic use of confessional danely, the English used in both volumes is categories as euphemisms for political po- sometimes awkward and occasionally gram- sitions transforms all Maronites into impla- matically incorrect. cable foes of Palestinians, and all Sunnis as Despite these shortcomings, some of stalwart supporters. That the voices of in- which are more than minor, these books pro- dividual Sunnis recorded in Klaus’s volume vide rare empirical snapshots of Lebanese- may show antipathy toward the Palestinians Palestinian relationships at the begin- or that more than a few Maronites in her ning of the twenty-first century. These book voice their sympathy toward Palestini- can be valuable to policymakers and re- ans undermines the authors’ unquestioned searchers discussing the predicament of privileging of confessional belonging. Their Palestinian refugees and trying to under- prioritization of sectarian allegiances ignores stand the social attitudes of their Lebanese political relations within and across sectar- hosts. ian groups. Aside from this serious problem, both CONVENTIONAL ZIONISM volumes could have benefited from a firmer editorial hand. Klaus works with such fas- The Invention of a Nation: Zionist cinating material that she sometimes loses Thought and the Making of Mod- sight of her central argument and covers ern Israel, by Alain Dieckhoff. New ground that is only tangential to her orig- York: Columbia University Press, 2003.

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 89 xi + 289 pages. Index to p. 297. $30.00 (basically Herzl, Chaim Weizmann, David cloth. Ben-Gurion, and the Labor movement) and its superiority over neo-Zionism and post- Reviewed by Gabriel Piterberg Zionism. This sustains the main argument Alain Dieckhoff is a political scientist that classical Zionism was a most success- interested in political theory and the his- ful project of attaining political modernity tory of ideas. He is a senior researcher in through building a democratic, but realistic, France’s Centre National de la Recherche Sci- Jewish nation-state, a project whose leaders’ entifique and works at the Centre d’Etudes´ et understanding of the world within which de Recherches Internationales. The present they operated has been vindicated. book can be seen as an interpretive culmi- TheInvention of a Nation,asthe author nation of several publications on theories explicitly states (pp. 9–11), is underlain by an of the state, nationalism, territoriality, and Idealist view of history, which accords ideas Israel. and ideology autonomy from the material TheInvention of a Nation is a narra- world and primacy in shaping it. Dieckhoff’s tive of the ideational genealogy of Zionist content analysis of the ideological texts he thought, and to some extent its articula- reads is on the whole competent and thor- tion in politics, according to the authorita- ough. He emphasizes more than usual the tively conventional pantheon that has been European ideational contexts to which some canonized in numerous texts, from Israeli of the Zionist writers related and referred, school textbooks to scholarly works by, no- occasionally finding fresh connections. Thus tably, Arthur Herzberg, Walter Laqueur, and Dieckhoff interestingly uncovers the possi- Shlomo Avineri. This book, furthermore, ble influence of the French conservative is at once a study of Zionist ideology and thinker, Joseph de Maistre, upon one of a contribution to its sustenance and jus- the founding ideologues of the Labor move- tification, though the author manages to ment, A. D. Gordon (pp. 71–72). One of the keep a certain critical distance as the title problems in doing a serious history of ideas (Invention) implies. According to the well- of nationalism (I shall shortly comment on rehearsed rules of this “genre,” Dieckhoff the flaw of understanding Zionism as just first presents the “forerunners” of Zionism nationalism) is the intellectual poverty of (Moses Hess and Rabbis Yehuda Alkalai and the thinkers. This problem is apparent in Tzevi Kalischer), as well as Leo Pinsker’s call the present work, and it might have used for auto-emancipation, all of which leads to as a grain of salt one of the three para- Theodore Herzl (chapter one). He continues doxes Benedict Anderson identifies in na- with a chapter on the ideology of Socialist— tionalism, such as the third: “The ‘political’ for which Labor would have been more accu- power of nationalisms vs. their philosophi- rate and less misleading—Zionism (chapter cal poverty and even incoherence. In other two), and on the triumph of the Hebrew words, unlike most other isms, nationalism language and culture (chapter three). has never produced its own grand thinkers: Dedicating considerably more space than no Hobbeses, Tocquevilles, Marxes, or We- usually is allotted to Jewish Orthodoxy as bers.” (Anderson, Imagined Communities, well as to National Religious Zionism (chap- revised edition, [London: Verso, 1991], ter four) and, especially, to the Zionist Right p. 5.) (chapter five), Dieckhoff celebrates the re- Dieckhoff’s study neither uncovers new markable success of Zionism, which in a source material nor offers a novel overall in- wayachieved its purpose with the founda- terpretation of Zionist ideology. The author tion of the state in 1948. (This is also the cut- also heroically resists meaningful interaction off point of the book, which conveniently with the not insubstantial scholarly litera- excludes the 1948 war.) The celebration ture on Zionism and Israel that has appeared (chapter six and postscript) emphasizes the over the past two decades; instead, he just correctness of so-called classical Zionism lists some items that are part of this scholar- ship in a series of footnotes in the postscript, thereby structurally making sure that they do not inconveniently interfere with the top- Gabriel Piterberg, an associate professor of ics to which they concretely pertain. This history at UCLA, is the author of An Ottoman Tragedy: History and Historiography at Play strange decision has a twofold consequence: (University of California Press, 2003) and It makes it possible for the author to avoid currently is writing a book, Myths, Politics and less than comfortable arguments vis-`a-vis his Scholarship in Israel. own; and it makes the reading of his book

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 90 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES less engaging and compelling than it could Reviewed by Nur Masalha have been. On the face of it, this is an impressive Examples abound, and it is worth not- collection: fifteen review articles written by ing at least two. Studies by Baruch Kim- eighteen contributors while two of the four merling (Zionism and Territory, Univer- editors, Neil Caplan and Laura Zittrain Eisen- sity of California Press, 1983) and Gershon berg, are well-known reputable authors and Shafir (Land, Labor, and the Origins of key figures in the series Books on Israel. the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882– Although the contributors include an Ital- 1914, Cambridge University Press, 1989 and ian, a German, a Chinese, and four Arabs, reprint ed., University of California Press, it is (Zionist) Israeli and North American 1996), which Dieckhoff mentions in the Jewish scholars who dominate this interdis- postscript but does not contend with in ciplinary compilation. Nevertheless, it prob- the text itself, would have forced him to ably is one of the best in the Israeli studies discuss Zionism as settlers’, that is, colo- series to date, going far beyond the stan- nial nationalism, not merely nationalism. dard reviews of books on Israel by offering Shafir’s work further would have forced the critical examinations of wide-ranging schol- author to grapple with the argument that arship about Israel within such disciplines Labor ideology and its cooperative settle- as history and memory, politics, economics, ments were the product of not just a self- literature, sociology, and anthropology. The contained chain of ideational transmission sheer number of contributors and the range but also of the colonial conflict between set- of essays and topics discussed make this vol- tlers and natives and the need to exclude ume a rich source of information on Israeli the latter from the land and labor markets. society, politics, economics, and culture. Its In his celebration of the triumph of the coverage is broad, with essays on reassessing Hebrew language and culture, Dieckhoff Israel’s road to the Suez War; the Holocaust conveniently ignores books by Yonathan and commemoration; the control of territory Shapiro and Yitzhak Laor. Shapiro (An Elite and spatial dimensions in Israel; the social, without Successors,Tel Aviv: Sifriat Poalim, economic, and educational conditions of 1984) points out the adverse effect of this the Palestinians in Israel; post-Zionism; the triumph on the first generation of native He- dynamics of the Oslo “peace process”; and brew speakers: The zealous monolinguism books on Israel published in Italy, Germany, severely narrowed their world and was one and even China. of the main reasons for their political limita- Although the collection has many excel- tions as a generational group. Laor (Narra- lent essays providing fresh analysis and co- tives with No Natives,Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz gent criticism, reading through some of them Hameuhad, 1995) brilliantly demonstrates creates the impression that until recently the how the material and discursive institu- “new historians” and “post-Zionists” were tion called Hebrew literature was com- running Israel, only to be betrayed by the plicit in the erasure of Palestine as an Arab Palestinians and undermined by the second place. intifada. In “Does Post-Zionism Have a Fu- The bottom line of all this is that what ture?” (pp. 159–80), which reviews books could have been an interesting debate be- by Avi Shlaim, Benny Morris, Zeev Stern- tween a reasonably moderate Zionist and hell, and others, Deborah Wheeler argues the critics of Zionism, a debate in which that post-Zionism “has grown into an all- the history of the idea of transfer in Zion- encompassing cultural, political, and ideo- ist thought is discussed rather than ignored, logical movement. Post-Zionism has changed ends up being a familiar parade of Zion- Israeli society in significant ways, from the re- ist and Israeli ideology from an intrinsic vision of public school curricula to the trans- perspective. formation of Palestinian-Israeli relations,”and POST-ZIONIST ANALYSES

Traditions and Transitions in Israel Studies, Books on Israel, vol. 6, edited Nur Masalha is senior lecturer and director of Holy Land studies, St. Mary’s College, University by Laura Zittrain Eisenberg, Neil Caplan, of Surrey, and research associate, School of Naomi B. Sokoloff, and Mohammed Abu- Oriental and African Studies, University of Nimer. Albany: State University of New York London. His most recent book is ThePolitics of Press, 2002. ix + 340 pages. Notes to p. 342. Denial: Israel and the Palestinian Refugee $27.95 paper. Problem (Pluto Press, 2003).

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 91 the essay reviews some textual examples of ical, religious, and political background of the entrenchment of the post-Zionist men- the rise of the Zionist movement and its de- tality: “Together these texts reveal aspects of velopments and accomplishments in various the post-Zionist efforts to clear space for new stages. It allows Chinese readers as well as discourses, and thus new power relations in Chinese academics to understand the histor- Israel” (p. 160). But is Wheeler talking about ical links between Jews and the land of Israel. the same country that since September 2000 Describing Zionism as a national liberation has introduced openly racist laws against its movement of the Jewish people, the book Arab citizens and is building an apartheid claims that “China was an active supporter wall at the heart of Palestine with devas- of the Balfour Declaration” (p. 327). Being tating effects on hundreds of thousands of completely unaware of the implications of Palestinians (and is backed not just by the the idea of building the “Third Temple” (and Zionist Left but also by some Israeli contrib- possibly setting off a third world war in the utors to this collection)? process), Xin, following in the footsteps of Although one heard much about post- many Zionist writers, confuses Zionism with Zionism throughout the 1990s, this intel- Judaism and extols the virtues of early Zion- lectual trend has vanished almost entirely ism, which allegedly inspired Sun Yat-sen from Israel in the post-September 2000 pe- (1866–1925), the founding father of modern riod. Furthermore, most “textual examples” Chinese nationalism. Xin also draws satis- reviewed by Wheeler are written by com- faction from the close cooperation between mitted Zionists (and even by some critics China and Israel since 1992 and its impact of post-Zionism). For example, the works on the growth of Israeli studies in China. (At of Benny Morris always have been deeply least one of the books reviewed was pref- anchored in Zionist ideological moorings, aced by the Israeli ambassador to China.) He and Morris himself recently joined the cause concludes that, thanks to the growth of this of the Israeli right wing, threatening Pales- new scholarship in China, and Chinese trans- tinians with another catastrophe like the lations of A History of Zionism by Walter one in 1948. Those courageous Israelis who Laqueur and A Hundred Years of Settlement continue to speak out against Israel’s bru- by Chaim Givati [a former Israeli minister], tal war against the Palestinians, such as Chinese academics and the public now have Ilan Papp´e, are being threatened with ex- the opportunity for a deeper understanding pulsion from Israeli academia. Therefore, of Zionism and Eretz-Israel. Nobody can say arealistic assessment of the impact of the anymore that Zionism’s only purpose was to post-Zionism discourse of the 1990s on a set- steal Palestine from its rightful owners (p. tler colonial society must take into account 328). Unfortunately, this essay shows that that the right-wing Likud has dominated the writer is completely out of touch with Israel (and continues to do so) for twenty- history, reality, and morality. two of the last twenty-six years. How, one Some other essays in the book are out might ask, can a country pursuing its set- of date, such as the one by Maen Nsour, tler colonial project throughout the Oslo “Economics as a Security Tool in an Era of period—by doubling its settler population ‘Peace’ in the Middle East.” But there are in the occupied territories and consolidating some good essays, the best ones by rela- its Bantustans—simultaneously be described tively unknown authors. For example, Ilham as a society “transformed” by post-Zionism? Nasser and Khawla Abu Bakr have written on Clearly some essays in this collection pro- the Palestinians in Israel. Also on the positive vide rosy, almost Alice-in-wonderland-like side, although overall the volume’s agenda assessments of contemporary trends in Is- is liberal Zionist, the actual boundaries be- raeli society. tween Israel and Palestine are not rigidly Traditions and Transitions in Israel drawn, and the essays on the Palestinians in Studies also contains some spurious schol- Israel in particular are a good example of a arship. An example is the essay by Xu Xin, a highly welcome openness. Indeed, the col- professor of the History of Jewish culture and lection contains two fascinating essays by the director of the Center for Jewish Stud- three lecturers (Abu Bakr, Ruth Amir, and ies in Nanjing. Xin reviews several books on Leah Rosen) from an obscure Israeli college, Israel published in China, including one en- Emeq Yezreel; they expose the hollowness titled TheThird Temple: The Rise of Israel and fragility of the emerging multicultural (1994). According to Xin, TheThird Temple discourse of the 1990s and the lack of com- is the first Chinese book ever to provide a mitment to it on the part of the Israeli Jewish detailed, balanced description of the histor- public even at the height of the “peace

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 92 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES process.” Their essays provide insights into wavesofrefuseniks reacted to the first in- why the Palestinian citizens of Israel now tifada of 1987, and the renewed Palestinian find themselves at best outcast in their own uprising of recent years has produced a new homeland and at worse threatened with and enlarged response, with over 1,200 Is- ethnic cleansing and another nakba. raelis of military age committed by formal declarations of refusal to take part in the CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS repression of the Palestinian population. The refusenik movement is of significant Refusenik! Israel’s Soldiers of Con- proportions. Over the years, the Israeli army science, edited by Peretz Kidron. Foreword has had to deal with an estimated 4,000 acts by Susan Sontag. London: Zed Books, 2004. of political refusal. About 1,000 refuseniks xvii + 118 pages. $19.95 paper. have served prison sentences, some repeat- edly. Over 300 refuseniks have been jailed Reviewed by Amnon Kapeliuk since February 2001. Refuseniks include of- Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and ficers and soldiers, middle-aged reservists Gaza Strip has lasted thirty-seven years; of and conscripts performing their three-year almost equal duration has been the cam- obligatory service (two for women) and, in paign against it by Israeli peace activists. growing numbers, eighteen-year-old youths Their dedicated efforts, replete with ups summoned to induction centers. Indeed, and downs and repeated disappointments, the rapid growth of the refusenik move- hitherto have failed to sway Israeli public ment among high school seniors (“shmin- opinion against the occupation and its at- istim”) prompted the army in January 2004 tendant tribulations for both peoples. But to court-martial five draft resisters, who re- while yet to bear the hoped-for fruit, the ceived one-year sentences on top of a year campaign, persistent and impassioned, has or more in pretrial detention. spurred activists to seek novel ways of mak- What motivates a refusenik? What ing their voices heard. To take one instance, prompts a normally law-abiding citizen to the Women in Black anti-occupation vigils, throw off the habits of a lifetime and defy launched initially in Jerusalem, have gener- his/her legally appointed superiors? What ated a powerful symbol that has been taken induces a young Israeli to take a stand up by protesters worldwide. that, above and beyond the immediate le- But the most startling innovation of the Is- gal penalty and long-term damage to career raeli Left has been the refusenik movement. prospects, often entails censure and os- It was instigated by young activists who, on tracism by family and friends? being summoned to their annual month of The refusenik movement can be charac- military reserve duty, found themselves in terized as a unique blend of Mahatma Ghandi the difficult situation of being assigned to and Jewish chutzpah. Ghandi’s legacy comes enforce the very occupation against which through in the refusal to bow down to fla- they had campaigned all year as civilians. grant injustice or collaborate with an occu- “Selective refusal” of duty in the occupied pation regime destructive of the most basic territories, or in Lebanon during the war human and democratic values. The chutz- launched in 1982, was an audacious exten- pah lies in the stubborn refusal of a soldier sion of nonviolent civil disobedience to that or junior officer to concede superior wis- least “civil” of all hierarchies—the military. dom to those superior in formal military The first instances of selective refusal were rank. In 1982, when the politicians and greeted with disbelief and outrage in a state generals found fit to order the army into where military service enjoyed semisancti- Lebanon, their judgment was challenged by fied status. But when the Lebanon invasion soldiers way down in the hierarchy and far of June 1982 prompted the formation of inferior in military experience. After much the first refusenik movement, Yesh Gvul blood and time had been spent in a destruc- (“There’s a Limit!”) selective refusal became tive and futile campaign, it turned out that afamiliar feature of radical protest. Further the refuseniks had been right all along, and the generals and politicians belatedly came around to their point of view. Chutzpah indeed! Amnon Kapeliuk is a journalist and expert on While it may be possible to character- Middle Eastern affairs. His most recent book, a ize the refusenik movement in broad lines, biography of Yasir Arafat, has been published in each refusenik is a world unto him/herself, Paris byFayard. with a private biography and personal values

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 93 that sustain his/her defiance. Editor Peretz explains variations in Serbian nationalist vi- Kidron very wisely offers little more than a olence within Serbia as opposed to in its minimal overview of the movement’s phi- Bosnian frontier? losophy, opting instead to present dozens of Ron argues that states will prefer to po- declarations and court statements whereby lice harshly rather than expel unwanted refuseniks have defended their position. A groups in areas of concentrated state power, refusenik himself, Kidron has assembled whereas on the peripheries of the state, na- the declarations of philosophers and fac- tionalist violence is likely to be most intense. tory workers, bank clerks and students, Moreover, wherever human rights monitor- teenagers and fathers, radicals and the polit- ing is most intense, violence itself will be ically neutral, Zionists and non-Zionists. The craftier—links to paramilitaries will be dis- fifty refuseniks represented offer an amazing avowed and torturers will try to leave few variety of views, arguments, and personal marks. In the late twentieth century, even experience. Academics and scholars may states with strong national projects such as find this too subjective an approach. But in Serbia and Israel know the cost of appearing depicting a movement consisting of individ- to violate international human rights norms uals, each one responding—with courage as they exercise violence. and determination—to the absolute impera- Ron’s argument turns on the spatial tive of his/her private conscience, Kidron’s metaphor of “frontier” (where violence is “salad” anthology offers a profoundly chal- likely to be most vicious) and ghetto (dense lenging and moving portrayal. populations near the core of the state). Ghetto populations are more likely to be STATE TERRORISM harshly policed than forcefully deported. If patterns of state violence vary with geo- Frontiers and Ghettos: State Violence in graphic zone, then borders matter. Borders, Serbia and Israel, by James Ron. Berkeley: however, are not real but rather perceived. University of California Press, 2003. xxiv + Thus, changes in how borders are perceived 202 pages. Notes to p. 251. Index to p. 262. also change the kind of violence. During the $19.95 paper. 1990s, for example, Ron argues that the West Bank gradually changed its status from an in- Reviewed by Darius Rejali ternal ghetto of Israel to its frontier with States use violence to defend borders, en- Palestinian autonomous zones, and with forcelaws, and defend their internal social this transformation came a change in the order. But actual patterns of state violence repertoire of violence. Palestinians were ac- change dramatically over time and space. customed to Israelis using harsh police-style Why do states use some methods of violence methods; after September 2000, however, (i.e., mass expulsion or torture or bombs) Palestinians were facing missiles, armored in one place and at one time and change at vehicles, and shoot-to-kill ambushes. other times? To answer this question, James Political scientists often focus on why vi- Ron, a sociologist at McGill University, exam- olence is done rather than how it is done. Al- ines changing patterns of violence in Serbia though the latter subject generally has been and Israel. He is not concerned with the legit- left to the military historians to address, Ron imacy of these state projects or the causes of argues persuasively that understanding how the violence. He asks rather what accounts violence is done has major theoretical pay- forvariations in the kind of violence these offs. His study of the practice shows that states used? For example, why did Israel use international norms are far more robust than different methods of repression in Palestine political scientists normally imagine. Per- and Lebanon in the same period? Or what petrators of violence are keenly aware of explains historical variations in Israel’s treat- institutional norms and environmental set- ment of Palestinians? And likewise, what tings as they go about doing their work, and they exercise considerable creativity within those limits. From his own experience wit- nessing the application of violence, Ron understood firsthand that methods allowed Darius Rejali, associate professor of political in frontier zones were unacceptable in ghet- science at Reed College, is the author of Torture and Modernity (Westview, 1994), Torture and toes and vice versa. (He was in an Israeli Democracy (Princeton, forthcoming), and infantry unit from 1985 to1988, serving in Approaches to Violence (Princeton, southern Lebanon and the Palestinian territo- forthcoming). ries. He then worked as a member of Human

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Rights Watch in eastern Turkey, during the Palestinian displacement and Zionism. The Turkish war against Kurdish insurgents.) film is instead a portrayal of colonialism’s Ron’s study also allows him to reject various iterations in material condition and typical answers political scientists give for construction of space, art, and culture. why violence is done. By focusing on how 500 Dunam on the Moon begins with violence is done, Ron shows that these an- Muhammad Abu al-Hayja and his young swers are too feeble to withstand empirical daughter Lena pondering territoriality and scrutiny. Israeli or Serbian violence did not land ownership. Muhammad has bought vary with the level of objective threat these Lena five hundred dunam on the moon. This states faced. Likewise, the kind of regime intimate conversation frames the careful un- (“democracy” or “dictatorship”) did not folding of the story of three villages: ‘Ayn matter, as both drew on the same reper- Hawd, Ein Hod, and ‘Ayn Hawd al-Jadida. toire of violence and the way they did so The Israeli Jewish artist colony now called changed dramatically over time. Regime Ein Hod, located nine miles south of Haifa, type is too static to explain these changes. wasoriginally ‘Ayn Hawd, a 700-year-old Likewise, changes in political culture or na- Palestinian Arab village whose inhabitants tionalist ideology do not adequately account were expelled by Israeli forces in 1948 and forchanging patterns of violence. dispersed in refugee camps in the West Bank Ron’s comparative approach may be un- and Jordan. Muhammad Abu al-Hayja and his familiar to those who believe that the only immediate family were the only ones remain- valid comparative method is to compare ing in the village vicinity. In 1948, his grand- countries that are identical (“don’t compare father, Abu Hilmi, decided to build a small apples and oranges”). Social scientists know village on what had been his pastures, less that there are several methods of compari- than a mile from the original village, setting son, one of which is the method of concomi- up New ‘Ayn Hawd, or ‘Ayn Hawd al-Jadida. tant variation. In this approach, two cases In 1953 Romanian Jewish refugee Marcel may be entirely different, except both have Janco, a founder of the Dadaist movement, variables A and B, and these two variables decided to “preserve” the old village as an change in the same way. For example, if pa- artist colony and repopulate it with Israeli per is scarce, the price will go up—whether artists. He renamed the village Ein Hod and the country is China or the United States. converted the mosque to a bar/caf´e. A series The relationship holds regardless of whether of shots treats the viewer to Janco’s sump- it’s an apple or an orange. Likewise, Ron ar- tuous grande fˆetes, complete with colorful gues there is a distinct relationship between paintings ironically juxtaposed to the back- the kind of geographic zone and the spe- drop of Anouer Brahem’s sad Arabesques. cific pattern of state violence—whether the These journeys to carefree celebrations and country is Serbia or Israel. artistic glory are coupled with the wreck- ing ball destroying Palestinian homes. It is in MOON OVER PALESTINE this marriage and in Ein Hod that the Dadaist return to a “primitive,” indigenous art found 500 Dunam on the Moon, directed by one of its most paradoxical articulations. The Rachel Leah Jones. RLJ Productions and Mo- very “naturalness” of Ein Hod was only possi- mento! Paris, 2002. 48 minutes. Distributed ble through the uprooting of olive trees and by Arab Film Distribution (order online at their replacement with what Abu al-Hayja www.500dunam.com). $24.99 VHS. calls the “Jewish cypress.”Jones incorporates archival footage of young Jewish pioneers Reviewed by Sherene Seikaly carrying away the corpses of uprooted olive trees with stern determination. With a refreshing attention to the politics ‘Ayn Hawd, unlike several hundred Pales- of aesthetics, Rachel Leah Jones’s directo- tinian villages, was not completely de- rial debut discloses a different sort of vio- stroyed. It became instead a found object lence that marks the history and daily life for Israel’s finest painters, sculptors, and of the Palestinian people. Stock images of potters. Jones enlists the viewer in one of militarization are absent in this narration of the frequent tours of Ein Hod that many Is- raelis experience. The eccentric tour guide combines joie de vivre and nostalgia as she Sherene Seikaly is a Ph.D. candidate in history explains how this “abandoned” village was and Middle Eastern studies at New York “found” and “preserved.” For these artists, University. ‘Ayn Hawd’s beautiful stone houses were an

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“authentic” refuge from the perceived steril- the squalor of the Jenin refugee camp—not ity of modern Israeli architecture. The nostal- farfrom where their beautiful homes still gia for an imagined national past lives on, for stand—before the siege of 2002 are a painful as our tour guide explains, “Take notice how reminder of the Israeli occupation’s capacity everyone makes sure to be very authentic” to continue and escalate. At the same time, and uses stone “like we used to build.” the film moves beyond exceptionalism by As fashionably dressed young men and portraying the methods of constructing the women meander through Ein Hod’s famed “authentic” and the “modern” so integral to art exhibits in what had been ‘Ayn Hawd’s making the nation state anywhere. olive press, the mundane practices of daily Many might say that Jones gives the Pales- life become iterations of past and present tinians full voice while the Israeli artists and violence. Sculptures in beautiful shapes and Ein Hod inhabitants are two-dimensional. forms adorn the artist colony’s gardens, Yet the Ein Hod inhabitants are far from while a car travels an unpaved road to deliver transparent individuals as evidenced by the atrunk full of bread to the residents of ‘Ayn young couple who discuss their “renovated” Hawd al-Jadida, where the displacement house. For the woman, aesthetics is an Israeli of the Abu al-Hayja family continues long domain. The young man, on the other hand, after their initial expulsion. Abu al-Hayja expresses admiration for Palestinian culture explains his family’s ongoing struggle as as a bastion of authenticity, concedes the cre- “present absentees.” ‘Ayn Hawd al-Jadida ated and recent nature of Israeli culture, and along with hundreds of other Arab villages ponders his own location on another’s land. was until recently an “unrecognized village,” While none of these musings are grounds to its residents subject to the constant threat of be hopeful for impending political change, house demolitions and eviction and lacking they nevertheless complicate how some Is- access to governmental services such as raelis may reconcile Zionism’s history of water, electricity, sewage, a health clinic, or constructing a culture on the ruins of what an access road. it shattered. 500 Dunam on the Moon is a multilay- For teachers, organizers, and activists, ered representation that challenges conven- this film is a great tool to discuss Palestine as tional wisdom on the geography of Palestine. a struggle over gentrification, dispossession, Several million Palestinians continue to live and cultural co-optation. They might have to under an illegal occupation, and a “separa- explain in screening it that Palestinian life is tion fence” is rapidly relegating Palestine to not as male dominated as it appears but will ever-shrinking boundaries. With shots back also find a wealth of material to make the and forth of the al-Hayja clan in Jenin and in Palestine issue accessible and to bridge its ‘Ayn Hawd al-Jadida, Jones reminds us that history with its present struggle. The story of those borders are as arbitrarily set as Lena’s ‘Ayn Hawd will resonate for all people who village on the moon. have been pushed off their land and had to Jones also casts a critical eye on the witness the ruins of their homes becoming nationalism that fuels any struggle for self- the cultural artifacts of the dispossessor. determination. When Muhammad says that “all that we knew was that we were here, SHORTER NOTICES that this was our village, this was the country we lived in, as if its borders ran around these Palestine and Egypt under the hills,” he expands limited ideas of the pre- Ottomans: Paintings, Books, ordained nation. It is not nationalism as such Photographs, Maps and Manuscripts, but rather the daily articulation of life— by Hisham Khatib. London and New York: in those memories and in that longing for I. B. Tauris, 2003. 260 pages. Annexes to p. home, childhood, and dreams—that fuel the 268. Index to p. 272. $85.00 cloth. Palestinian experience. 500 Dunam on the Moon presents the This beautifully produced book reminds specific experience of the Abu al-Hayja fam- us once again why Palestine, the land, is ily, some of whom know the people who oc- both a blessing and a curse for the Pales- cupy their family’s homes and work for them tinians, the people. Its strategic significance as construction workers, drivers, and house as a land bridge between Asia and Africa cleaners. It also provides a visual reminder made it figure prominently in the maps, of what Rosemary Sayigh has described as atlases, geographical explorations, and intel- the Palestinian endurance of a “continuous ligence reports of imperial powers; and its nakba.” The shots of the Abu al-Hayja clan in densely concentrated religious and symbolic

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 96 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES significance attracted visitors of all kinds. Tomkys. Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2003. xvi Their travel accounts, watercolors, engraved + 369 pp. Bibliography to p. 383. Index to plates, lithographs, etchings, photographs, p. 391. Illustrated. $114.95 cloth. archaeological digs, and ethnographic stud- ies appropriated Palestine by transforming it Timothy Paris, a lawyer in the United into the “Holy Land.” This is similar to what States who holds a doctorate in history from Napoleon did in Egypt (albeit over a period Cambridge University, traces the develop- of decades instead of a few years) with his ment of what Britain called the “Sherifian legions of soldiers and experts who, simul- Solution” to the challenges raised by British taneously, conquered and recorded Egypt. and French control of the post-Ottoman Mid- In this frenzy of discovery, the indigenous dle East in the early 1920s. Sympathetic to population was little noticed, and little did this “solution” in light of the postwar envi- this population appreciate then that the very ronment in the region, Paris relies mostly gaze that took their land away would detail, on published and archival British diplomatic at the same time, “the way it was.” correspondence, private British papers, and Hisham Khatib, born in Acre, Palestine, English-language secondary sources in his has reappropriated many of these artifacts detailed study of the development and exe- and put them to use as witnesses to the cution of British policy in Iraq, Transjordan, patrimony of a people long denied their and the Hijaz from 1920 to 1925. land and history. A brief Part I reflects on Following an introduction on overall his collection strategy over the past thirty British policy toward the Hashemites, Paris years and how it has reconnected him to devotes parts and chapters to each of three his roots, then presents short chapters on case studies: Iraq, Transjordan, and the Hijaz. the Ottoman period, on the development In each, he notes the machinations and cal- of Jerusalem (the main object of the collec- culations that went into installing Faysal, Ab- tion), and on travelers and painters whose dullah, and Husayn bin Ali as the Hashemite worksare interspersed throughout. These rulers, respectively, of those three regions. framing devices illustrate the double-edged- Throughout this lengthy and detailed study, sword nature of the book, for they reinforce he notes that the Sherifian Solution was many of the assumptions that led to the pro- “largely a product of the efforts of two in- ductions of these artifacts in the first place, dividuals, [Winston] Churchill and [T. E.] even though the author is using them for Lawrence” (p. 4). Paris especially credits opposite purposes than for what they were Lawrence, attributing to him the Sherifian intended. The bulk of the book, Part II, Solution’s ultimate successes in Iraq and details the impressive catalogue in a clear, Transjordan, while exonerating him of its concise manner bound to satisfy the curios- failure in the Hijaz. Overall, he argues that ity of the lay reader as well as the techni- the Sherifian Solution represented “sound” cal thirst of the expert. Here, the various (p. 4) solutions for the problems Britain stages of Khatib’s career as a collector are faced in the region after World War I. organized into separate sections: paintings, The overall subject of Britain and the plate books, travel books, atlases and maps, Hashemites is a familiar and well-studied photographs, and engravings. Each section one. While specialists might not find any consists of a two-page introductory note groundbreaking material in Paris’s book, it followed by an alphabetical list of artists provides a convenient, overall study of an and authors with one- or two-paragraph bio- important period of time in modern Middle graphical sketches along with a list of owned Eastern history. works. Panoramic views of Jerusalem domi- MRF nate the collection, as do nineteenth-century works. The author laments the absence of lo- A Century of Palestinian Immigration cally produced artifacts and hopes that this into Central America: A Study of Their book will heighten interest in his collection Economic and Cultural Contributions, and contribute to greater understanding of by Roberto Mar´ın-Guzm´an. San Jos´e: Edito- Palestine and neighboring regions during rial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2000. 93 the Ottoman centuries. pages. Appendices to p. 109. Bibliography BD to p. 172. n.p. paper. Britain, the Hashemites and Arab Rule Roberto Mar´ın-Guzm´an, a professor at 1920–1925: The Sherifian Solution, by the University of Costa Rica, provides Timothy J. Paris. Foreword by Sir Roger the first systematic study of Palestinian

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RECENT BOOKS 97 immigration to Honduras, El Salvador, 2003. xxii + 144 pages. Illustrated. $34.50 Nicaragua, Guatemala, Costa Rica, and Be- paper. lize since the turn of the twentieth century. Based on approximately forty interviews Between 1999 and 2002, Cairo-based and evidence from primary and secondary Swedish photojournalist Mia Gr¨ondahl vis- sources, the author surveys the immigration ited most of the Palestinian refugee camps patterns and the economic and cultural activ- in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, the West Bank, ities in each of these countries, inserting case and Gaza. The over one hundred color pho- studies of families and individuals whenever tographs in this book represent the result of they are available. The unsurprising trends her many photographs and interviews that are that second- and third-generation immi- portray everyday life in the various camps. grants have become completely assimilated The book originally was conceived as a and hence indifferent to the current peace photo exhibition to illustrate UNRWA’s work process, while recent immigrants maintain in the camps and was exhibited at the UN strong ties to Palestine and engage in politi- secretariat in New York in 2000. cal activities. The various photos provide a graphic portrayal of the everyday life of Palestinian NS refugees, from the ebullience of youth to the steadfastness of the elderly who still recall All That’s Left to You: A Novella and their original homes in Palestine. Gr¨ondahl’s Short Stories, by Ghassan Kanafani. Trans- photos are particularly valuable in providing lated by May Jayyusi and Jeremy Reed with glimpses into the lives of residents in some an introduction by Roger Allen. xxi + 128 of the less well-known refugee camps, such pages. Northampton, MA: Interlink, 2004. as the al-Husn, Suf, and Madaba camps in $12.95 paper. Jordan, the Wavell camp in Lebanon, and the The English translation of the late Ghas- Khan al-Shaykh camp in Syria. The book also san Kanafani’s (1936–1972) short novel, provides an instructive look into the lives All That’s Left to You, demonstrates that au- of camp women and children and overall thor’s leading position in modern Palestinian comes as a welcome addition to the genre literature. This story presents the thoughts of illustrated views of refugee camp life. and emotions of Hamid, a Palestinian refugee MRF in the Gaza Strip of the early 1960s, as he struggles to find meaning in a life that has lacked stability since he and his older sis- Israelis and Palestinians: Why Do ter were separated from their mother in the They Fight? Can They Stop? by Bernard 1948 flight from their home in what became Wasserstein. New Haven: Yale University Israel. Hamid’s emotional state reaches a cri- Press, 2003. x + 178 pages. Chronology to sis when he is forced to agree to the marriage p. 192. Notes to p. 207. Select Bibliography of his sister Maryam to Zakaria, a Palestinian to p. 214. Index to p. 226. $25.00 cloth. who had betrayed his friend to the Israelis In this published version of his 2002 during the 1956–57 Israeli occupation of Leonard Stein lecture series at Balliol Gaza. Hamid resolves to relieve his anxieties College, Oxford University, historian by crossing the Negev Desert clandestinely Wasserstein examines the forces underlying to reach Jordan where his mother lives. In the Palestinian-Israeli conflict: demographic, the desert he encounters an Israeli soldier socioeconomic, environmental, and territo- whom he believes killed his friend. Nar- rial. The author excels in demonstrating the rated alternatively by Hamid, Maryam, and interconnectedness of Palestinians and Is- the desert, All That’s Left to You, together raelis over the past one hundred years; in the with ten more short stories in this collec- process, he answers the first question in the tion, demonstrates Kanafani’s readiness to subtitle of this study. While he recognizes the experiment with literary styles as he probes unresolved issues regarding borders, settle- the Palestinian experience. ments, refugees, and Jerusalem, Wasserstein NS provides little concrete evidence for his assertion that the four factors responsible In Hope and Despair: Life in the Pales- for the conflict also necessitate its resolu- tinian Refugee Camps, by Mia Gr¨ondahl. tion. His long-term view of Palestinian-Israeli Foreword by Hanan Ashrawi. Introduc- peace is one of a historical process, an ap- tion by Peter Hansen, UNRWA. New proach that delivers insightful analysis into York: American University in Cairo Press, root causes of conflicts but lacks the tools

This content downloaded from 144.173.152.98 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 10:35:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 98 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES necessary for their resolution. Considering lege, argues that the intifada resulted from the historical and political developments “a long-simmering intensification of exist- since the Israeli occupation of the West ing animosity toward Israeli policies in the Bank and Gaza commenced in 1967, putting occupied territories” (ibid., p. 93). the current phase of Palestinian-Israeli con- Volume 14 includes a total of thirty- flict into the context of de-colonialization four issues, ranging alphabetically from the would have provided possible tools for un- “Afghan Mujahideen” to “Women” in the derstanding its resolution. Arab world. These issues are presented in NS the format of entry titles, each one of which is followed by a relevant question and one History in Dispute, vol. 14, The Middle sentence summaries of the yes and no view- East since 1945: First Series, edited by points. A brief introduction of one to two David W. Lesch. Farmington Hills, MI: The pages provides an overview of the disputed Gale Group, 2004. xxix + 292 pages. Ref- topic and in some cases includes excerpts erences to p. 296. Contributors to p. 299. from documents; the viewpoints begin after Index to p. 369. $135.00 cloth. each introduction, and brief lists of refer- History in Dispute, vol. 15, The Middle ences follow at the end of the viewpoints. East since 1945: Second Series, edited Volume 15 has the same format, but its by David W. Lesch. Farmington Hills, MI: thirty-three entry titles are different, begin- The Gale Group, 2004. xxxi + 277 pages. ning with the “Algerian Elections of 1992” Appendix to p. 309. References to p. 317. and concluding with “United Arab Repub- Contributors to p. 320. Index to p. 394. lic.” In general, the issues in volume 14 tend $135.00 cloth. to be more current events orientated (e.g., “al-Aqsa intifada,” “11 September,” “Israeli This series is intended to introduce pri- settlements,” “Saddam Hussein,” etc.), while marily high school students to contentious those presented in volume 15 tend to have a Middle East issues by utilizing a format that more historical focus (e.g., “Arab-Israeli War first poses a question pertinent to the is- of 1967,” “Birth of Israel,” “Suez War,” etc.). sue and then provides brief “yes” and “no” EH essays (called here “viewpoints”) for each question. For example, on the topic of the Beshara Doumani teaches history at the University of first Palestinian intifada against Israeli oc- California, Berkeley. cupation, the question posed is: “Was the Michael R. Fischbach is associate professor of history Palestinian intifada of 1987–1993 a sponta- at Randolph-Macon College in Ashland, Virginia and the neous uprising in the occupied territories?” author of Records of Dispossession: Palestinian Refugee (vol. 15, p. 89). The “yes” viewpoint, by Jim Property and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Columbia Uni- Ross-Nazzal of Montgomery College, argues versity Press, 2003). that the intifada “was the result of Pales- tinian frustration with the failed leadership Eric Hooglund is editor of Critique: Critical Middle East Studies and consulting editor of JPS. of the Palestine Liberation Organization” (ibid., p. 90); the “no” viewpoint, by Glenn Norbert Scholz holds a Ph.D. in history from George- Robinson of the Naval Post-Graduate Col- town University in Washington, DC.

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