Introduction to Qiang Phonology and Lexicon: Synchrony and Diachrony by Jonathan Paul Evans

Home , Adu language, James Matisoff, Metathesis (linguistics), Qiangic languages, Qiang (spear), Qiang language

B.S. (Duke University) 1989 M.S. (University of California, Berkeley) 1991

A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics

in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

Committee in charge: Professor James A. Matisoff, Chairman Professor Gary B. Holland Professor Yoko Hasegawa

FaH 1999

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This dissertation is dedicated to the greater glory of God

A.M.D.G.

and is offered here with deepest gratitude to

My dear wife Wendy : I cannot imagine writing this without your patient endurance and gentle encouragement

and to

My wonderful parents, Hilary and Eunice Evans, who have waited a long time: May you continue to bless others as you have blessed me.

and to

The Qiang people, who have lavished on me their hospitality, patience, and friendship.

"May God cause His face to shine upon you, and be gracious to you, and give you peace.”

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In Memory of Elizabeth Evans

1965 - 1975 "...of such is the Kingdom of Heaven"

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Abbreviations ...... ix Acknowledgments ...... xi Chapter I. Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Objectives ...... 1 1.2 Significance of Proto-Southern Qiang reconstruction ...... 1 1.3 Brief overview of Qiang geography and history ...... 2 1.4 Qiang dialects and the relationship between Qiang and Q iangic ...... 3 1.5 Previous research on Qiang ...... 9 1.5.1 Descriptive works ...... 9 1.5.2 Diachronic and comparative works ...... 16

1.6 The database ...... 19 1.7 Organization of the dissertation ...... 20 Chapter n. Synchronic phonology o f die five key dialects ...... 21 2.1 Northern Q ia n g ...... 21

2.1.1 Yadu Phonological inventory ...... 21 2.1.1.1 Yadu Initials ...... 22 2.1.1.2 Yadu Rhym es ...... 37 2.1.1.3 Yadu Stress ...... 41 2.1.2 Mawo Phonological inventory ...... 41

2.1.2.1 Mawo initials ...... 42 2.1.2.2 Mawo Rhymes ...... 49 2.1.2.3 Mawo Stress ...... 52 2.2 Southern Q ia n g ...... 53

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2.2.1 Mianchi phonological inventory ...... 54

2.2.1.1 Mianchi initials ...... 54 2.2.1.2 Mianchi rhymes ...... 60 2.2.1.3 Mianchi Tones ...... 68 2.2.2 Longxi phonological inventory ...... 72 2.2.2.1 Longxi in itials ...... 72 2.2.2.2 Longxi rhymes ...... 77 2.2.23 Longxi Tones ...... 84 2.2.3 Taoping phonological inventory ...... 87 2.2.3.1 Taoping initials ...... 87 2.2.3.2 Taoping rhymes ...... 89 2.2.3.3 Taoping tones ...... 90 2.2.4 Other Southern Qiang Dialects ...... 91

2.3 Conclusion ...... 93 Chapter IH. Phonological reconstruction of Proto-Southem Qiang ...... 94 3.1 Introduction ...... 94 3.2 Methodological issues and reconstruction philosophy ...... 94 3.3 PSQ phonological sy ste m ...... 98

3.3.1 Initials ...... 100 3.3.1.1 Labials ...... 101 3.3.1.2 Dentals ...... 104 3.3.1.3 Retroflexes ...... 113 3.3.1.4 Palatals ...... 117 3.3.1.5 Velars ...... 120 3.3.1.6 Uvulars ...... 127 3.3.1.7 Glottal ...... 131

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3.3.1.8 Ouster initials ...... 132

3.3.1.8.1 Labial pre-initials ...... 137 3.3.1.8.2 Dental pre-initials ...... 144 3.3.1.8.3 Palatal pre-initials ...... 148 3.3.1.8.4 Velar pre-initials ...... 149 3.3.1.8.5 Uvular Pre-initials ...... 153 3.3.1.9 Foitis initials ...... 170 3.3.2 Rhymes ...... 171 3.3.2.1 Monophthongs ...... 171 3.3.2.2 Diphthongs ...... 181 3.3.2.3 Final nasals ...... 189 3.4 Summary of correspondences ...... 191 Chapter IV. Contact*induced tonogenesis in Southern Qiang ...... 196 4.1. Introduction ...... 196 4.2 Descriptions and origins of Southern Qiang tones ...... 197 4.2.1 Taoping ...... 198 4.2.2 Longxi ...... 199 4.23 Mianchi ...... 202 4.2.4 Suprasegmentals in other dialects ...... 209 4.3. Evidence that tone is an innovation in Southern Qiang ...... 212 43.1. Lack of inherited tone from earlier stages ...... 212 43.2. Weak role of tone in tonal dialects ...... 213 4 3 3 . Correlation of tone with phonological simplicity ...... 214 43.4. Correlation of tonality and borrowing ...... 216 4.4. Process of tonogenesis in Southern Qiang ...... 217 4.4.1. Lexical stress ...... 217

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4.4.2. Development of pitch accent ...... 218 4.43. Phonological reduction of syllable canons and segmental inventories ...... 221 4.4.4. Increased borrowing from Chinese ...... 226 4.4.5. Use of Chinese tones ...... 227 4.4.6. Development of "home-grown" tones ...... 230 4.5. Some possible tonogenetic influences on PSQ *pitch accent ...... 245 4.6. Suggestions for further research ...... 249 Chapter V. Conclusions and further directions ...... 250 5.1 Conclusions ...... 250 5.2 Suggestions for further research ...... 252 Appendix A: Reconstruction of Southern Qiang L ex ico n ...... 254 Appendix B: Longxi and Mianchi Lexicon ...... 351 Appendix C: Maps and c h a rts ...... 419 Bibliography ...... 425

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. List O f Abbreviations (P)LB (Proto-) Lolo-Burmese (P)ST (Proto-) Sino-Tibetan (P)TB (Proto-) Tibeto-Burman AGT agent CAUS causative CL classifier DEM demonstrative DIM diminutive DIR verbal directional prefix DO direct object JZY Jiuziying KMR (Proto-)Kamarupan LBZ Lobuzhai LTBA Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area LX Longxi m l, m2 first/second morpheme MC Mianchi MW Mawo MWQ H. Sun n.d. (Mawo Questionnaire) MZYW Minzu Yuwen NQ Northern Qiang PNQ Proto-Northern Qiang PNQP J. Sun 1988 PQ Proto-Qiang PQic Proto-Qiangic PSQ Proto-Southern Qiang Q Qiang language Q'ic Qiangic branch of TB RDZ Ruodazhai dialect of SQ rGy rGyalrong language (also 'rGyarong', 'Jiarong', etc.) RH Ronghong (Yadu) si, s2 first/second syllable SQ Southern Qiang SS Studia Serica STC Benedict, 1972. STEDT Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus TP Taoping dialect of SQ TSR Matisoff 1972a VH vowel harmony WB Written Burmese WS Wasi dialect of SQ WT Written Tibetan X Xixia (=Tangut), an extinct Qiangic language YD Yadu dialect of NQ ZGYW Zhongguo Yuwen ZMYYC Sun Hongkai, et al., 1991 ZT Zengtou dialect of SQ

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Language names or abbreviations followed by initials represent data from STEDT questionnaires, e.g., rGyNW (SHK) refers to the Northwest rGyalrong questionnaire by Sun Hongkai, rGyalrong (DQ) represents the rGyalrong questionnaire provided by Dai Qingxia.

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It is with great relief and satisfaction that I write these last few paragraphs of my dissertation. For many months I have been looking forward to this moment; anticipation of it has kept me pressing on, and has also kept me from causing physical harm to my occasionally fractious computer. I would like to thank Professor James Matisoff for being my dissertation chairman; he has patiently and thoroughly read and commented on the various incarnations of these chapters. His love of languages and of real data are infectious; I will never tire of hearing him say, "That form has these cognates in Lahu and Jingpho..." Some of these delightful

conversations are reflected in these pages by the reference "Matisoff, p.c." Working at STEDT has given me a much greater understanding of and appreciation for comparative Tibeto-Burman linguistics; I cannot imagine a better learning environment. Jim, you are a joy to work with. I thank God for the privilege of having been your student. I would also like to thank Professor Gary Holland for the time and insights that he has shared with me. His knowledge of and facility in Indo-European languages is inspiring; taking his classes is a privilege. I deeply appreciate his careful reading of my papers, and his knowledge of literature relevant to my research. A few years ago, on a sunny afternoon in the STEDT office, Dr. Jackson Sun suggested that I consider studying Qiang. I have never regretted following this advice. Jackson and Dr. Randy LaPolla have been very helpful shixiong since my earliest days in the department.

In addition, there are many classmates and friends who have aided me along the way — thank you. Above all, I wish to thank my God and Savior, Jesus Christ, who has given me an everlasting relationship with him. He has blessed me with these friends, and with life itself.

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Chapter I. Introduction

1.1 Objectives This purpose of this dissertation is to discuss the phonological and lexical relationships among the dialects and sub-dialects of the Qiang (Chiang, Ch'iang) language, an important language of the Qiangic branch of Tibeto-Burman. Qiang is spoken by about 150,000 people in Northwest Sichuan Province, China, by members of the officially recognized Qiang nationality, as well as by those who are considered to be Tibetan (within Heishui county). Most Qiang people live within Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture (Aba Zangzu Qiangzu Zizhizhou), and most speakers of Qiang live within Mao, Li, Heishui, and Wenchuan counties. Northern Qiang speakers (including "Tibetans") use the autonym /rma/, /^ma/, while Southerners call themselves /ma/. In these pages I will focus on the more diverse and innovative Southern dialects rather than on the more homogeneous Northern varieties. However, phonological and lexical ties between the two groups will be drawn; in some cases, cognates in other Qiangic languages will also be identified.

In this dissertation I have chosen to highlight five key dialects, two Northern (Mawo, Yadu) and three Southern (Longxi, Mianchi, Taoping). These are the varieties about which the most information has been published, and which are most reliably described. Because these are the dialects that may be examined in the most depth, taken together they shed the most light on earlier stages of the language. There are a few other dialects that were reliably transcribed in the 1940's; of these, Jiuziying has the largest published lexicon. Data from these dialects have been used for auxiliary support in Chapters in and IV.

1.2 Significance of Proto-Southern Qiang reconstruction

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Among the key dialects I have selected the three Southern varieties for in-depth comparison, because to compare the five dialects directly would conceal developments in the history of Southern Qiang (e.g., borrowing from Chinese, tonogenesis, lexical divergence from Northern Qiang, etc.), and would obscure the nature of the relationship between Northern and Southern Qiang. It is hoped that this dissertation, coupled with well-transcribed data from more Northern and Southern varieties will be a stepping stone toward the important work of reconstructing Proto-Qiang. A solid reconstruction of Proto- Qiang lexicon and sound laws is a necessary step to determining which Qiangic languages Qiang is most closely related to.

1.3 Brief overview of Qiang geography and history.

The Qiang people, numbering 243,500 in 1990, inhabit the mountains and river valleys of Northwestern Sichuan (103 to 104 degrees East, 31 to 32 degrees North). Although their culture shows influence from neighboring groups such as the Tibetans, in many ways their religion, architecture, etc. have a uniquely Qiang or Qiangic flavor (H. Sun 1989).

In Chinese written history, there are references to a people called "Qiang" as early as 1,000 BC; e.g., a reference to "Black Qiang," "White Qiang," and ”GaoIiang West Qiang" on the stele X iu Deng Tai Wei Z i Bei, 367 AD (Wen 1950a). The earliest references to this tribe place them in the middle reaches of the Yellow River. It is my impression that the denotation of the term "Qiang" has not been consistent throughout Chinese history, and so historical records must be used cautiously in trying to determine migration patterns. The great scholar of Qiang and historical Chinese, Wen Yu, concurred,

saying "...we can imagine that the extent of the Ch'iang appellation of Ming (dynasty] time was much wider than it is today." (Wen 1950:67) If the term "Qiang" did not mean the same thing in 1570 (the date of the atlas that Wen cites) that it does today, it is unreasonable

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to assume that older uses of "Qiang" have the modem sense. According to Shafer (1974), Wen was the first researcher to apply the term "Qiang" to the Dzoigaish tribe. According to H. Sun, the Qiangs "migrated south during the Qin and Han dynasties [221 BC - 220 AD] and settled in the western and northern parts of Sichuan [and] were frequently written about because wars often broke out in those areas." (H. Sun 1989:106) Wars between the Qiang and the Han can be traced back to at least the Shu-Han period

(221-263 A.D.), during which there was a Han Chinese garrison led by General Jiang Wei in Weizhou (modem Wenchuan), remnants of which are still visible. Qiang oral tradition states that their ancestors migrated to the current Qiang area about 2,000 years ago (Deng 1996). Both traditions indicate that there has been contact between these two groups in Sichuan for at least 1700 to 2000 years. The Qiang, especially the Northern settlements, have been in contact with Tibetans since at least the Tang dynasty (618-907 AD). Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the peace and prosperity of the Qiang area have increased. Near the NQ village of Yadu, I saw abandoned houses high on the hillside. I was informed that now that the land had become safe, the people had abandoned these homes to build ones more conveniently located near the river and the road. This is a drastic difference from the conditions encountered by Wen Yu and other scholars of the 1930's and 40's, a time when Wen wrote that dangerous conditions prevented his revisiting certain villages. In the 1980's a Qiang script, based on the NQ dialect of Qugu was introduced. Today, it is used in the education of beginning primary school students. It is a systematic romanized script, but not helpful for doing the kinds of comparisons that are set forth in this dissertation.

1.4 Qiang dialects and the relationship between Qiang and Qiangic Three systems of dividing up Qiang dialects have been presented. Wen 1941

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divided the Qiang dialects of Wenchuan and Li counties into eight dialects, based on the degrees to which they exhibited morphological case. His eight dialects, and their locations are as follows:

1. W aSi S. Wenchuan, W bank of the Minjiang river.1 2. Yan Men N. Wenchuan, S. Mao counties 3. Zhong San Ku NE Li county 4. Hou Er Gu Li county, west of 3 5. Jiu Zi Tun NW Li county. 6. PuXi SW Li county 7. Heishui SE Heishui county 8. Lu Hua NW Heishui county

Dialects 7 and 8 are in what is now considered Northern Qiang territory, all of the rest would be considered Southern. In Wen's day, the area of dialect 8 was so remote as to lack Chinese names for its villages. Sun Hongkai (1962, 1981. henceforth QYJZ) was the first to divide Qiang into Northern and Southern dialects, based on the presence (Southern) or absence (Northern) of tones. There is also a lexicostatistic basis for this division: between NQ and SQ dialects there is generally a cognacy rate of 50 to 60%, while among NQ dialects the rate is mostly around 84% (although Mawo-Yadu is 68%) and among SQ dialects there is a rate of 64 -

67.5% cognacy (QYJZ182, ff). Based on these figures, J. Sun has said that Northern and

Southern Qiang would more accurately be considered to be two separate languages

(PNQP).In QYJZ it is not clear what criteria were used to further subdivide Qiang dialects. H. Sun's division of dialects and population figures are given below. The figures for individual sub-dialects are rounded, so that the total numbers of speakers for Northern and Southern Qiang differ from the sums of the approximate subdialect figures. In the section on dialects (ppl77, ff), no census year is given for these dates; however, in the introduction to QYJZ H. Sun cites a 1978 census figure of 80,000 Qiang people, of which Qiang

1 The Minjiang, a tributary of the Yangtze, is the largest river in the Qiang area.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. speakers should be a proper subset.. However, adding his figures for speakers of NQ and SQ dialects (pp 177-8) yields a total of 130,000 speakers, a discrepancy of 50,000. Apparently, the figure of 80,000 does not include the Qiang-speaking Tibetans" of Heishui.

Table 1.1 1978 Population figures of Qiang speakers2

Northern Qiang Sub-diatect Location Eopulatipn (1978?) 1. Luhua Heishui county 12,000 speakers 2. Mawo Heishui county 15,000 3. Cimulin small part of Heishui 9,000 4. Weigu Heishui 15,000 5. Yadu S. Heishui to N. Mao 10,000 Total 70,000 Southern Qiang Sub-dialect Location Eopulation (1978?) 1. Dajishan Li county 8,000 speakers 2. Taoping Li county 4,000 3. Longxi Northern Wenchuan 3,000 4. Mianchi Central Wenchuan3 14,000 5. Heihu Central and S Mao 30,000 (QYJZ:111,ff) Total 60,000

The third dialect breakdown of Qiang was presented by Liu Guangkun (Liu 1998b: 16, ff). According to the 1990 census, the number of Qiang people (including Heishui "Tibetans") and speakers is as follows:

2 For the Chinese characters for the place names given in this chapter, cf. Appendix C.

3 In the 1950's, this variety was spoken in the vicinity of present-day Wenchuan city, including the village of Buwa, where Qiang is no longer spoken

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Table 1.2 1990 Census figures

County Qiang population j Qiang Speakers Percent speakers Mao 89,000 j 72,000 80.9% Li 16,000 | 9,700 60.6% Wenchuan 29,000 i 18,000 62.1% Songpan 2,300 1,700 73.9% Beichuan 48,000 100 0.02% Danba 1,200 j 0 0.0% Heishui 58,000 49,600 85.5% (totals) 243,500T i 151,100 62.1%

The distribution of Qiang speakers was as follows:

Table 1.3 Northern Qiang speakers (1990) = = = = = 1 Sub-dialect I Locations (by county) Number of Speakers 1. Luhua Heishui: Luhua, Shashiduo, Yangrong, Zegai, Ergulu, 14,000 j Zhuogedu 2. Mawo j Heishui: Mawo, Zhawo, Shuangliusuo, Xi'er. Hongyan, 12,000 E'en 3. Cimulin | Heishui: Cimulin, Gewo, Wumushu, Re wo, Qinglanggou 9,800 4. Weigu i Heishui: Weigu, Musu, Longba, Luoduo, Shidiaolou 11,000 5. Yadu Maoxian: Chibusu, Yadu, Qugu, Weicheng; Heishui: 23,000 | Waboliangzi. Se'ergu Total 1 i 69,800

Liu divides Southern Qiang into seven subdialects, but does not explain what this division is based on:

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Table 1.4 Southern Qiang speakers (1990)

Sub-dialect ! Locations (by county) : Number of | Speakers j t 1. Dajishan j Lixian: Xuecheng, Shangmeng, Xiameng, Xinglong, I 7,400 ! Ganbao, LieLie, Jiuzi, Muka, Piaotou (Putou?), Puxi

2. Taoping j Lixian: Taoping, Jiashan, Ganxi, Sancha, Zengtou, 4,900 Niushan, Xishang, Tonghua, Gucheng 3. Longxi Wenchuan: Longxi, Bulan, Baduo, Xiazhuang. Mushang 3,300

4. Mianchi j Wenchuan (entire county, except for Longxi area) 15,700 5. Heihu ! Maoxian: Heihu, Sujiaping, Feihong, Goukou, Weimen, 16,000 i Jiaoyuanping 6. Sanlong ! Maoxian: Fengyi, Sanlong, Shaba, Huilong, Baixi. Wadi, 15.000 ! Yazhuzhai 7. Jiaochang | Maoxian: Jiaochang, Shidaguan, Taiping, Songpinggou; 19,000 ! Songpan: the Xice area of Zhenjiangguan; Beichuan: i certain areas (totals) ! 81,300

These population figures, coupled with the 1957 census figures (H. Sun 1962) give the following population trends:

Year NQ population SO Population Total 1957 34,000 43,000 77,000 1978 70,000 60,000 130,000(80,000) 1990 69,800 81,300 151,100

According to these figures, the NQ population more than doubled in the 21 years between 1957 and 1978. The great discrepancy between these two years (and between the two total population figures given in 1978) is no doubt due at least in part to the various ways that Heishui speakers of Qiang have been counted. It is not clear to me why the SQ population increased 35.5% from 1978 to 1990 while the NQ population held steady. Qiang has the interesting distinction of being a language in which the number of speakers is increasing at the same time that the language is dying. As mentioned in a note above, villages like

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Buwa, which are near urban centers, no longer have Qiang speakers. In the speech of the younger generation of Qiang speakers, whole semantic fields are being replaced by

Mandarin; during my time in the village of Mianchi, I noticed that when my consultant's children were speaking to each other in Qiang, they used Mandarin numerals. Yu Xiaoping, a college-educated Qiang who works for the Mao county government, has estimated that in fifty years, no one will speak Qiang, due to the great linguistic pressure of Mandarin (p.c.). H. Sun ( 1983b) was the first in recent times to propose a separate Qiangic branch of TB; a grouping which corresponds rather closely to those that in the last century were

termed "Hsi-fan" or "Sifan" (pinyin = Xi Fan) languages (Hodgson 1853, Lacouperie

1887:135), or, more recently, "Dzorgaish" (Benedict 19414). H. Sun dates the breakup of

the Qiangic languages to the end of the Han dynasty (221 AD). Until H. Sun's 1983/1990 paper, Qiang (and Qiangic languages generally) were variously considered Loloish or Bodish, based on some surface similarities. Using shared features within phonology, morphology, and syntax, Sun shows that the ten languages Qiang, rGyalrong, Primi

(Pumi), Ersu, Namuyi, Shixing, Minyak (Miyao, Muya), Guiqiong, Ergong, and Zh&ba5

4 Benedict's "Dzorgaish" seems to include Qiangic. sans iGyalrong(ic). Shafer (1955) uses "Dzorgaish" to refer to the Qiang language, and classifies it under Bodish. The other Qiangic languages are categorized as Loloish, with the exception of rGyalrong, which is accorded its own branch.

5 J. Sun, the translator of this article has added the following footnote to H. Sun's description of this language: According to Huang 1987:19, Zhaba (a language recorded by Lu [Shaozun]) is mutually intelligible with Queyu, another Qiangic corridor language not mentioned in this article, which is spoken in Xinlong, Yajiang, Litang Counties of the Ganzi Autonomous Prefecture. Huang, on the other hand, mentions another distinct corridor language: Zhaba, spoken in the Zhaba District of Daofu and Zhamai district of Yajiang, which is different from both Queyu and Liu's Zhaba. Data from all of these languages are to be found in ZYC.

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are more closely related to each other than any of them are to either Tibetan or Yi. From my own research, the most convincing evidence for "Qiangic" comes from the cognate orientation prefixes attached to verbs, and from the similar grammatical and semantic properties of these prefixes (Evans 1998b). Qiang has also been classified as "Rung"

(Thurgood 1984), and as a member of "Qiang-Burmese" (Li 19886). However, the

arguments for these alternative TB branches do not present as convincing an argument for shared morphological innovations, unlike the data presented in Sun 1983b.

1.5 Previous research on Qiang 1.5.1 Descriptive works

B. H. Hodgson Hodgson (1853) contains, to my knowledge, the first Qiang linguistic data in print It presents anthropometric data along with parallel vocabularies of Thochfi/Thochu/Tho-chu

(all three spellings are used), Sokpa, Gyami, Gyarimg (rGyalrong), Horpa (which J. Sun (1998) identifies as rGyalrongic), Takpa, and Manyak (Muya, Minyak, etc.) Although there are only about 200 lexical items in his list, it is enough to show that Thochu is some variety of Northern Qiang. Hodgson does not state what village or county his Thochu speaker came from, so the exact location of this speech remains a mystery. Comparison of Hodgson's data with other NQ data shows that he did not accurately record certain initial

clusters and exotic consonants like /k/:

6 Benedict (1941) noted that Qiang and Burmish share some superficial phonetic similarities, such as the loss of final consonants and the retention of medial *-w- (e.g., Mianchi khus 'dog', PTB *kwiy (STC 159). Nevertheless, Benedict felt that Qiang was closer to Tibetic than to Lolo-Burmese.

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Gloss Thochu Mawo Ougu t^nghua star ghada7 Bd^a yd^a fish izh£?8 Kdza K^3 K2L3 five ware k u o k u o w ' u Kuaj

Nevertheless, his work is precise enough to show that some palatalization of velars has

occurred in NQ in the last century and a half.9

b. Gloss Ihochu Maws Ougu I rmghua Yadu house ki? tci tci ki tci egg ki-w6st tci wast jyst jyst was

Hodgson was impressed by the complex system of verb affixes found in rGyalrong.

misidentified them as infixes, and on those grounds related rGyalrong to Tagalog.

Captain William Gill Gill’s notes on the Song Pan Si Fan or 'Western aliens of Song-pan ting' (translation by Lacouperie, Ollone more accurately translates Si Fan as Barbares de I'Ouest ) were published posthumously in Lacouperie 1887. This language appears to be rGyalrongic, based on the final stop of 'seven': tenit (rGyalrong repuf (STC». However, there are two few words (thirty-five), all of them impressionistically recorded, to identify this language with certainty. Gill himself made a transcriptional disclaimer, saying, "This orthography can convey but a feeble idea of the astounding noises the people make in their throats to produce these words." (Gill 1880, vol. i:378) It is not clear whether the Songpan alluded to here is the same as the present-day county located in Aba Prefecture.

7 All of Hodgson's data are given with the first letter capitalized, a convention I have not retained.

8 Hodgson signified final -? with italic h..

9 Or enough to show that Thochu is/was a variety that has not palatalized as much as other NQ dialects.

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He also recorded about thirty words of 'Outside Man-tze', meaning the Man-tze in the western part or to the west of Lifan hi (present-day Li county). This would appear to be a reference to southern Heishui county, where Northern Qiang is spoken. Some of these forms were unpublished in his day, all are recorded in Lacouperie 1887. Col. H. Yule, in his introductory essay to Gill 1880, identified this language as close to Thochu (Hodgson 1853). I have not been able to relate it exactly to any published Qiang data. In Wen's map of that area, he has "Jyarung" written in the areas to the west of the Qiang dialects (Wen 1941). In addition to Gill's Li county data, Hodgson (1853) also transcribed about thirty items in Li-fan Man-tze, which were posthumously published (Lacouperie 1887:101-2).

The town of Li-fan is the present day county seat of Li county (Lixian). Making allowances for transcription, the data are almost identical to Taoping, as shown below:

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Gloss Li-Fan Taooine man/person me*0 ma” woman chime11 tci33 boy/son chibye tJY3 water tse tsua33 cold pa [probably ps] man31 pe: eat gnadze dza one cheki2 t/133 two nyei3 a i55 four zshei4 d3133 six truei5 xt§u33

Henri Marie Gustave, vicomte Ollone Ollone (1912) impressionistically recorded over three hundred words in a number of Si-fan languages, among which Dzorgai, Kortse (also spelled Kortsl), and Pinfang appear to be varieties of Northern Qiang, as the following examples show:

Gloss Pinfang Dzorgai & 2its£ NO (Mawo) sky mota mo mo mu tup sun mechi, mocha monn monn mun moon chicha suche souchia tfhaga star — dje dje Kd^a wind moo mou houso mou ho dze mu ku earth ze dje pou dje pou zap mountain opo ouopo kseuk qhsap smoke mou mouch mou mu xu rain me mich mouje ma KeJ

10 "[T]he vowel short."

11 'woman' + 'person'.

12 Hodgson says that the rhyme is "like shirt without -it, but ch not sh; -k scarcely perceptible." This is probably very close to the Taoping pronunciation.

13 The vowel is "like English ye." Given the breve mark, he may mean Ipl. as in the expression "yTcnow."

14 The vowel is compared to that of "English sir, cut short." This is probably similar to the Taoping vowel.

15 "Like English true, cut very short."

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Because there are so few lexical items and because the data do not appear to be systematically transcribed, this source is only used as a reference, and is not included in the lexical database. Ollone also recorded words from Nameji (Namuyi, another Qiangic language). That his Nameji data may be identified as the same language that today is called Namuyi/Namuzi may be demonstrated by just a few words from his list:

Gloss Nameii fOllonel Namuvi (ZYO sky nakamou ne55ijkhE33mu33 sun himi i\j55mi55 moon hiimi li55mi55 star trre t§i35 wind mosse mu55si33 water ndza n d ^ f3

Wen Yu Wen Yu may rightly be considered the father of Qiang linguistics. While certainly not the first to publish lexical data, Wen was the first to write in-depth linguistic articles about the Qiang language, ranging from phonetics and phonology (1940a, 1943a, 1945, 1947. Wen and Fu 1943) to nominal and verbal morphology, (1940b, 1943b). He also recorded enough lexical data (e.g., 1950b) to fuel the first comparative/historical Qiang paper (Chang 1967), and he presented the first sub-classification of Qiang dialects (1941). He was the first to present Qiang linguistic data in standard phonetic transcription (his transcription was further regularized by Chang (1967), although this was a questionable improvement). He was also the first to present wordlists of more than three dozen forms (e.g.. about 600 lexical items in Wen 1950b). Unlike later ethnologists, Wen recognized the Qiang speakers of Heishui as Qiangs, rather than as Tibetans. Wen's transcriptions were very careful and systematic, and he is the first researcher

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to analyze Qiang suprasegmentals. Wen did not generally use tones in his transcriptions; nevertheless, four tones are presented in Wen 1945 (ppl33, ff.), and the Jiuziying (Chiu Tzu Ying) dialect is analyzed as having pitch accent in Wen 1950b. Wen's fieldwork is all the more admirable for having been done at a time when no Qiang villages were accessible by wheeled vehicle (Graham 1958). Jiuziying, the most westerly (and perhaps remote) of the SQ dialects for which data have been published (cf. maps), is the best-described auxiliary SQ dialects this study.

Sun Hongkai and Liu Guangkun This husband-and-wife team has produced works on Qiang (and other Qiangic languages) from the 1950's to the present, making them the most prolific Qiangic linguistics research team. In 1957 Sun trained researchers from the Southwest Institute of Nationalities (Chengdu) to cany out Qiang dialectal research. Sun and his team surveyed more than 30 data points (villages), in each one gathering over 3000 lexical items, about 500 example sentences, and some stories. Unfortunately, the vast majority of this data has languished unpublished for the last forty years. A fair amount of data from Mawo (Northern) and Taoping (Southern) Qiang have been published (e.g., QYJZ, Z Y Q , but only scattered lexical items from the other locations have appeared in print (e.g., Liu 1998a). Among his other accomplishments, Sun was the first to propose the two-dialect division of Qiang (cf. H. Sun 1987), which has remained undisputed, and the first in this century to propose an independent "Qiangic" branch of Tibeto-Burman consisting of Qiang, rGyalrong, Ersu, Pumi, et al (H. Sun 1988). The exact list of Qiangic languages, and the tests for membership remain to be worked out. Although the phonetic accuracy and lack of phonemicization of their Qiang data have been criticized (J. Sun 1988), Sun and Liu's collective works form the greatest part of the available corpus of data on this language, and their works are far too important to

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ignore. Part of the value of these woiks lies in their age: even in the 1950's, the younger generation of Taoping speakers was losing initial consonant clusters, evidence of which may be completely lost now. Liu has recently finished a book-length treatment of Mawo Qiang (Liu 1998b), which includes a lexicon of over three thousand words, the most in- depth Qiang lexicon that has been published heretofore. Sun and Liu are also the first Qiang researchers to systematically indicate tones throughout their data.

Huang Bufan

Huang Bufan, another researcher from China's Language Research Teams in the 1950's, has contributed more to studies of languages of the Qiangic branch than to the Qiang language per se (e.g., Huang 1988, 1991a, 1991b), although she contributed the Yadu Qiang data in TBL (as well as the Daofu, Zhaba, and Muya data), and was the primary linguist behind the development of the Qiang orthography. Qiangwen is used in primary school bilingual education in the Northern Qiang areas; because of the great differences between Northern and Southern Qiang, it is not helpful for students in the

Southern areas.16 The writing system uses the unadorned Roman alphabet to convey about

fifty different plain initial consonants (e.g., [ph] = p, [p] = b, [b] = bb, etc.). Because the orthography is not in general use, applies only to standard (Northern) Qiang, and differs greatly from the IP A, it is not used for data transcription in this paper.

Jackson T.-S. Sun J. Sun 1988 "Problems in Northern Qiang phonology: Mawo dialect" contains the first modem published fieldwork by a scholar from outside the mainland of China. A significant impact of this work was to show that data from inside China had a tendency to

16 According to comments made to me by a primary school principal in the Southern Qiang area.

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be over-transcribed and under-phonemicized. J. Sun showed that a simpler phonological inventory can account for the phones observed in QYJZ, and that certain sounds (e.g., /e/) are phonemic in borrowings, but not in native vocabulary.

Randy LaPolla and Huang Chenglong

LaPolla 1996 (written with the assistance of Huang Chenglong) is the second book- length treatment of Qiang, following QYJZ. They present an in-depth analysis of the phonology, morphology, and syntax of the Yadu dialect of Northern Qiang, followed by the first published Qiang texts with morpheme-by-morpheme translation (six stories). The book has an extensive glossary with phonemicized data from Ronghong Yadu (C. Huang's native dialect), and supplementary phonetic data from Qugu Yadu.

Jonathan Evans

The present author conducted fieldwork in Wenchuan Sichuan in 1997 on two varieties of Southern Qiang, Mianchi and Longxi. The data collected form the basis for Evans 1998a-c, and consist of phonological, morphological, and lexical information on

dialects which were previously unpublished, with the exception of scattered forms in Wen's. H. Sun, and Liu's works.

1.5.2 Diachronic and comparative works Historical and comparative works on Qiang begin, of course, at a more recent time than the earliest descriptive works. Lacouperie (1887, pl34-5) appears to be the first to categorize Qiang into a larger family. He called this language family "Sifan," from the

Chinese term for "Western barbarians." He grouped Sifan (pinyin: xi fan ) within the "Tibeto-Burmese family" under Kuenlunic (Sino-Tibetan). Within this group he included the following languages (I have entered in the right column the currently accepted names or

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subgroups of these languages, when decipherable):

Sifan group Pre-Chinese Kiang Qiang Meniak Muya (Minyak) Sung-pan Sifan Northern Qiang (?) Outside Mantze Northern Qiang (?) Li fan Mantze Southern Qiang Thotchu Northern Qiang Horpa rGyalrongic Takpa (may be Monpa)

Lacouperie's grouping displays two insights that were quite forward-thinking. First, he grouped rGyalongic languages with Qiang, an analysis shared by Shafer (1974) and H. Sun, but not Benedict (1941). Second, he separated the Qiangic ("Sifan(ic)") languages into a distinct subgroup, independent from other TB groups. In this way he prefigured

Benedict and Sun, although Shafer considered Qiang and rGyalrong to be Bodish ("Bhotish"), within the same subfamily as Tibetan. The differences are summarized in the following chart, which shows how each linguist categorized the languages now known as Qiang and rGyalrong:

Qiailg rGvalrong Lacouperie Sifan Sifan Shafer Bodish Bodish Benedict Dzorgai 17 Bodish or separate branch 18 Sun Qiangic Qiangic

Sun and Lacouperie's hypothesis of a separate Qiangic/Hsi-Fan branch is the one followed in this dissertation. Wen (1941) was the first to subcategorize Qiang into dialects, as mentioned in 1.4. Unfortunately, he did not use any data from Mao county, the area with the largest Qiang-

17 Perhaps within Bodish-Himalayish (STO.5).

18 rGyalrong ("Gyarung") is mentioned in the text ( STO.7) as Bodish, but appears in the chart of subgrouping (STC: 6 ) as a hypothetical separate branch "Gyarung (?)."

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speaking population, so it is not clear whether he would have grouped the Northern dialects as closely as has H. Sun. Kun Chang used Wen's data, coupled with the data in H. Sun 1962, and his own materials on Zengtou to write a comparison of six SQ dialects, and to reconstruct PSQ phonology (Chang 1967). I have some disagreements with Chang's analysis (cf. Chapter III), nevertheless, it is a groundbreaking work in historical- comparative Qiang studies.

One of Chang's contributions is to further phonemicize Wen's data, although he warns that "none of the published descriptions of the Ch'iang dialects presents sufficient data to demonstrate clearly its phonemic structure." (Chang 1967:426) For this reason. I have relied on Chang 1967 only for supplementary material in chapter m. Nearly all of Chang 1967 is devoted to comparison of initials, which are more clear- cut than are rhymes. Nevertheless, there are only a few 'good' sets (no irregularities) among the comparisons, further demonstrating the challenge that awaits the Qiang (and Qiangic) comparatist. Chiu-Chung Liao (1973) compares Qiang data from Wen (1950b) with PTB. PLB, Written Tibetan, and Written Burmese, and concludes that Qiang either belongs in its own branch, or is to be linked with Tibetan (Shafer's analysis). His argument is based on features that Qiang and Tibetan share (e.g., prefixes), phonetic correspondences, and glottochronology. H. Sun has pointed out that at least some of these similarities are due to areal influences (H. Sun 1983b). Chinfa Lien (1991) presents the fates of PTB *s-, *r-, *g-. *b-, *m-, and the effects of PTB prefixes and medials on Qiangic initials. Lien correctly identifies codas as secondary developments in Qiang. Some results of his research are included in section 3.3.1.8.

LaPolla (1985) gives sound laws relating PTB to Mawo and Taoping Qiang. He showed that ^prefixes and ^cluster initials are distinguished in Qiang reflexes, with

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prefixes disappearing; e.g., Mawo ju , Taoping %uss, PTB *s/m-rai] 'horse'. However, in some cases (such as this one), the addition of more data makes the analysis of PTB

^prefixes less convincing: Longxi k o , Mianchi ^ou Tiorse' point to some type of complex initial as late as PSQ; however, the exact nature of this * initial is not clear (cf. discussion of *r, 3.3.1.3).

1.6 The database Much like the database in J. Sun (19??), the database I have used in this dissertation consists of both a primary and an auxiliary set of lexical data. The primary database consists of lexical data from the key dialects, including three SQ dialects (Longxi, Mianchi, Taoping) and two NQ dialects (Mawo, Yadu). Longxi (LX) and Mianchi (MC) data come from my own fieldwork, and the principal sources for Taoping (TP) and Mawo (MW) data are QYJZ and ZYC. Yadu data come from four villages, Ekou (TBL), Ronghong (LaPolla 1996), Qugu (ibid.), and Moyu (a STEDT body-part questionnaire filled out by Huang Chenglong). These three varieties of Yadu are not identical, although the differences are slight. In general, I have consulted Ekou Yadu first, and then referred to the other (unpublished) data second. The auxiliary database consists of two parts. The first is the SQ data from Wen and Chang. These data are used in chapters III and IV to clear up ambiguities, and also to show distinctions that may have been lost in the primary dialects. The second part of the auxiliary database consists of data from other Qiangic languages, taken mostly from TBL and ZYC. These data are used to provide a "peek" at the Proto-Qiangic level, which has at least two advantages. First, it provides additional substantiation for certain PSQ roots where there is no established PTB etymon, but there are cognates in other Qiangic languages (e.g,. PQic

*pram 'white' sections 3.3. 1.8 .1 , 3.3.2.3). Second, consulting Qiangic languages assists in

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finding out the time depth of certain Qiang traits. Key Qiang dialect words for 'five', reflexes of PTB *l-qa (STC 78) all have uvular initials (e.g., Longxi vue). However, data from other Qiangic languages suggest that the velar nasal was preserved as late as Proto- Qiang:

Ergong wque Ersu qua'33 Guiqiong qe 35 Muya qa35 Namuyi qa33 Queyu qua55tcaS3 rGyalrong ka mqo

To attempt to write this dissertation without consulting auxiliary Qiang dialects or languages that are near-relatives would be an unwarranted hindrance. Nevertheless, it is necessary to be both cautious and unequivocal about the conclusions drawn from such data.

1.7 Organization of the dissertation The remainder of the dissertation consists of four chapters and two appendices. Chapter II is an introduction to the current phonological inventories of the key dialects. Chapter El presents what may be inferred at this time regarding PSQ segmental phonology. The fourth chapter endeavors to explain the origins of tone in the Southern dialects. The fifth chapter presents remaining questions and suggested future directions for Qiang

research. Appendix A is a comparative SQ lexicon, with PSQ roots, NQ cognates, and PTB etyma. Appendix B is a glossary of Mianchi and Longxi words, arranged by English Gloss.

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Chapter II. Synchronic phonology of the five key dialects. "We shall need a recording by a phonetician who is not troubled by unusual sounds." (Shafer 1974:451) 'There can be no doubt that these features [of Jiuziying] will throw light on the reconstruction of proto-Ch'iang in the future." (Wen 1950b:21)

In this chapter I present phonological inventories and discussion for the five key Qiang dialects in the order Northern Qiang: Yadu, Mawo: Southern Qiang: Mianchi, Longxi, Taoping. At the end of the chapter I have inserted a few comments about some features of auxiliary dialects of Southern Qiang. The Qiang phonological inventories have many parallels with those of other Qiangic languages, as Sun Hongkai has observed. In general, Qiangic languages have a large number of simple initial consonants — generally over 40; all of the languages have initial consonant clusters; the consonant clusters of some languages still retain features of the proto-language; the vowel systems in most languages do not distinguish between tense and lax vowels, but contrast retroflex vs. non- retroflex vowels; diphthongs are mosdy rising; most languages have the medials [i], [u], and [y]; final consonants have largely been lost, and only a few languages still preserve them; tone plays only a small role in the phonological system and some languages have not yet developed phonemic tones at all. (H. Sun 1989:102)

2.1 Northern Qiang Northern Qiang dialects are marked by complex consonant clusters, distinctive vowel quantity, and word-level stress, which is unmarked in all published sources, except for a few minimal pairs in QYJZ, ZYC, LaPolla 1996, Liu 1998a, b.

2.1.1 Yadu Phonological inventory The Yadu data in this dissertation are from Ekou village in Yadu township, Maoxian (Mao county), and are taken from TBL. For comparison at some points, additional data have been taken from three other villages in the Yadu dialect: Ronghong, (LaPolla 1996), Qugu (ibid.), and Moyu (C. Huang, n.d.). Because there is much more published data from Ekou than from the other varieties (about 1900 forms), this dialect tis

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the unmarked variety of Yadu in this dissertation. The Qugu data are not phonemicized, and are thus used sparingly. The Ekou and Ronghong Yadu syllable canons are as follows:

Ekou Yadu (plain vowels): (C) (Q ) V (V) (C) (Cf)

Ekou Yadu Gong vowels): (Q) (V) V:

Ekou Yadu (rhotacized vowels): (C) (Q) (V) (V) VJ (C) (Cf)

Ekou Yadu Gong rhotacized vowels): (C) (Q) (V) VY (Cf) 1

Ronghong Yadu: (C )(Q )(V ) V (V) (C) (Cf) [fric] [glide] [glide][fric]

2.1.1.1 Yadu Initials: The initial phonemes of Yadu (Ekou) are given in TBL as follows: Simple Initials:

p t k ph th kh b d g ts t§ tj tc tsh t§h tfh tch dz d3 dz 4> s § c X z A. z V m n n 0 1 w 1, r j j

TBL records fifty initial clusters in Ekou, some of which are rare. I have put in parentheses the number of occurrences of rare cluster initials (five or fewer occurrences). The cluster /§i\J is in parentheses to indicate that it only occurs in a borrowing from Tibetan. The three forms that are struck through appear in the inventory, but not in the data.

1 According to Dai 1992:636 (henceforth TBL), Yadu has native rhotacized triphthongs with long vowels /iae:a\ ia:a\ ya:a\ uae:a7; however, these are not attested in the data.

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It may be the case that they occur on words that were not selected for inclusion in TBL.

Cluster Initials:

sp ( 2 ) St si ( 1) sq (5) zd Zg(l) §P sts (§IV)(1) §k §q ^m ZJS cp etc zdz xts ( 1) xl xt§ xt; ( 2 ) Yz yr Yl y 4 ( 4 ) Yn.0) Xs (5) X* Xl Xt§ x§ KZ Kd(l) *» k1 f« k (i) khs kh§ k h l(l) gz gS. qh§ qhs phj ba Wi

Comments: 1) The Yadu data presented here differ from the key Southern dialects in having a phonemic alveolar series of affricates in addition to dental, palatal, and retroflex series. Comparison with Mawo (below) shows a correspondence with its alveolars, so this series will be reconstructed for proto-Northem Qiang. In both dialects, alveolars only occur as affricates, even though this series appears to be an ancient distinction. The three other Yadu sub-dialects for which there are published data do not have this series. The following table demonstrates the development of Old Yadu *alveolars in four varieties of Yadu:

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Table 2.1 Comparison of Ekou alveolars to Ronghong, Qugu, and Moyu

Gloss j Yadu (Ekou) | Ronghong j Qugu { Moyu ; [alveolar] | [retroflex] j [palatal] ! [retroflex, palatal] ! child i tjuj mi ' x§e-t§uo ~ x§e- j t§u ('calf (cow- j j 1 child)) | ! cockscomb : wu pie qu d 3 u I jypi qu tcu? i dark xtjcip j xtgop ; hoof tjuax ! t§U3X ! t§uax 1 ! pregnant | tjui mie le i ! i tcy mi del weasel tfu qu j khuo-tgoqu(ses) |

The Old Yadu "'alveolar series developed differently in the history of each of the four dialects above. In Ekou, it was maintained as an alveolar series. In Ronghong, it merged with the retroflex series; in Qugu it merged with the palatals, and in Moyu it appears to have merged with the retroflex series before back vowels and with palatals before front vowels. However, more Moyu and Qugu data are needed before definitive statements can be made about their correspondences. The voicing of the affricate in "cockscomb" is problematic: the difference in intervocalic voicing may reflect differences in

syllabic stress (cf. J. Sun 1988 (herein PNQP), pp 2-5), or it may be a case of variation in

an intervocalic environment (e.g., kea we tea ’recall/remember’, ke1 weJ die. 'recall/recollect'). Because stress is not marked in these sources, it is not possible to be more precise about this alternation in voicing.

Further evidence that Ekou alveolars are phonemic, and are not merely a transcriptional detail, comes from their correspondence to alveolars in Mawo. Table 2.2 shows the correspondence of Ekou alveolars to Mawo alveolars, Table 2.3 shows that in Mawo, PQ *alveolars palatalized before /i/. Table 2.4 indicates that there are some forms that do not follow this pattern. I do not yet have an explanation for these irregular

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correspondences.

Table 2.2 Correspondence of Ekou alveolars to Mawo alveolars:

Table 2.3 Correspondence of Ekou Yadu alveolars to Mawo palatals:

Gloss | Ekou Yadu | Mawo

eleven j he tje ' hetci

man 1 | tcim meet i e tje te pie e tci ti pi nephew d3 i j dzi

Table 2.4 Irregular correspondence of Mawo forms to Ekou alveolars:

Gloss i Ekou Yadu I Mawo

step on/tread 1 tjhueiv 1 tchani mule | ke tje I tg®

2) According to the discussion in TBL, /r/ does not occur in woid-initial position. “It is

sometimes pronounced as /d tJ, as in raa k b rap 'vulture' [ma k b d^ap ? — JPE)(TBL:636,

translation mine) TBL does not give the environments in which [r ~ d^J, although we may

note that the forms xdâ — xr3 are both given for 'star'. In addition, the forms tu ru 'broom' and dû dû 'sweep' probably demonstrate this same alternation, [r] can occur in initial

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clusters: mo gry 'strike (thunderbolt)', word-medially: tu ru 'broom', and word-finally: ar

'dissolve'. It is apparent from its distribution and variation that [r] is an allophone at least of IdzJ, and perhaps of other r-like sounds as well. Problems associated with these sounds are discussed below (comment 7).

3) x > g /_iV, yV diphthongs. (TBL)

4) /q-/ in native vocabulary is labialized. (TBL)

5) /h/ only appears in word-initial position. ( TBL) It is not clear from examining the data

whether it is an allophone of another sound, or whether it disappears word-medially.

6 ) There are certain clusters whose transcriptions are problematic; a careful analysis leads to a simpler list of clusters than are found in TBL As an example, we consider the /gr-/ cluster of mo gry 'strike (thunderbolt)', which is the only instance of this cluster in the

source, and is not given in the list of clusters ( TBL.636). although /g tJ is listed there. This cluster is likely a typographical error, or the result of a recent metathesis, as seen by

comparison with other Ekou words for thunder 1 and 'rain' (which is the first morpheme of 'strike (thunderbolt)':

maaJ rain (n.) m a a J da ja fall (rain) (v.) ms ^gua thunder (n.) ma da jgy$ thunder (v.) ma gry strike (thunderbolt)

The variation in the transcription of the 'thunder' words indicates that the clusters {gr-, ^g-, jg-} all represent the same sound sequence, either at an underlying phonemic level, or at least diachronically. The 'rain' forms in the above list, along with Ronghong me-gu

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'thunder*, support the positing for 'strike (thunderbolt)' of an underlying sequence of an r- like sound (phonemically /j/, comment 7), followed by /g-/. The two forms given for 'rain' indicate that there is a morpheme boundary before the /g-/ of thunder. The place of insertion of da in Ekou 'thunder (v.)' points to a reanalysis of morpheme boundaries by speakers.

The following Ekou forms for 'repay, return', coupled with the 'thunder* words, cast further doubt on the reputed Izjg, g^, gr/ distinction:

ctcyo 3jju£ repay (a debt) ctcyo gzjs return (a pen) mo ^guo thunder (n.) mo gry strike (thunderbolt)

For comparative purposes, these three clusters will be treated as phonemically identical. The following comment further addresses problems associated with r-like sounds in Ekou.

7) The Yadu sounds /r, j, 3., §/ may all be broadly considered rhotics, or "r-like" sounds. As I have shown, there is no small amount of interchange among these sounds, and TBL has apparently drawn too many distinctions among them. As stated above, [r ~ d^J in certain (unstated) environments. This indicates the questionable nature of the phonemic status of [r]. The distinction drawn between /-j, -7 is also problematic. The following forms indicate that there is no phonemic distinction between them in final position (while [j] can

occur initially ( ju horse'), [J] of course, cannot2).

2 However, 'dig, excavate' is given as phJi ptue.

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m sdjdaja fall (rain) mas" rain khiu su eighty kheJ eight (a) 3J classifier for bowls (a) sJ classifier for eggs, etc. ksjwEtca recall/remember ke 1 weJ dzc recall/recollect

It is clear that [-], the rhotacization of the vowel nucleus, is not to be distinguished horn

final [- j ]. Thus, either both sounds should be treated as / j /, or both should be treated as /7,

when in final position. The first solution has the advantage of greatly simplifying the vowel inventory, eliminating all rhotacized vowels /VV, as these would now be treated as

sequences of V + j (e.g., /-op, -jm, - j s , -jn, -j § , -jyz, -JXO- However, this analysis has two drawbacks: first, it complicates the syllable canon, changing it from

*(C) (C) V (V) (V/:) (j ) (C) (C)

in order to accommodate the single form kho'yz 'file (tool)'. Second, all unambiguous Ekou final clusters agree in voicing (attested: yz, xt§, X§* K0- However, if /VV is interpreted as /Vi/, then the following clusters which disagree in voicing are introduced:

-ip khep full a khop blind, be (acquired/postnatally) -j s qhas wall (stone) - j § tudJs younger brother (address by o . brother) -JX kdJn ka'x thin qox ban/forbid/prohibit

The second possible analysis, and the one adopted in this dissertation, is to treat

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final I-i! as vowel ihotacization /V7. This analysis does not have the advantage of simplifying the vowel inventory, however it does not introduce the aforementioned complications. In this dissertation, N il and /VV are both taken to signify vowel

rhotacization.

Both analyses have the benefit of reducing the set of r-like phonemes to four /r, 1

O, §/. Among these sounds, it is not clear whether the phones [j 0 , z j are to be considered distinct phonemes, or whether their differences are marginal/non-existent. The following two pairs of words show that this opposition is to be questioned:

jupu cave (mountain) ju z^u cave/hole rain(n.) m d^-gus thunder (n.)

These two pairs of words indicate that there is no meaningful distinction between [j / -J] and IX], and hence there are no more than two voiced r-like phonemes in Yadu, /r/ and the

phoneme represented by the set of graphs /{ j , -\ 2^}/, which I will call 111. This last distinction is supported both by the following set of minimal pairs, as well as by the fact that /r/ is in (limited?) variation with l

r * 3, (o)ru bundle/sheaf o lose (something) r * a, -' gur pal/partner, placenta gu g# dove

This phonemic analysis is similar to what is found in the phonology of Proto-Southern

Qiang, for which both *X, *r have been reconstructed, based on the synchronic evidence of Longxi and Taoping (Evans, 1998a).

Ekou It, 1/ appear to correspond to Moyu and Qugu /d^., zj. Although the correspondence of Ekou 111 to Moyu frj is well-supported, there are not enough available Moyu cognates of Ekou ftI to make an unequivocal statement of correspondence. Similarly, the available Qugu data are scarce, so that correspondence with these two Ekou

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phonemes is only suggestive. Ronghong /zj clearly corresponds to Ekou /j/, but correspondence with /r/ is uncertain. These correspondences may be seen in the following table (Qugu forms in parentheses):

Table 2.5 Comparison o f Ekou /j , r/ with Ronghong, Moyu, Qugu

Gloss ! Ekou ! Ronghong Moyu (Qugu) | cave ju pu, ju ^u J 3.o:pu t skin j i£ pie ! saf i^a pi (tree-skin j VP* i = 'bark') 1 thresh grain : JE ZP ;

horn ! J3JC ZA<\ (raq) j stone | ja kuo ^a wa < branch | sa ja If, ZAP (Qugu fear]) pound (v.) : a ^ y V te ;

thunder 1 ma ^gua me-gu i fox Ajgut ^Lgue open \ Z&* j ZAP speech/words ! ZA* ; ^a wa gruel/porridge i g^,em Y^.em ; dream | ku ^mu | ?u ^.ma, ?u ^.mu

buffalo tsua^ tsua-^ 1 ! ash | tcu xu bu tcu-xu-bu i bite | e yre j yd^e pheasant j wu ru wu-lu i (Qugu [ju

/§/, the voiceless rhotic, contrasts with /r , j / prevocalically (Table 2.6) and postvocalically (Table 2.7):

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Table 2.6 Yadu r-like initials

/§/ forms /r/ forms /j/form s

. lake ru ! broom JU ! spit §3 ! reserve re ! separate J3X ■ horn ; (seed)

Table 2.7 Yadu r-like finals

/-§/ forms /-r/ forms l-if forms

qhe§ j chest, box mer ! solidify qheJ ; break/smash a§ tse | taste or i dissolve

qu§ we shape, 1 nu qu' : bend at the i appearance j 1 waist

However, this contrast disappears in clusters, as demonstrated below.

8 ) /h/ only appears in word-initial position. ( TBL) It is not clear whether it is an allophone of another sound, or whether it is a phoneme which disappears postvocalically. It only occurs in Ekou as a verb prefix meaning 'out(ward)' (a), and as the number 'ten' (a').

a) come out (past) ha la drag for/dredge up he xt§e left over, be/remain ho

a’) ten ho dzu sixteen ha t§huo thirteen he se

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However, in the closely related sub-dialect Ronghong, /h/ may occur either initially ( ha-qa , 'mount a hill*) or word-medially (mag maha, 'dandelion'). Comparison between Ekou and Ronghong shows that /h/ in the two dialects cannot be directly correlated, as the following three tables demonstrate:

Table 2.8 Ekou /h-/ corresponding to Ronghong /h-/

Gloss | Ekou Ronghong ten ; ho dzu hotcu twelve ha tv? ha-ni OUT prefix j ha §kus 'borrow' ha-tgha 'creep (vi.)'

In the above table, the morpheme for ‘ten’ is given twice to show that the two varieties share the same vowel harmony on this syllable.

Table 2.9 Ekou !y] corresponding to Ronghong /h/

==^=sss3sssasas=aasssB SSsssrasB E S3ssB saB B Ss:^sB saB s^=& Gloss ! Ekou J Ronghong ------j------,------■------cooked rice j stu ax a ( stuaha mire/muddy J ma1 xa' ! maha wheat bran/straw j x Q : paha

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Table 2 .1 0 Ekou /%/ corresponding to Ronghong /%/

Gloss J Ekou Ronghong

brass/bronze j xflJ xue 1 Xa ditch i Xu§ tsa-xfl (water-ditch) hawk ■ xlu Xlu wash xlua qa-Xuala (rice-wash) snare/trap ! xaq so (b?) xansu cucumber (b.) ; xuaq kua Xuaqkua

9) Ekou Yadu clusters in TBL are over-differentiated and under-phonemicized in the

transcription of their pre-initials (in Tibeto-Burman linguistic terminology, "pre-initial" refers to a consonant that precedes an intial obstruent, while "initial" refers to the second consonant). In contrast to this transcription, LaPolla points out that in Ronghong:

Phonemically, consonant clusters are formed by /§/ and one of the following initials: /p. t, k, q, tc, b, d, g, m, dz/, /x/ followed by /I, s, tc §, 1, z, dz, z<_. dzj, or lyj followed by /I, s, §, 1, z, n, dz, n» dzj. Phonetically the situation is more varied, as the preinitials all become voiced before voiced initials, and /§/ becomes [s] before /t/ and /d/, and becomes [c] before /pi/, /pe/, /tc/ and /dz/. (LaPolla 1996:8)

The situation given for Ekou is more elaborate, although simpler than the way it is

presented in TBL. Dai lists sixteen pre-initials: /s, z, §, 4 , c, x, y, X, k, kh, qh, g, ph, b, , w/. /-clusters in the data. The following distribution charts and rules of distribution show that a much simpler list could have been given:

The following chart shows the distribution of the pre-initials /j , §, c, z/.

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Table 2.11 Distribution of Yadu Is-, c-, ?-/ clusters:

initiab- j p b j m tc dz I IV, ! t§ ! k ! g ! IJ q 1

: pre-initial j i : i i i ! i ; j ! • ! • j I I ! 1 ; • <•> i i § I • 1

C : • 1 ' . ! I ! ! ! ! !

Z 1 i • ! ! | i ■ ; ! i : ! !

With the exception of /§, cl /_ p, it is clear that these four pre-initials stand in complementary distribution with each other. A closer look at the distributions of /§p, cp/ reveals that these two clusters are in complementary environments, determined by the height and backness of the following vowel:

hardworking ts §pa pea §psd key §pu KU kidney §pal jackal cpie scar cpi xlj,

Clearly, § > c/_pi, pi3. If we take the sole instance of /§i\/ giyat 'crupper strap' as an

exception due to its status as a boirowing from Tibetan (WT smed, A Li Ke dialect rjief), then the pre-initial [§-] only occurs before voiceless initials, and we may write the following rules:

3 There is only one example of c pi in the data: c pi xl{ 'scar'. There is also one counter example to this rule, found in the morpheme common to the following words: e §pij 'aunt (mother's brother's wife), e §pij 'mother-in-law'. I believe this problem to be more transcriptional than phonological, because I wonder about the exact nature of the diphthong ij. These two terms for female relatives of an older generation also show the tenuousness of the distinction between /e, e/. These sounds are not distinguished in either Ronghong or Moyu dialects.

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j >§/_[-voice] > z/_dz § > c/_tc, pi, pi

The subsequent table shows the distribution of the pre-initials /s, z, kh, g, x, y/:

Table 2.12 Distribution of Yadu /s-, z-, kh-, g-, x-, y-/ clusters:

i n i t i a t e ipitjditsjsjz n ! 1 1 r ; n , ! t § § ! \ | d ^ ! tj ! g ! q

; ■ ■ ; 1 P r e - i ! j i i | | i j i n i t i a l ! j \ i i i ;

s ! • i I ! • • ! • i 1 i ! ; i i : ; ‘ • i z I i 1 i i 1 M ; I i i * ! : : i 1 : kh i ! • ; • III!! # 1 !

g I ! ! • !•

i i * ! ! i i i x ; • : i ! I • ! ! • •

• Y ! ! i ! '

For this set of pre-initials, the occurrence of voiced pre-initials may be predicted, with the exception of /xl, yl/, by the rule:

C > [+ voice]/,[+obstruent, +voice].

Based on the phonemic analysis presented in TBL, Ekou /x, Qy/ are separate phonemes, probably due to the fact that both occur before /I/:

me xlie move d^u ylie drill/auger cpi xl^ scar ha yl\, turn inside out (clothing). xlua wash (clothes) yla drill

According to TBL, the occurrence of /y/ is restricted to cluster-initial position (however, there is one instance in the data of /yV/: ya xpsl 'fist'. This entry is problematic, as it is

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actually given in the source as having a vowel onset: Y3 xpal, although the vowel /y/ is not listed in the Yadu inventory. For this reason, I do not consider it a bona fide exception to the cluster-only rule, as the initial [y] is my own interpretation of an apparent typological error). In Ronghong, [y] is the allophone of /x/ that occurs before voiced consonants (R. LaPolla, 1996:6. LaPolla's lexicon includes the form xliex-buz 'loess', which should be xiiex-bu £, (R. LaPolla, p.c.). Given the fact that in Ekou, the pre-lateral environment is the

only one where both /x, y/ may both occur, and that Ekou has phonemic /I / 4 , 1 think it is

best to interpret {xl} as /xl/, and {yl> as /xl/. Thus, the items above should be phonemically transcribed as follows:

/me xlie/ move Idzjx xlie/ drill/auger /cpi xlj/ scar /ha xl \f turn inside out (clothing). /xlua/ wash (clothes) /xta/ drill.

The following table shows that Ekou \s > qh/_ [-voice]:

Table 2.13 Distribution of / k-, qh-/

initial> j d j s z n ! 1 | n, i d^_ § pre- | j initial j | ; ; i K i • S J O" • 1 i i : •

4 In TBL, M only occurs in pre-vocalic position, and only appears in the following four lexical items: ju pu la: la cliff da move (house) lu lu quick/fast la: la smooth/glossy/sleek

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Thus, the list of pre-initials may be reduced to /ph, b, (), s, z^, x, kh, w, is/5.

10) There are at least two transcriptional problems with the clusters in TBL: a. /§t§-/ occurs in the inventory, but not in the data. b. The clusters /§ts-, §tj-/ are in the database, but not in the inventory. Each of them appears once:

§tsem wife §tjax a yellow

2.1.1.2 Yadu Rhymes

Parentheses indicate segments that are found only in borrowings from Chinese; vowels that are struck through appear only in the inventory.

Simple Vowels:

Plain Long Rhotacized

i, y u u:

i o o :6

e a e: (3) E1 ae (4) a: & a

5 Double check this list!

6 This segment is recorded in the data and in the discussion, but is not given in the phonological inventory.

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Long rhotacized

u:J a:J

Diphthongs: The following chart shows that many of the diphthongs attributed to Ekou are ill- supported: either they occur only in borrowings, or they occur rarely or not at all in the data.

re 13 1U (iu:) ye ys jAf iae io T T C T T U . (y*) (ya) (2 ), yei- (ia:J)( l)

U£ U3 ue

iinQ.UIW ua ua: (3) we1, uaJ, ua:' ( 1 )

(aei) ui (au) ( 1 ) (3u) ey uy (5)

(isO lee-

ea- 33 (i^ O d )

ass', asJ (2 ), IQtd V U i0

UE3J (1) (iau) (uaei) (2) aceia

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Comments:

1) hi > -j/ [dentals]_, > \l [retroflex]_, a elsewhere. ( TBL)

2) The distinctions between /u, uj, /o, o-J arc marginal in native words. Most instances of In:, o-J are in borrowings from Chinese. (TBL) In Jiuziying there is a similar fluidity of /u, o/ (Wen 1950:18-19).

3) -y and y-initial diphthongs are almost always preceded by palatals, with the exception of a few instances of x- and /-. (TBL) The only such forms in the source are the following:

(e) xys classifier for leaves e xye dizzy, feel/giddy KueJ su $ silk

This distribution is very similar to Standard Mandarin, in which /y/ only follows palatals and/l/.

4) Note that /a/ does not occur in the inventory. However, it does occur in seven forms in the database, where it is assumed to be a typographical error. However, this can only be proven in the case of xua tha 'draw (a picture)', where comparison with other verbs shows that the second syllable, which is appended to verbs borrowed from Chinese, should be tha (e.g., khau tha 'rely/depend on1). For the sake of comparison, other instances of the graph {a} will also be treated as lal.

5) Voiceless vowels do not appear in the TBL inventory, although they are mentioned in the discussion and appear in the data. The following voiceless vowels occur in Ekou:

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According to TBL, voiceless vowels generally occur on the final syllable, although they sometimes occur on the penultimate; e.g., e ky lie 'plant (beans)'. I expect that they only occur on unaccented syllables; however, stress is not given for any forms in TBL.

6 ) All but one instance of /ae/ are borrowings from Chinese (e.g., mieen x ua 'cotton'). The form tsiem 'girl' appears to be the lone native form.

7) /ui/ is listed in TBL as occurring only in borrowings. However, the following forms appear to be native to Yadu;

tfui mis le pregnant, be §ui de puttee wui zim swallow (n.)

8 ) Although not listed in the inventory, the rhotacized diphthong /ra7 occurs in the Chinese borrowing cin tee jis ' Tuesday', which appears to be over-transcribed.

Final consonants;

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Simple finals: p t t§ tf tc k q IvII

d (l) d*. g

m n 0 ,( 2 ) rj

c X X z z

w J k (5)

Clusters: Northern Qiang finals are of secondary origin, as discussed further in section 4.4.3. Complex finals are very rare, although they may be complex: e.g., only occurs in the classifier (a) yj§ 'row (wheat, houses)'. The nine clusters that have been struck through appear only in the inventory.

st zd ag khs khg g* yz(4)Y* Xt§(l) X§ (2) k! (2)

2.1.1.3 Yadu Stress TBL mentions that Northern Qiang dialects do not have tones (p637). Stress is not

mentioned in TBL, although Northern Qiang is generally regarded as having syllabic stress (QYJZ, PNQP, R. LaPolla 1996, Liu 1998, Peter Lester p.c., era/.).

2.1.2 Mawo Phonological inventory The primary source for Mawo data was gathered in the 1950's, and has been published in part by Sun Hongkai {QYJZ, ZYC) and Liu Guangkun (Liu 1998).

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Additionally, there are body-pait vocabulary provided to the STEDT project at UC Berkeley by Jackson Sun (J. Sun, n.d.) and by Sun Hongkai (H. Sun, n.d.), both of which differ slightly from the data presented in the main sources. The most insightful phonological analysis of Mawo is to be found in PNQP, in which J. Sun points out the problems caused by under-phonemicization in the published materials, and argues for a simpler segmental system. Aside from the aforementioned body-part vocabulary. J. Sun has not provided a lexicon. H. Sun's phonological inventory of Mawo (ZYC, ppl82-19l) was translated into English and published in Namkung 1996. The bulk of that inventory is reprinted here, with some additional comments. Comments from H. Sun are labeled (SHK), those from J. Sun are labeled (JTS), and my own comments are labeled (JPE). The Mawo syllable canon may be formulated as follows:

short vowels: (C) (Q) V (V) O (C) (Cf)

long vowels: (C) Q (V) V: (7q 7)

2.1.2.1 Mawo initials

7 There is one instance of a coda following a Mawo long vowel: ti:q 'top'.

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Simple Initials:

p t ts t§ tf tc k q ph th tsh t§h tfh tch kh qh

b d dz d3 dz g 4> s § c X X

P z ZL z Y K

m n n» 0

w 1 r j j * (4) (?) (4)

Initial Clusters Along with the inventory, Sun has included one example of each segment, cluster, and diphthong. For some rare clusters and finals, these charts provide the only support, as

they do not appear in the published lexicon. These forms have been treated as hapax

legomena, are followed by ( 1) in the charts below, and the corresponding forms been

added to my database. All segments and segment combinations with five or fewer supporting forms are specially indicated. A few of the segments are not given in his inventory, but appear in the data. They have been included in the following charts.

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mdz ( 1)

sp ( 2 ) St sk ( 1 ) sq(l) (stc) ( 1) sm (l) (sn )( 1 ) (SfV) (1) (si) (1) zb (l) zd z g (l)

rp(D rb rd (l) rk (l) rg rts (I) rdz(l) itjh (l) rd3 (l)

rm n] ( 1) rl ( 1) rw (l)

0 >(D (t(l) Ck(D Cts(l) §P §k §q §tc (3) khs kh§ (l)khc

gz SA. g z (l)

x p (l) xts ( 1) xt§ x tj( 2 ) xtc (1) xl (5)

Yb(l) yd2L (4) yd3 (2)ydz (2) yl (5) yn(l) qhs(5)qh§ (3)

Xt ( 1 ) Xts (1 ) Xt§ XtJ(l) Xtc(l)xUD 8

Kd(l) Kdz (4) Kd^. (4) Bd3 (2 ) Kdz (1) kiv (I) BZ(1) k! K2(l)

Comments: 1) /

2 ) / p/ and l\l are found mainly [exclusively — JPE] in the second syllable of compounds and in consonant clusters. (SHK) This is also true for /y/. As observed by J. Sun

(PNQP) these sounds should probably be treated as allophones of /b, r, g/. Their

appearance in the initial position of second syllables is due to stress (PNQP.2, ff.), which

unfortunately has been left unmarked, as in all of the published sources of Northern Qiang

8 *EAGLE *glaq

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lexical data.

3) /rj/ is labialized in native vocabulary. (SHK)

4) The retroflex affricates are very lightly fricated, and are closer to stops than to affricates.

(SHK)

5) It/ is trilled as an initial, but flapped in clusters; it corresponds to Taoping IdzJ or fU. (SHK)

6 ) Dental stops are dentalized and affricated before central vowels /a, v/. (SHK)

7) Older speakers differentiate another series of palatals. (SHK) Unfortunately, it is not clear how to interpret this comment.

8 ) /m, n, 1/ are velarized before /y/. (SHK)

9) As has been observed for Yadu (above), J. Sun (PNQP:7, ff.) points out that the published initial cluster system of Mawo should be simplified. In Qiang, the set of pre- initials is much more restricted than is the set of initials. H. Sun divides clusters into two types according to the pre-initial: those that are stops (Type n, QYJZ, pp29, 30), and those that are not (Type I. QYJZ, pp 27-29). After summarizing the pre-initial system, J. Sun observes that, with the exclusion of §- and m- (which can only be found in the morpheme

mdza 'beautiful'). Type I pre-initials can be arranged according to oppositions of voicing (PNQP-.iy.

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Voiced Voiceless K- X- Y- x- z- s- r- C- 9

The first two pairs of sounds are distinguished before /l/ (Kb 'wheat', x^u 'eagle', y/ayu 'wheat', x b 'marrow'). However, before obstruents, voicing is predictable:

yd^a 'eel' xtga 'gall'; louse' Kd^a 'star1; 'bell' Xtga 'spear'; 'six'

Similarly, lz-1 only appears as a pie-initial before voiced obstruents /b, d, g/, whereas /s-/ occurs before both voiceless obstruents /p, t, k, q, tc/ and sonorants /m, n, n* 1/. Thus, just as in Yadu. there is no phonemic distinction between /s, zJ in pre-initial position. The next distinction to consider concerns the pair /r, xj and the retroflex /§/. The following chart is taken from QYJZ:21 and PNQRS:

Table 2.14 Distribution of Mawo /%-, r-, §-/ in clusters:

initial> j t p b | t ! d | k | g j q ts dz tjh d3 tc dz m n ! l w pre- ! ! j I 1 1 i ! initial ; 1 ! 1 i ; i ; ! : • ! i • ! i • i 1 ! I \ • i 1 ! i ! i • : 1 | ; i i ' * i ! * ! #i#l ; ! # ! i * i * ! j ! I • i j i 1 ! i i i i | § i * 1j 1 i ;*i: ! i : • j 1 i i I 1 i i j 1 • ! i i i ! j

J. Sun argues that £- is best considered as an allophone of /r/, given that it only occurs before voiceless obstruents. However, QYJZ also includes the clusters /rp, its, rtjh, rk/,

9 In Jiuziying (SQ), t >%!#[-voice] _. (Wen 1950:20)

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which run counter to that analysis. Nevertheless, J. Sun observes that these four clusters occur word-medially, and not initially, as in the following data (taken from ZYC ):

rva-rpa steward, house-keeper(pl85)10 ka rpu lime (stone) phu-rtsuq hole in the top of a tent for a rope (pi 85) da-itfhal big cymbal (pi85) ?a-rka medicinal root (notopterygium) (pi 85)

J. Sun does not cite any counter-evidence from QYJZ. There are, however, the following two forms from the introductory pages to ZYC (published after PNQP) that show ft/ occurring word-medially in a post-vocalic environment:

pha-^pa device used when reciting scriptures (pi 85) bfta rope

According to the distribution given below in Table 2.16, these instances of [£| should be allophones of /t§h/ occurring in unstressed environments. However, there are no other instances of the cluster /t§hp-/ in the data or phonemic analysis. At present I have no explanation for the phonetic shape of the form phs-ppa. Nevertheless, I agree with J. Sun's characterization of ft] as an allophone of /r/, in spite of these apparent contradictions (which may also be typographical errors (for a discussion of this problem in ZYC, cf. J. Sun 1992). The sound ft] is very rare: out of 1004 entries in the body of ZYC, the only other form with this voiceless rhotic is psa 'rust'. Although I follow J. Sun's analysis and consider this sound to be an allophone of /r/, I do not alter H. Sun's original transcription in this dissertation. J. Sun observes that for his own Mawo consultant, ft, §] were freely varying

10 Lexical items that appear only in the phonological discussion, and not in the general lexicon have their ZYC page numbers indicated.

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allophones of [r], occurring word-inidally before voiceless consonants other than /k, q/ (PNQP-.IO). Thus, among the pre-initials, occurrences of ft, §] are sub-phonemic. According to J. Sun's analysis, the total number of Mawo phonemic Type I pre-initials is eight: /m, r, s, x, y, x* k, (sy. Even simplified, this system is much more complex than the Ronghong Yadu system of three underlying pre-initials /§, x, y j.

Another rhotic issue, not raised by J. Sun, is the degree to which post-vocalic /j / is to be distinguished from rhotic clusters:

bzjd tsi thin boa tsi thin (slender)

By merely examining the printed Mawo data, it is not possible to tell whether these forms are in free variation. Nevertheless, I have observed that for some b-initial words, sounds which are transcribed in Mawo with either rhotacized vowel or final l-il occur as initial clusters in other Qiang dialects. It is not clear to what extent this is due to a true phonetic change in Mawo, and how much of this difference is due to transcriptional difficulties:

Table 2.15 Correspondence of Mawo /J, j/ to rhotics in the other dialects

Gloss | Mawo Yadu (Ekou) J Taoping j Mianchi | Longxi

j brother | to baJ tu55b^a 31 ; 1 (elder) 1

big bcu hie j b^a 33 I b^a j bra. ba

■ dragon ; bale ^ba ! xba 241 i ] high/tall : buJ bn * j b^fi

Mawo (and Yadu) clusters may become simplified when in coda position. The

numerals two, three, four, six, and nine demonstrate this change when they appear as 'teens’. Although the following examples are from Mawo, similar properties obtain for the

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Yadu numerals.

a; tci one he tci eleven yna two ban twelve khsi three hesi thirteen four ha 2i fourteen Kua five ha du fifteen six hat§ sixteen std seven hast seventeen kha eight ha kha‘ eighteen rguz nine hargu 9 nineteen

2.1.2.2 Mawo Rhymes

Vowels: The following vowels are found in uninflected words: Monophthongs

Plain Retroflex

i i : . y u u: (5) i'(4),yJ(l) uJ u:'(l)

e a y y : ( 1 ) eJ (2), e:J (1) aJ a:'(3) y j ( 1 )

a a: (2 ) a a: (2 ) aJ a:1 (2 ) a 1 a:J(l)

Diphthongs Plain Retroflex

(ie) (ue) ( 2 ) ua ( u y ) ueJ (5) ua' (4) ua:'(l)

ia (ya) ( 1) ua ua: ( 1) uaJ iaJ(l) ua:'(l)

ia ua ua: (3) iaJ(3)uaJ(5) ua:J ( 1 )

Comments:

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1) There are also vowels with off glides /ai, au, au, iu, uai, iau/ which are mainly found in Chinese loans. (SHK)

2) /ia:, ia:\ ya, ya:, ya:7 appear only in inflected words. (SHK) However, in the data, /ya/ also appears in the Chinese borrowing yan p i 'pencil'.

3) Note that the native diphthongs all proceed from more close to more open. [JPE]

Final Consonants

As in Yadu, many of the possible final consonants and clusters are rare; most of the

final clusters are hapax legomena. The following charts show that final affricates and

voiced obstruents are generally less common than are other codas.

Simple Finals:

-p -t -ts(2) -t§ (5) -tj(3) -k -q -b ( 1) -d (l) -d3(l) -$ (1) -s -§ - x d ) -z ( 2 ) -m -n -o -1 -r (3) -f (3)

Final Clusters:

-st -zd (l) -rb ( 1) -rg ( 1 ) -§P(D -§k (2 ) -xs ( 2 ) -xts ( 1 ) -xt§ ( 1) -x tj(l) -Yzd) ( 1) -Y

Comments:

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1) Voiceless stop codas are released, often with slight aspiration. (SHK)

2) Final l-b/ only occurs in rhotic environments. The following are the only instances of final /-b/ in the data:

wurb bird's nest qhorb eddy, vortex tgal? ring a bell

I strongly doubt that [-rb, -rb, -1>], all hapax legomena, are phonemically distinct finals. As in Yadu, I will continue to distinguish /-/ and other ihotics based on the following two observations: 1) The consonants in all final clusters agree in voicing. 2) There are

voiceless consonants (including /p/) that may follow I- 1. Hence, the (voiced) sound [-'] is best considered to be part of the vowel nucleus, rather than an element of the coda:

khaJp full tskha't saw (n.) K3t broad bean gqua'tj bend 11 quqkhuas razor kha'§ August ku 'o bale tshu kneel khuq wake up phiaq wet

3) There is one instance in ZYC of /V in an initial: 'ba'q-phi, 'piece of land' (p. 190). Given

the fact that t! represents vowel retroflexion, this must be a typographical error. It most likely should have been written /r/, as /rb-/ is an attested initial cluster, occurring in the (possibly cognate)rha tshi 'rake', among other forms.

11 Check gloss

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4) PNQP also demonstrates that in native vocabulary H. Sun's /e/ vowel is subphonemic. The distribution (with examples) is as follows:

/i/ -> [e] / [uvulars]_ qap 'urn' /a/ > [el / _Co i esi 'a day' (< /a/ 'one') /i:7 > [eje ~ e:J} eje 'next year 1 /ui/>[e] be 'plate ' 12 v-i > [e] d^vid^e hot' d^e < d^Y-i (hot-AGR:3s)

The one other source of Mawo [ej is in recent Chinese loanwords. In this set of words. I d is phonemic:

pe 'north' (b) pi 'Pig' pa husk

Thus, it is clear that while from a synchronic perspective I d is a phoneme, it is of secondary historical origin.

2.1.2.3 Mawo Stress

There are no phonemic tones in Mawo, but there is contrastive stress in some words. Stress is not marked in the data. (SHK) It is unfortunate that stress is not marked,

as it is not predictable. Moreover, as J. Sun ( PNQP:3) has observed, H. Sun himself

pointed out that certain stops and affricates are lenited when they occur in unstressed word-

medial position (QYJZ, pp43-9). The following chart from PNQP:3 summarizes those

changes:

12 J. Sun's consultant pronounced this word [bw\J. Note that /uiV ( hapax ) is unaffected: tsa gui1' ditch'.

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Table 2.16 Woid-medial changes in unstressed syllables (PNQP)

ph * b p ts s dz z t§h C r/3. t; ■ — ► ' § d3 3. tch c dz z kh X g Y .qh X

This chart, coupled with observations given above, indicates that [p] is almost certainly an allophone of Pol, occurring in the weakened environments of word-initial clusters and intervocalically as the initial consonant of weakened syllables.

2.2 Southern Qiang Southern Qiang dialects are characterized by simpler syllable canons than those found in Northern Qiang (e.g., total lack of consonant clusters in some varieties), and by the presence of tones or pitch/accent. They also have noticeably fewer consonants in their inventories; e.g., Ekou Yadu has 45 plain initials and fifty initial clusters, whereas Mianchi has 37 plain initials and three clusters. Southern Qiang dialects also have a much higher percentage of vocabulary that are borrowed from Chinese. For data collected in the 1950's, Northern Qiang dialects show a rate of borrowing of 15%, versus 30% in Southern Dialects (QYJZ). At the present time, Sinicization of vocabulary seems to be occurring at a faster rate in Southern Qiang than in Northern.

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In this section I will first present phonological summaries of Mianchi and Longxi, the two Southern Qiang sub-dialects on which I have done fieldwork. I will then present

data on Taoping, taken from QYJZ and ZYC.

2.2.1 Mianchi phonological inventory Syllable Canon.

The minimal Mianchi syllable consists of a vowel (V) bearing a tone or pitch (T/P). The onset may contain an initial consonant (C) or consonant cluster (CC) in which the second segment is a retroflexed fricative, or a semi-vowel. If there is no coda, the rhyme may contain either a monophthong (V) or diphthong (V Vf). Monophthongs and

diphthongs may be nasalized or voiceless, but only if there is no final consonant. The only possible codas are nasals (N), which may not follow triphthongs. In short,

Mianchi: T/P (C)(R) (Vj) V (Vf/ N)

T/P = Tone/Pitch R = /§, tJ Vi = /i, y, u/ V can be nasalized or voiceless Vf = /i, u/ in native words, and /a, x , e, e/ in borrowings. N = /n, q/

2.2.1.1 Mianchi initials

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Simple Initials:

p t ts t§ tc k q ph th tsh t§h tch kh qh b d dz dz,. dz g (f) 13 s § c X z S. z K m n IV 0 I

Cluster Initials:

p§ b^. {m^.}

Comments: 1) The distinction between /w,y/ is neutralized after palatal initials, where only /y/ occurs:

2) Stop [+dental] > [^labialized] / _ u

defecate dud [bdua] nail (v) tii [ptii]

The coarticulation in 'nail 1 sounds like the [-pt-] of the English word 'captain'. The articulation of this allophone is not visually distinct from /p-, b-/. Nevertheless, the consultant would not accept [p-, b-] as substitutes. Secondary articulations are found in other dialects of Qiang; Randy LaPolla (p.c.) reports that in Qugu Yadu the plosion of a retroflex affricate may blow the lips apart, causing a secondary coarticulated bilabial. This phenomenon also occurs before /u/ in two of Wen's dialects. In Ruodazhai secondary [

13 Parentheses indicate segments which only occur in borrowings, and onomatopoeics, like 'sneeze', below. Curly braces indicate segments that are rare or marginal in native vocabulary (five or fewer forms).

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been lost, leading to phonemic pre-labialized clusters:

Gloss 1 Jiuziying Longxi I Mianchi | Taoping |

water i p t s i tsii ! tsue | tsua33 boy, son tsi tci : ts* i t / i 33 i small 1 pt§l -tsfi (suffix) 1 -tsu (suffix) mole, wart (b) ! ts* ; t§* i t§i13 chopsticks i bdv to tea dii [bdii] dua 33 give birth i dy i | da33

According to Wen's Longxi consultant(s), 'chopsticks' was pronounced bu d a (Wen 1950:39n). It appears that the labializing /u/ has been lost in the years between Wen's recording of data and my own. 3) [1] occurred in some speakers’ pronunciation of 'moon' as [Id], whereas the chief language consultant pronounced it Pa]. Although the consultant would criticize others for using the voiceless pronunciation, it preserves a trace of the Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) *s- prefix (*s-la. STC 144). As this was the only occurrence of [1] encountered, it is not recorded as a phoneme.

4) /ph, b/ > [pc, bz]/_i. (/p/ is unaffected) e.g.:

guest te p h i [pci] picture b i [bzi] Qiang priest, shaman p i [pi]

This phonological rule is shared by Northern Qiang (cf. Table 2.3). Pumi also has a series

of palatalized labial stops (Matisoff 1997), as does the SQ dialect Jiuziying (cf. 3.3.1. 8 .1).

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5) f — ]:

(le)-

Table 2.17 Examples of Mianchi initials

p pei | old (of pia pig pu lo | kidney ; person) i ph phao tshii ! pickax phie CL for phu | clothing (b?) leaf b bd 16 bug be zt dirt ba I old (of things) (f) fei i Cl for fu tha crazy (b.) fog fog ! gap, in- ; portion (b) ; terval (b) m mu pia ; sky mia-pei old mu ti spark woman t te ti | straight, to tui slow tfitya i pull up ; erect (weeds) th thio j sculpt thou break into thua stack up d do ko ! firewood dua defecate del bean ! knife n na good no thou ne ko pillow 1 16 j arrow 11 wheat, m ; row (CL) barley i ts me tso hold tsao tsao only, tsa i ride, meeting alone ! straddle tsh tshe j goat tshu la rough tsht | thom

14 (b) indicates a lexical borrowing from Mandarin Chinese, or a word that is part borrowing and part native (in this case, the morpheme 'bran').

15 Cha hu in standard Mandarin (pinyin transcription).

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dz te dzwe ; gather dzeke | tooth dzo lo i millstone j together I i s se I tight su ! mountain s&i ! WOlf z zo ; chisel ze | piquant za : foodstuff t§ t§ua ! handful t§a j blow nose t§ei t§a 1 chew, i (b?) 1 munch t§h t§hii sweat t§ha §t | spider t§he | drive i j ' animal dzpii tael, liang dz.ua | bore dz.i lo : limit, end j (hole) § §e b^a flood §u I age §6 ; good (de) z.an forgive (b) Z.1 tha : infect Z.a ! night (CL) tha I j tc tci home tea qa | often toe | daughter tch tchl voice tcho | rice tcha ! push ; (cooked) down ; dz dzue soldier dza j stamp, dzi | ache I chop c ca write Cl I iron Cl ; lifetime i (CL) z 26 fly (v) zou I light- za ox (CL) j weight IV iva and rvu ' be worth HO operate j (vehicle) k kfi ~ ku harvest k^ zi i self ko hide (v.t.) kh khoki test, khui ; enclose khaotha knock examine g gou pa sole gui | rust g€ge deceive n qa I, me qa j have, exist q6 1 silver q Gou) qa t£ under q» } shout, yell qeqe headman (building)

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f i fia i that fia no j darken fia ca sink (v) 1 1 I white p§e j news, pgti the way, p§ P§t i i letter means nafcfi(.a j parent's b^u | tall, high b^i thin, | sister slender

m^e35 tsa ; afternoon m zji j rain (only 1 j these two i i 1 mor i phemes)

Notes on forms:

1. For 'old woman' (/m-/), note that the tone on pei is different from p e l 'old'. This is not an error, but an instance of the unpredictable nature of tone sandhi in this language. 2. For 'handful' (/t§-/), cf. Mandarin zhua 'seize'. 3. For 'forgive', note that tha 'do' is a common suffix on borrowed verbs (Longxi da, Taoping tha33, Mawo tha). 4. fi- occurs only in the verb prefix 'down', and as an initial in deictic words. The second example here is the only occurrence of a high tone word with fi- initial. The 'down' morpheme is represented in the second and third examples, albeit with an unpredictable tone variation (it is usually in the Low-Falling tone). This morpheme is cognate to the 'down' prefix /ha/ found in Northern Qiang (LaPolla, p.c.).

Comments:

Palatals are often followed by non-phonemic palatalization of the following vowel. This is not indicated in the data. The cluster tm zj appears to be of secondary origin. There is no evidence for it in the other two dialects, even though Taoping has many initial clusters (cf. 2.2.3.1). For

both 'afternoon' and 'rain' it appears that the initial Iml is a reduced form of the weather

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morpheme /mfi ~ mu / . 16

2.2.1.2 Mianchi rhymes Vowels

Monophthongs: oral nasal voiceless

i .y u iNH,(yN) {tf (y> e o (eN> {oN} (9> 8 aeN18 aN {§} as19 §

Diphthongs: oral

1U ui te io {ye} ue (uo) {ye} us ia ya ua

16 My thanks to Professor Jackson T.-S. Sun for this observation.

17 To avoid confusion with tone diacritics, nasalized vowels are indicated by -N.

18 /aeN/ occurs mostly in borrowings, but there is at least one native formde Ix N ta 'behind', where the vowel in question may have arisen due to vowel harmony.

19 /ae/ usually occurs as a result of VH, when not borrowed from Chinese.

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n a sa l triphthongs

ou (iaN) {uaN }20 (uei) iou ei ao (y*N) {uiN} (iao)

ygjgelsss: (

Table 2.18 Examples o f Mianchi rhymes ; i i dze ! arm £N tchi | fortune, a t§hi la 1 sparrow ! luck (b) hawk y i jade (b) tshe cy cy ; cicada tch^ tha i funny e tche I steelyard de | idle me me i wind (n) e tchi ! feces de ! first me : extinguish £ zje bou ’ bone k2e bî • onion mse qa i other (wild) person V . % t a ti : parent-in- X ast 1 recognize lt§i fill in law (barrel) ?r §9 ph^ break te » 1 stand up ph» open (eye) (thread) (v.i.) !j 3 i na qe finger na | red la moon a bâ big la la | exchange se qa select u f u ^ | bran da pfi j forehead du i chopsticks o qo I kernel pho | tree bold ; insect, bug (CL) ! iN[!] tiN po j tip, top khe-niN | bell (m-b) piN t^ | kidney ni I ; bean (b) i (yN) S'N tchi fortune, (hapax) j . luck(b) {eN> ceN ceN j father's lao êN j rowdy (b) (only J j younger j these two j I brother’s | examples) j j wife i

20 This final occurs only in borrowings, with the exception of 'clump of trees (CL)' tsuaN tsuaN.

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xN sfeN umbrella laeN kua pumpkin tssen tha j dip pen V (b) (b) 1 aN mi laN pa mute mil tie pupil of paN pdN | rod, stick maN p6 eye { o N > boNbo protruding tchoN shin Xoq noN | throat (b) kaNkaN {i> diatchj, next year tan phi rafter >QPhi 1 earthen jar {?} (fia) p€ reduce, nds$ yesterday zt ts£ s§ i lucky day tch? decrease {§} pe tch| few ta kh§ probably (only | (b?) these two | examples) j |

3 (de)sot) loose (b) khan th^ to dry tidthg 1 pick up th^ (grain) (b) j (basket) j datghj play de me ts j final, last cl tchf | waste {y> dzd khy shy ts6 py this year (only these two ! examples) <9> na tch 9 lunch (hapax) i i ia (due)-pid purse lips ^ua (tia) knead (b) 3,du mid i mare pia ie (ba) die rest bie urine gie ts* evening, i night iu ia Iiii-pho willow (b) mi tiu blind a id te pu join (sections) io dio door qhue thio quilt tua lid hammer ya cyd ; bright tya weave tchya step on {ye} ye 1medicine thye smoke (only ; I ' (b?) (cigarette) these two j mor- j | phemes) j {ye> ye i flat eye thd peel with (only knife(b) these mor- ! i 1 phemes) j ue que | correct, §£ Xue develop (a fia qhue cover | right sore) (v.t.) (uo) uo J goose (b) u6 th$ sunken, u6 siN asparagus concave lettuce (b) H 1 I (b)

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—i------| ua (mil) t§hua shave (me) Kwa | call Xua la | wash I 1 1 I j (person) t | UE que know how due I warm dze kue { rat, mouse | i to 1

ui de thui return a §1 x ui ! regret, fia kur ke : big purchase j repent enough ! ei 1 sei ta midnight tciq tei | moss (b) tc6 (tSi) I wife i mei ai (kie) kai ought to kan tsai | sugarcane qaiq^ 1 in the past, ta (go) | 0 >) formerly ao te tcao tCE worry (b) phao tshii ! pickax pao too sock, foot i (zt) i ! wrap (b) i ou (de) thofi loose d'l sou ! three days dou mia I "poison from now | cat" (kind J of witch)

i (9V) pia tshpy pig trough (hapax) j i (b?)

(iaN) iaN y o matches ia phi&N opium (b) (only (b) iiN these two forms) i (iacN) iaeN y potato (b) miaN xua cotton (b) iiN toe ; soap (b) (y*N) yaeN pa courtyard cySeN tinea (b) cyaeN tha danger

i (b)

{uaN} kuaN food ma xuaN leech (b) tsuaN i clump of kuaN steamer tsuaN ; trees {uiN} kuiN wheel (hapax) kuiN !

i (iao) iao khu ; short m k tiao ni squirrel dthiao-pu i sneeze pants (b) (b) iou iou sheep iota i\,ii ci continue liou xuaq sulfur (b) (uei) 6 khuei tortoise §uei mao otter (b) Xuaij suei i yellow | (b) tst : weasel (b) |[

Notes on forms: 1. Voiceless vowels are not marked for tone.

Comments:

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1) In all three SQ dialects I have treated the sounds in medial position as /i, u, y/, and not */j, w, q/ for the following three reasons. First, treating these sounds as consonants would

introduce CCC- clusters (e.g., TP xrie 55b£aJ/ (lazy ('heart-big')) and affricate clusters (e.g.,

TP td3ltshie 33 ’wrong/mistaken', d zy i33lass 'wring (e.g. wet cloth)') to dialects that are cluster-poor. Second, in native vocabulary, these sounds occur entirely before simple vowels; thus, treating them as vowels does not complicate the native syllable canon. There are resulting triphthongs (above); however, all are Chinese borrowings. Third, this analysis is more consistent with published sources, making similarities and differences more apparent. For the sake of consistency, I treat these sounds as vowels in my reconstructions

of Proto-Southern Qiang (PSQ).

2) The e/s distinction is not stable, and many forms have variation. Nevertheless, there are consistent minimal pairs (in addition to those cited in the above table), such as

de bad de spear, pike.

Each form cited with lei or Id occurred at least one time with that pronunciation, and variation is noted for some forms in the appended lexicon. For comparative purposes, the distinction /e, d is not significant

3) A few of the /iao/ forms are onomatopoeic rather than borrowed, e.g., i thiao-pii 'sneeze'.

4) Voiceless vowels occur only on unaccented syllables following voiceless obstruents, and have the following restricted distributions:

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[ - occurs only after /ph, tch/. §, y,9 , 9 y - are very restricted, only occurring in the above-cited examples. § - only occurs in the word 'reduce, decrease', and in a morpheme meaning '-day', such as 'yesterday', lucky day', 'today', etc. y - only occurs in the verb suffix thy (appended to borrowed verbs), but only in seven instances, j - occurs ten times.

Voiceless vowels do not appear to have phonemic status; they occur in a very restricted environment, and often as variants of voiced vowels (e.g., y). However, although they are not distinctive (no minimal pairs distinguished by voicing), they are characteristic of certain words, such as those in Table 2.18. 5) /y/ occurs as a full vowel only after palatals or 0- initial; medially, it occurs in the same environments, and also following /t, 1/. Nevertheless, /y/ is quite rare after /t,l/,

occurring in only the following three morphemes (out of 49 instances of /y/ (1.6% of lexical items)): ca lya 'discuss', tu tya 'pull up (weeds)', tya 'weave (basket)'.

6 ) Mianchi (as well as other Southern Qiang dialects) is subject to irregular vowel harmony. Compare the following:

dog khue puppy kbua la tsu hand 1 pa bracelet p eku 'i thunderbolt m u go rainbow me xou tree phd bark (n.) phb-^a pia weather (morpheme) mil light, bright mil ca ~ me ca

There is no rule that can account both for the changes in 'puppy', 'bracelet', 'rainbow' and the lack of change in 'bark', 'thunderbolt', and the variation in light'. Although vowel harmony is always anticipatory, it does not appear to be regular in any of the dialects (e.g., Longxi has two words for 'menstruate': phi sa Id, ma so 16, both of the form 'm-blood-come'. The

second form displays both vowel harmony and tonal dissimilation.) Because vowels in non-final syllables are subject to this irregular vowel harmony, proto-rhymes are much

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more difficult to compare and reconstruct than are proto-initials (henceforth, in lieu of 'proto-rhymes', 'proto-initials', I shall write '^rhymes', '♦initials', etc.). In the comparative lexicon (Appendix A), PSQ *initials, * rhymes, and *tones are given in separate columns, so that attention may be given to specific problems. This method also allows for the independent comparison of the strength of attestation for each of these three components in a given lexeme.

Final consonants: The nasals /-n, -q/ may occur as finals:

Table 2.19 examples of Mianchi finals

-n Xun-phe j spirit (b* tghan xua groan, t£n ph] rafter j m) ! humph -q coq tci { turban i earthen jar tiq ts* ; nail (b)

Comments: 1) The above-cited nasal codas are not homorganic with the following initial, and hence cannot be considered nasalized vowels with an anticipatory closure. Nevertheless, there is some variation between nasalized vowels and final nasal consonants. In some words, there appears to be a syllable final /-m/. However, this sound only occurs after nasalized vowels which are followed by labial initials, and is thus ruled to be of secondary origin:

folkdance taN pfr-soti [tam p^ soft] mute m i IdNpa [mi lam pa] tip tiN po [tim po]

2) The codas /-n, -q/ are very rare in native words, and often alternate with nasalized vowels:

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rod, stick paN paN — pan pan wooden tray (b) se-phsn phan - se-phaN phsN ? 1 dark sugar (b) Xuai] thkN - xuaN thaN

There are 22 instances in the data of unambiguous nasalized vowels /-N7 in native words, but only seven occurrences each of /-n/, /-q/. Most occurrences of /-n/, /-q/ are either in

borrowings, or alternate with /-N/. It is not possible to reconstruct nasal vowels or codas for Proto-Southem-Qiang (PSQ); further research is required to uncover the origins of nasalization on native words.

3) In both Mianchi and Longxi, there are r-coloned sounds that can be interpreted as final /- j/, or as RV, as there is variation in their pronunciation. In Longxi, this sound often

appears as a final [-j ] followed by a shwa. Since unambiguous syllable-final consonants are restricted to /n,q/, and even these are found mainly in borrowings, I have chosen to interpret these rhotacized elements as RV. e.g.,

MC envy, despise u sii m i qe [qe tJ l - qej] MC extinguish, exterminate te ke b%e [b^e ~ bea] LX feces qha js ~ [qhai]

I have recorded this as 111 in Longxi, because this sound does not vary with Izl, and because

it is phonetically distinguishable from [ 3J, the allophone of /z/. In Mianchi, it is recorded as IzJ because there is no other evidence for an independent 111 initial. Longxi 111 occurs almost exclusively with the vowel /a/, with the exceptions being a few forms with shwa ('feces' (above), 'treat, cure' /po jf/), and one with /i/ ('color' h i qui/).

21 Note that borrowed morphemes are subject to reduplication, as are native morphemes.

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4) There are regular patterns of alternation found in reduplicated verbs, involving /u-, y-/ diphthongs. The data show that the added syllable is prefixed to the base morpheme, and /u-, y-/ diphthongs are simplified to /u/. Indirect evidence for the preposing of the reduplicated syllable comes from the non-predictability of the vowel of the second syllable. Direct evidence comes from Longxi, which also has this phenomenon, and which includes

the form /(ku) k u 'drive animal', in which the first (optional) syllable must be the added one. Mianchi reduplications may be found for the diphthongs /ua, ue, ui/:

blink tshii tshua tidy up sii sue to count (b) sfi sua hide, conceal (v.t.) sii sue cut. slice (vegetable) t§hu t§hu£ pull up (weeds) tti tya fall (of hair) thii thui

In spite of the great number of instances of this pattern, it is not completely productive, as there are Mianchi forms in which the full diphthong is reduplicated:

hot khue khue lack, be short (one person) (b.) tchue tchue-(a-tio-ue) expand, swell (te) sue sue

Note that there is no predictable tone pattern in reduplicated words, except that there are no instances of two High tone syllables, an expected result, as discussed in the following section.

2.2.1.3 Mianchi Tones.

Inventory: Following are the tones and their total and relative frequencies in the corpus (total number of instances = 6369).

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m a Low-Falling, (L) (ma31). 4288 instances. 67.3% of total m a High level tone (H) (ma55). 1775 instances. 27.9% of total m a Low (Falling) Rising (R) (ma 13 ~ ma213). 226 instances. 3.5% of total m a High-Falling tone (F) (ma51). 76 instances. 1.2 % of total ma35 Mid-Rising tone (M) (ma35). 4 instances. 0 .1% of total

Examples: Table 2.20 Examples of Mianchi tones

L ma | Qiang ' mo | dream i q o cow 1 nationality | 1 i I

H ma oil | mo ! corpse ! q o i silver R ! tshu i vinegar 1 te tai pu i admit j i | de mo earthquake (b) ! i F ; (me) Bwa j call ! tie qa pu i obtain, te mo rub,

i i (person) j i j abrade ■a* 1 M i paeq35- | freshwater j pei35tci 1 spine (b) 1 m^e35 tsa afternoon kh^ | clam (b) : ku |

Comments: 1) 'Afternoon' is the only Mid-Rising form that is clearly not a borrowed lexeme, although the first syllable of ’afternoon' results from the coalescence of mil ~ mu with another

morpheme (cf. 2.2. 1 .1). The remaining M form is gae3S ud, 'wild goose (b?)'. In addition to the above forms, the initial syllable of iij p h j 'earthen jar' is sometimes pronounced [iq35].

2) R and F tones are not mere variants of L and H, as evidenced by the following minimal

p a irs :

R v. L dzt qe complete dzt qe run fast F v. H fia b o bend over b o ~ b o willing

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Nevertheless, there are significant restrictions on the occurrence of the three rare tones. The Mid-Rising tone only occurs in one definitely native word ('afternoon'), and in no monosyllables. The R and F tones most often occur in the final syllables of verbs, where they are part of the aspect marking and person agreement. In verbs, R has only a falling component when it occurs non-finally; that it, it occurs as L. In nouns, R sometimes varies

with L, as in xa ~ X** 'necklace (b?)'. Some occurrences of R are clearly of secondary and recent origin, arising from a dropped or coalesced syllable, as in

tha 3^ ~ th ^ rabbit qe i si si ~ qai si si ancient times fia d^.) d^a ~ fia d ^ i crevice, crack

3) For those words that have no occurrence of M, R or F tone (most of the lexicon), the distribution of tones within polysyllables is more like pitch accent than tone, with a limit of one high pitched syllable per word. This restriction accounts in large part for the great difference in frequency between H and L tones cited above (L occurs 2.4 times as often as H). F and R do not occur more than once in a word, and F is limited to word-final position. F and H do not co-occur. R and H can co-occur, although there are only 35 instances, while there are 174 instances of collocation of R and L (L is 5.0 times more common in collocations with R than is H). The resulting picture is one of a half-developed tone system, which for most of the native lexicon (especially nouns) is really a pitch accent system, while some borrowings have lexical tone, and verbs seem to have a combination of

pitch accent and morphological tone .22 By comparing Mianchi with Longxi and Taoping

22 One reviewer of an earlier version of this discussion contested that pitch accent languages do not distinguish H/L on monosyllables, H-H/L-L on disyllables, etc. However, it is just this condition which occurs in Japanese, a language universally held to be of the pitch accent sort (e.g., § handle', e5/ 'picture' in Hirosaki dialect (Haraguchi 1977:74, notation adapted)). In addition, Greek has the following monosyllabic minimal pairs distinguished by accent:

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one sees that this is the predominant pattern of SQ "tones." Taken together, they indicate a predominantly *pitch accent system for PSQ. The PSQ suprasegmental system is explored in detail in chapter IV. An autosegmental representation of MC pitch phenomena is offered in Table 4.3.

4) The following lexical items show that the tones of a compound are not predictable given

the tones of its component morphemes23:

Table 2.21 Accent sandhi in Mianchi compounds a. Disyllabic combinations Low + Low: L + L -> L-L bâ + mil = bâ-mu adult (big-person) L + L -> L-L de+bâ = de-bâ expand, inflate (pfx-big) L + L -> L-L dio + bâ = dio-bâ front gate, door (door-big) L + L -> L-L 16 + bâ = lo-bâ stone, boulder (stone-big) L + L -> L-H 16 + bâ = la-bâ long month (caique) (month-big) L + L -> L-H zt + bâ = zt-b^& bull ox (bull-big) L + L -> H-L tshe + mil = tshe-mii wool (goat-fur)

L + H -> H-L sii + na = su-na gums (tooth-red) L + H -> H-L Io + p§i = lo-p§i flint (stone-white) Hi eh + Low: H + L -> H-L la + b^a = Ia-b^a eagle (eagle-big) H + L -> H-L mu + khue = mu-khue warm self by fire (fire-put.near.fire) Hi eh + High: H + H -> L-L ti + p§i = ti-p§i panda (bear-white)

t£o, t£ who?, which?, what? TIO, XL any(one/thing), some(one/thing) by which way? where? in some way ;roi whither? TtOt to some place rxofi where? somewhere, anywhere; to some degree, perhaps rtdxj how? jtCDO somehow, in any way, at all

23 For a similar situation in Pumi, cf. Matisoff 1997.

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b. Trisyllabic combinations: High + High + Low: H + H + L -> H-L-L no + na + tst = na-na-tst bright red, glowing (red-red-sfx) H + H + L -> H-L-L mO + phQ + dio = md-phii-dio tube to blow on fire (fire-blow-door) Low-High + Low: LH + L -> L-L-H Ka mti +- pho = «a mii-pho almond tree (almond-tree) LH + L -> L-L-L be lid + bâ = be liii-bâ bachelor (young.man-big) Low + Low-High: L + LH -> L-L-H pho + â pia = pho-â pia baric of tree (tree-skin) L + LH -> L-L-R de + bîi bz^'i = de-bû bî become smaller (pfx-small)

2.2.2 Longxi phonological inventory The Longxi syllable has the same range of possible consonant, vowel and tone combinations as Mianchi, although the segmental and supra-segmental inventories are not identical. Longxi: T (C) (R) (Vj)V(Vf/N)

R = /i/ V; =/i, u/ Vf = /a, i, u, e, o/ N = /n, (o)/

2.2.2.1 Longxi initials

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Simple Initials:

P t ts tc k q ph th tsh tch kh qh b d dz dz g cm s c X z K

m n IV g

pi 24 s v 0 w I J j

Ouster Initials: hi gi

Table 2.1 Examples of Longxi initials.

P ' pa | thick, wide pofi | CL for p 6 i drip i i; book ph pha ; splash i phi£ picture phii news

b ba i low j bie pha ! young man bo j flock

m ) fa st vow (v) ( b ) | fii tou ~ fii ' broad bean portion tou ! (b) ! (CL) (b)

V vii ; thou ; vei lia ; yourselves m mo : without | ma | CL for leaf mh dark t ta : wear (hat) i tui I carry with to cool

j pole

24 The consultant claimed that this series of nasals were "emphatic," or fortis (not voiceless), and constitute a separate series; however, emphasis/fortis was not always apparent to the researcher. When the fortis quality was apparent, it sounded like pre- glottalization. Fortis nasals were recorded in the following words, although the sounds under consideration often sounded no different to the investigator than the unmarked varieties: Qiang nationality pia pit, stone pii other person pie i buttonhole pir mia (b?) be tjii

Hereafter, these forms are recorded with the initials /m, ru g/ respectively.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 j th I tha i that (less | thua row (CL) i tho I soup (b) | distant) j t d da | disappear I dua ! lower half ! do go | roll over 1 of body i i n na good | na two J nicj yesterday 1 I lia I thick (of j lasa ! song | 11 ku ^ cubit paper) ts ma tsa ! glue j pia tsd | panda ; pdtsii i flower tsh tsha i ichisel, bore ’ ! tshu tshQ stomp feet : tshe three dz dzii plowshare | dzt muscle, dzu plowshare pulse I s sa : blood i sui qo circle, ! so 1 study t linger z za net i zue target z(i z(i dissolve

J ja i! write ! i \ qui color I Kuaja throw tc tea j daughter, ' tel male tc^ • carry I female (money) tch tcha { shallow ^ tcho bold | tchel ; raise ■, ; (hand) dz dza | believe (dzy) dz^ gasp i dzua mouth c ca : death Cl Cl tight cii harvest (v) IV rva j kiss n.i black | ivu i live (a life) k kua i animal ka braid (v) kh suck ; pack (CL) kh kha hand span khii dog I khti khua ! hot g gua | answer (v) ga pry i gfi i nine q qan da ' doubt (b?) real, i silver genuine i q qa | i que pile up, qo i drink )i fold 1 1 qh qha | bitter, salty qho shoot : qh

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• j ft : fia j down (pfx) l a fiu start ! fiadzo j ten 1 ■ hi bia big | (hapax) i ! gJO Cl ! sole of foot j (hapax) i

Comments: 1) Unlike Mianchi and other Qiang dialects, the distinction between dental and retroflex affricates and fricatives has disappeared, and the series /ts, tsh. dz, s, zl freely varies with [t§, t§h, d^_, §,z j . This loss of distinction has probably occurred under influence from

Mandarin, for the local variety of Sichuanese also does not preserve this distinction .25

2) /h/ only occurs in the two borrowings and the onomatopoeic form above, and in haN haN 'corridor1, where the origin of /hi is unexplained, although one notes that /y j does not occur as an initial on native syllables with nasal final. The nasalization may also have arisen due to "rhinoglottophilia," an affinity between nasals and glottal sounds, described by James Matisoff.

3) [thi] does not occur in LX or MC, except in the following borrowings:

LX iaen thi spleen (b) MC thi thie - thi thi antimony (b) MC 16 thi set of steps (b) MC thi shave (b) MC ryen thi spleen (b) MC thi kh^ hoof (b)

It appears that in both MC and LX *thi > tchi. Since borrowings do not undergo this transformation, one may infer that this rule is no longer operational in LX or MC. [ti] may

25 An observation based on the researcher’s experience in Sichuan, and discussion with various researchers.

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occur in native words (37 instances in LX and 50 in MC), such as the following:

(LX) tl-qhti hard snot (MC) ti ku porcupine (LX) k o ti horse fodder (MC) ti straight

/tch-/ may occur before non-high-front vowels, as in the initials chart above.

4) [v] ~ [p] only occurs in words derived from Proto-Qiang (PQ) *u 'you' (cf. Ronghong Yadu n u/). Specifically, it occurs in u [vu] thou' (and its compounds), u-lia [vti lia] 'we (incl)' (and the dual form), and ue i [\€ i] 'yourself (and its plural and dual forms). There are two possible analyses of this sound to consider. a) This sound represents a morpheme /v/. Note the following contrasts:

[ve i] yourself pe i now m e i other person

These near-minimal pairs are enough evidence to support the existence of a morpheme /v/. The downside of this analysis is that it adds a new element to the phonological inventory (one not present in other Qiang dialects), just to solve one difficult case.

b) This sound is an allophone of 0- / #u. To support this claim, one may observe that a pure [u] never occurs word-initially. This rule has the advantage of not adding any new segments to the inventory, and also indicates the secondary origin of this rare sound. However, a u-drop rule will need to be written in order to get the reflexive form. Thus, I posit the following two ordered rules:

1. 0 > [v]/ #u. 2. u > 0/v V.

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Rule #2 indicates that /u/ is not pronounced when it is between [v] and a vowel. In the interest of segment economy and phonological consistency with other dialects, I will employ approach b). 'Yourself will be written /ue 1/, etc. As a lexical semantic aside, note that the first person inclusive plural/dual forms differ from the second person forms only by tone. The first morpheme of the first person exclusive forms is the word T.

u h i you two u n i we two (incl) qa n i we two (excl ) 2 1 u lia you (pi) u lia we (incl) qa lia we (excl)

5) As demonstrated in the chart of initials, LX's two consonant clusters each have only one appearance in the collected data. Note that within LX there are two forms for 'big', fcua, ha and that MC has b^a for 'big'. The data suggest to us either that LX borrowed the cluster form from MC (or another dialect: Taoping has b%a33) after LX had lost consonant clusters, or else that the tua form is autochthonous, and may be undergoing the process of

simplifying the cluster initial. The case of gjb c j 'sole of foot' is less clear. Other sources do not include forms for 'sole of foot', and searching other dialects, no similar form for 'bottom', 'edge', etc. has been found. Nevertheless, Jackson Sun (p.c.) has pointed out the following evidence to suggest that this form may reflect a TB root *gro 'foot': the rGyarongic forms gro (Yelong), krschwa (Mu'erzong), and the Taraon form grog. The LX form could also reflect the STC root (r-)kaq, as TB *-aq > LX (and other dialects) /-o/ (*s- raq ~ m-raq horse' > LX go, *maq 'dream' > mo (ze)).

2.2.2.2 Longxi rhymes

Vowels

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Monophthongs:

oral nasal voiceless i.y * u (iN) I {j> y e &■ o (eN) (aN) {oN>

(ae)26 (aeN) {aN>

Diphthongs: Oral

(ai) 1 U ei eu (ao) te io {ye} (is) ia Nasal ui ou (ouN) ue uo ieN ioN ua (isN) iaN (usN ) uaN

Triphthongs {uei} (iua) (uai) (iou) (iusN) (iao)

Table 2.1 Examples of Longxi thymes

i ! mi i& bad j tci pia j cheek, chin c l I (hit one) i (character) j i : time (CL) y : y chicken i piacy T boar lycy finger ring

26 The vowel /ae/ only occurs nasalized or before a nasal final, except for derived environments, as in the third person INC marker /bae/. All other instances are borrowings, except for tsha KuiteN 'thrush' (imitative?).

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e se ! alive ! p® fathom K^Xe ' awn of I i ; wheat 1 * | St ! who ja k5 pa ts* bone ! ztza i crevice, | i crack & thick (por cu» moss \ & i CL for ridge) ; rope a j a i | a little (CL) qha bitter, salty | za ' bleat u KU tU 1 grain sii tooth ; pu i buy measure i o : bo bo i tingle daqo tired ; CO ; lean on (ae) iaen da grind (Ch. iaen tshei pickle iaen thi : spleen medicine) vegetables j (iN) : kha UN | bell (b) phiN bottle (b) | tcuetiN j decide (eN) i tceN alkali (b) thou ceN surrender ! (only these (b) | two forms) i (aeN) I Xo fennel, phaeN ts* plate (b) | na-tchaeN two dollars anise (b) i (b) (aN) taN loN lantern (hapax) {aN} : paN bd qa thumb haN h&N corridor j maN IaN cymbals 1 IaN {oN} ■ loN CL for acoN younger | foN letter (CL. clump of brother i b) trees i i n ic i yesterday dzdtcj next year iaen 35 tchj admire, envy (b) (j> pei tsj tsj shiny blue i dzi sj front side (sf) tchj redeem. 1 tcha ransom ? ! nJ (x? x?) purple qu la q^ straight, | zam ^ci set on fire upright

y pho-aa i- tailor my ba ba old woman | d i my fog my (ai) : paida discuss (b) tshai da guess (b) ! qai a tci pd a few years 1 ago (ao) thao3S da match gaoda pry (b) | khao 35 da rely on (clothes) 1 i (b) 1 ie ! lie mi arm da pie n,i black 1 tie blow up ! 1 soybean iu ; qha-id anus ta id enlarge grow i i “

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ia ! pia Pig ia ; ache talM i admit |

(iae) | jaen 35 tch j | admire, isfen tshei pickle v(t) ii iaen thi i spleen (b) I | envy (b) (b) i i io io i convince piosh father’s y. ! io i i her- i brother (b) i /himself {ye} 1 eye tst j boot (b) fiadzye broken to ! cy6 da i peel with d2$ bits knife (b?) I (only these forms) ei : Kei Han nei 35 d?i last night mu pei ! old man Chinese tst {eu> deli kii forehead (hapax) I oi atshai hundred tsai barnyard , Ko-bai ; reins grass 1i (horse- i rope) {ui} sul qo circle, tui carry with ! g u is t i clothing linger pole ue tue accord sue ache ! que bundle with (CL) ua Koqhua upper half mia sa monkey : zua vk buckwheat \ of body i {uo} I suo bo coffin (hapax) 1 ou tchou bundle tshoii carry j pie tshou pig trough i (b?) {iaN} ; tiaN drop of iaNxo matches ! piaN zh | piglet (CL) (b?) (b) i | (ieN) | ia phieN ia opium (b) tieN ma tuber of (only elevated i these) gastrodia | (b) 1 i (iacN) phiaeN CL for miaeN xua cotton ! iaeN tch i ' envy (b) page (b) wadding

, (b) i {ioN} ! ioN comfort, (hapax) \ I \ ; console 1 : (uaeN) i cu&N tinea (b) tsha mi^eN thrush i loN bamboo 1 | dzu&N I steamer (b) (uaN) ; khuaN basket(CL) tsu^N brick (b.) | (only these i (b) ! mor- ! phemes) : i . . .

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i (ouN) i i mouN i mu |(hapax) : (measure i i of land (b) I1 (iua) y-iua ku j chicken l | shed (b) I ~ \ (iao) • thiao teen i conditions j thiao po-pu instigate thiao k^ spoon (b) | ! (b) (b) (iou) st liod ! pomegran- | iaeN liofi- willow tree (only | ate (b) | phii (b) diese) {uei> kueitcy I rule, | suei35 taxes (b) dzuei seed 1 i custom (b) (uai) kuai35-da i blame so. j kuai3S-da strange, (only these i (b) j odd (b) two forms) (iuaeN) iuaeN ba j courtyard i (hapax) ! (b)

Notes on forms given above:

1. The initial syllable of 'a few years ago' (/ai/) is not a borrowing, but of secondary origin, likely from /qe i/. 2. /iae/ and /uaeN/ only occur on the three forms given here. 3. In addition to the /ui/ forms given above, there are merely two other occurrences of this

diphthong in Longxi: j j qu /'color', tui 'spit (phlegm)'. 4. /iua/ only appears in this borrowed morpheme for 'animal shed'. Note that the tones on this syllable change with regard to the animal term it is compounded with:

chicken shed y-iua ku cow shed si-iua ku horse shed h o - iua ku - no-iua ku pig shed pia-iua ku

All four animal terms are low-toned when free-standing; 'horse' and 'pig' are high-toned in some compounds. I interpret this as a perseveratory pitch height rule affecting the first syllable of the borrowed component. Such a rule has not been noticed in any other segment of the Southern Qiang lexicon.

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Comments on coda-less rhymes:

1 . /ae/ is included with plain vowels because it is redundantly nasalized.

1) Id, /ei/ is clearly a phonemic distinction, as seen in the following minimal pairs:

pel green pe fathom X ei on (the wall) x& awn (°f wheat)

Nevertheless, in some cases, /e, ei/ is not a stable distinction. There are a few forms which

allow free variation between /e, ei/:

quei ~que abundant (methods) x& needle

Every form cited in the lexicon containing /e, ei/ has been pronounced at least one time with the given vowel, although some forms may allow variation, and not ail variation is marked. This distinction does not hold for the PSQ level.

2 ) /ou/ — [su], /u/ ~ [u]

3) /y, u1 are separate phonemes, even maintaining distinction after palatals, as the following minimal pairs show:

ly ly roll up (fabric) lu blend with water cy fishy smelling (b) c u harvest (v)

However, there are restrictions on the environments in which each may occur. The vowel /y/ occurs only after palatals, /th, d/ (both hapax), /I/, 0 . The palatal environment is by far

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the most common, lyl is more common in LX than in MC, with 129 instances (4.0% of corpus), as opposed to MC's 49 (1.6%). Although /u/ may occur as a rhyme after palatal initials in either dialect, ful does not occur medially after palatals in either LX or MC.

4) /i/ occurs after sibilants as [q] and after their retroflex free variants as [lJ.

5) Voiceless vowels in LX and MC are characteristic of certain syllables. They are not truly distinctive (no minimal pairs), but are stable non-predictable features in some words. In both LX and MC, they usually follow high tone syllables. In LX, reduplicated syllables that are voiceless can often be pronounced voiced, in which case they occur with a low tone. LX has the following restrictions on the occurrence of voiceless vowels.

i, / /tch-, c-/_(14 occurrences) j / /s-,ts-/_ (4 occurrences)

y / {[+sonorant], [-voice, + stop/+ fricative]}. (8 occurrences)

y / /p-, ph-, m-, t-, ts-, s-/_ (2 1 occurrences)

6 ) In a manner similar to that observed in MC and Northern Qiang, there is some

interchange between final 1-9-1 and the syllable Ini. E.g.,

rust ca-qha- ('iron-feces') vs. feces qha jp

Coda Finals: In, (q)/

Unambiguous native codas are rare. That is, almost all final /-n, -q/ are either borrowings, or are followed by a homorganic initial, so that distinguishing between VN

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[V] and Vn/Vq is not possible. There are no unambiguous examples of /-q/, and only two for /-n/, both of which follow the vowel /a/:

tshan bu ci often cua qan be sunrise

2.2.2.3 Longxi Tones Inventory:

The following five tones are attested with the indicated frequencies (total of 6150 syllables in 3247 entries):

ma Mid or Low-falling (L) (ma 33 ~ ma31). (3912 instances) 63.61% of total ma High level tone (H) (ma55). (2173 instances) 3533% ma Low (falling) rising (R) (ma 13 - ma213). (43 instances) 0.70% ma35 Mid-rising tone (M). (19 instances) 0.31% ma High-falling tone (F) (ma51). (3 instances) 0.05%

Table 2 .1 Examples of Longxi tones

L : ma j leaf (CL) ! z* | stick (CL) i fia se fade H m£ i like (to V) z t (be) |enough ; fia se thirteen R mo ! without | tso da ' file down ; Kuata cry out | (v.i.) ; (b) M mo 35 disappear I tsa 35 da I deep fry 1 Kua35 ta use. i i (b) ! employ F ko lu ; stone ; tceN alkali (b) i

The third instance of the F tone is non-phonemic, and is discussed below. As in Mianchi, the H and L tones together account for over 95% of the syllables in the corpus of data. (MC: 95.2%, LX: 98.9%). In LX as in MC, the Low-Falling tone is

much more common than the High tone. Longxi does not restrict the number of High tones in native words, so the difference in frequency between High and Low-Falling tones is not

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as great as in MC (in MC the relative frequency of L to H tones is 2.4:1, whereas in LX it is just 1.8:1). Due to this lack of restriction on co-occurrence, LX is a true syllabic tonal system ("omnisyllabic" Matisoff 1998), with two primary tones and three rare tones

(accounting for less than 1 .1 % of the corpus). The R tone, while accounting for only 0.7% of the total number of entries, cannot be ruled out as merely secondary, the result of borrowing, etc. Observe the following corresponding forms in Longxi and Mianchi (the third example is a probable cognate, not definite): gloss Longxi Mianchi bleat, grunt, etc. za ze call Kua Kua explain, notify & qua te 9 - zt ('instigate')

Origins of this tone are explored in depth in 4.4.6. The Mid-rising tone more clearly appears to be secondary. Out of nineteen instances, fourteen are probable or definite borrowings. Three of the remaining lexemes are the following '-day' terms (for comparison, and probable origin of these syllables, I also have included the Mianchi forms):

gloss Loneu Mianchi tonight pei 33 dzi ts* pe gi£ tst tomorrow night ta pei 35 dzi tst tie pei gie tst last night nei 35 dzi tst na gie tst

In this set, each of the M toned syllables appears to be a conflation of a syllable (probably cognate to MC gie/gie), along with the morphemes for 'today' (pfi cj), tomorrow' (ta bat

g |) , or 'yesterday' (ni c|), respectively. At this time, I have no explanation for the origins of the M tone in the remaining two forms ('disappear1, 'use, employ', (cf. tone chart, above)), although 'use, employ' replaces a M tone with a R tone on the first syllable of the passive form. Although these two forms are not yet explained, nevertheless, for seventeen

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out of nineteen forms (89%), the M tone is clearly of secondary origin. For the F tone, the third instance (two are given in the chart above) is subphonemic, and shows the probable route of development of the tone in the one remaining autochthonous F tone word: k£ my 'armpit' (/k£ my/ ~ [kam]). Unlike 'armpit', 'alkali' it is not evident that the contour tone on ko lu, 'stone' is of recent origin. Observe that

Taoping has m o 241 'stone', also employing a contour tone. In section 4.4.6 I present further evidence for a shared origin of contour tones in SQ dialects. In LX, as in MC, tones in a given word often vary. Most instances are verbs, and the variations may be affected by differences in tense/aspect/mood/voice. There does not appear to be any predictablility to this variation.

simmer qo - qo funny, amusing da ~ xua da (b?) heat (rice) da — da

In addition, there is tonal variation in some classifiers and adjectives:

rope (CL) - b- row of grain (CL) 10 - lu heavy (of color) rtf ~ rw

Words for the fingers also lack stable tones. During at least one session, I recorded the following (note that all but "index finger" have low tones on the first morpheme):

finger lia cfi ring finger lie-na middle finger lie-se little finger lie-tsa, lie be index finger lie cti

However, during another elicitation session, the consultant recited all of these forms with H tones on all syllables.

Other morphemes have stable variants; that is, the tones differ according to the

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compound, but each compound has a stable tone pattern. The following 'sheep' words are compounds in which the tone of the 'sheep' morpheme cannot be predicted from the environment:

sheep io 27 lamb io mil tsu ram id do wild herbivore io xd ewe io mia Mongolian gazelle Ko-io Tiorse-sheep'

2.2.3 Taoping phonological inventory

Aside from LX and MC, the Southern Qiang dialect with the most extensive lexical data is Taoping (TP), which has been chosen for comparison with MC and LX. It is more similar to MC, but its initials are more conservative. Among these three dialects, the correspondence of initials is much more straightforward than that of rhymes or tones. I

first present Sun's phonological inventory of Taoping ( ZYC, ppl78, ff. Taoping data are

from ZYC and Sun, 1981.):

2.2.3.1 Taoping initials

Simple Initials28:

27 PTB *yaq ~ yak.

28 There is no special indication of borrowed morphemes or phonemes in this source. However, lil clearly occurs only in borrowings (as in MC and LX). Italics indicate segments that are not phonemic.

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p t ts t§ tf tc k q ph th tsh t§h tjh tch kh qh b d dz d*. d3 dz g G29 (f) s § f c X z 3 z K m n n, 0 1

Consonant Clusters: XP< X*>, Xm, / t, xd, xn, X*^ Xd*_, Xtf. Xd3* Xtc, xdz, XU- xk, X&, XD-

Xq, XG, pz, phz30, bz, ps., ph^, b^..

Comments:

1) The alveopalatal series [tf, tfh, d 3 , J, 3 ] is allophonic of the palatal series, occurring only before the apical vowel l\l. There are two counterexamples of this rule in the data in

ZYC, Je55 'die', and xd 3 i31 'throw'. Given the overwhelming number of syllables that conform to our rule (thirty-eight out of forty), these two forms appear to contain errors. 'Die' is also the only instance of /JV in TP.

2) As in Northern Qiang, Taoping x~ assimilates to the place and voicing of the following initial. Combinations of x + nasal are often pronounced as voiceless nasals. Many of the

X- clusters come from the PTB *s- prefix .31

3) Based on the observations and discussion of Mawo (2.1.2.1), and on the auxiliary Southern Qiang dialects recorded in Chang 1967 (especially Wasi, Jiuziying, Ruodazhai), it is clear that the /x/ pre-initial assimilates to the voicing of the following initial; e.g., /xp, ybJ

29 Occurs only in xG a 24Ice33 'gnaw'.

30 This cluster appears in the segment inventory, but not in the published data. It may be missing due to a typographical error, or may have occurred in a word that did not appear in the published list.

3 1 Thanks to James Matisoff for this observation.

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= [XP, Kb], etc.

2.2.3.2 Taoping rhymes

Open syllables: Monophthongs:

1 i-y u e o a a

Diphthongs: y» ie io ye

U 9 la ya ya 32 ua ua

Triphthongs:

(uai) (ei) ( 9 U ) (iau) (ai) (au) (iau)

Comments 1) The apical vowel l\l occurs after dental, retroflex, and alveopalatal (palatal) fricatives and affricates. Given this wide distribution, /i/ would be a more accurate representation. I have not changed the original transcription.

2) /y/ is more common in TP (108 instances, accounting for 10.7% of the data) than in LX

32 Occurring only in last syllable of three plural pronouns; e.g., qa 3tthyass 'w e 1. Possible over-transcription.

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or MC, and occurs in wider environments. As with the other dialects, lyl may occur after palatals and 0. In addition, medial l-y-l may follow /th, tsh, s, kh, %/, and vocalic lyl may

occur after /d, z, 1, xg»

3) Nasalized vowels are not recorded for Taoping.

Coda-bearing syllables: in, an, un, an, yn, ian, uan, yan, iq, aq. uq, aq, iaq, uaq, uaq.

2.2.3.3 Taoping tones

Inventory:

The following six tones are attested with the indicated frequencies. Total number of

words = 100833 (1754 syllables):

a33 764 instances 43.6% a241 94 instances 5.4% a55 495 instances 28.2% a 13 43 instances 2.5% a31 337 instances 19.2% a51 2 1 instances 1 .2 %

The three tone categories in the left column account for 91% of the data, similar to the percentages in the other two dialects for the frequency of the principal tones. If the 33 and 31 tones are considered as one tone (as they are in LX), then the ratio of this tone's frequency (1101 out of 1754, or 62.8%) to that of the 55 tone (495/1754 = 28.2%) is 2.2:1, a figure comparable to MC's ratio of 2.4:1.

33 I have attempted to eliminate all redundant entries between the two sources. Note that the two sources are based on the same body of data.

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2.2.4 Other Southern Qiang Dialects Data from the auxiliary Southern Qiang dialects are presented throughout the subsequent chapters. Due to the small amount of data available, it is not feasible to perform an in-depth systematic comparison between these dialects and the key dialects. Some of these dialects have unusual phonological traits, such as fortis/lenis obstruents, that no doubt occasioned the quote from Shafer that heads this chapter. In Ruodazhai (Wen 1945:129) all vowels except /y, x , a/ occur with both rounded and unrounded variants; minimal pairs are presented below alongside Qiang cognates. For the first pair, 'throw away'/'dry in sun1, Longxi appears to preserve a conditioning environment for lip rounding. However, for the other forms, there is no indication what features in PQ or PSQ might correspond to Ruodazhai lip rounding. In the following table, 'rd' indicates lip rounding, 'pi' indicates plain articulation, and underlined initials are fortis (cf. 3.3.1.9).

gloss | Ruoda Longxi Mianchi S Taoping I Jiuziying Mawo Yadu zhai ! i throw Kd^i (id) st dzua i X d 3 i 3 1 Kdzi zdzu away i i (attested i in Chang , 1967: ! ; p429n) dry in i s d z j (pi) zd §e dtJ \ ; d ^i33 : d z i 1 j the sun i I [ wide i le (rd) Id Id j lie33 | la(ka) 1 l a I | (thick') 1

accuse, le (pi) Id j le j I 3 S 1 I

report on i | i 1 chisel dzo (rd) zo I I ts'o ! K Z U 9 to sit dzo (pi) fiazti dzo 1 dzo 33 1 dzo dzu dzua t

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gloss j Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi ■ Taoping ! Jiuziying j Mawo i Yadu ; zhai j : l ■ blood | sa (rd) sa sa j sa33 i sa i SO ; sa

who sa (pi) St st le ! si55 i sati S3 j S3 kill I tshu (rd) tso tso tsttcft ! t/i 33 1 t§'u tfa ! t/3 jump j tshu (pi) tsho (ta) soft i tshu 33 ; Tts'u i qhsu : qhsu > ! j qhsu

I am not aware of this phenomenon occurring in any other dialect.

Wen's brief phonological inventory and glossary of Jiuziying (Wen 1950b) is a phonetic and lexical thumbnail sketch of a Southern Qiang dialect before a drastic increase in the linguistic pressure on Qiang that has been exerted by Mandarin Chinese since 1949. Although tones are not recorded, it appears to be phonetically very precise. In addition ot the lexical data, there are a few sentences with word/morpheme glosses scattered throughout the lexicon. In the 1940's Jiuziying was undergoing cluster simplification via the loss of certain pre-initials. Wen 1950:20 documents this in the case of pre-initial /k/. which "is always optional due to its lightness, e.g. iKzaJ (easy) sometimes /za/. It is regularly omitted in juxtaposition, e.g. /r$be Kbe/ [«be be] (bent)." This kind of simplification of the SQ syllable canon has played an important role in the genesis of tones (cf. 4.4.3). Jiuziying shares a number of allophonic properties with Mianchi (cf. 2.2.1.1). A characteristic of Jiuziying obstruents not found in the key dialects is the fortis/lenis distinction on the aspirated and voiced affricates; e.g., /ts'i/ to replace', /I&'i/ 'three'. Fortis initials come from PQ *velar and *uvular pre-initials (cf. 3.3.1.9). Jiuziying has voiceless nasal initials, which come from PSQ *xm- / *sm-:

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Gloss Jiuziving Tapping pine PU Xma55 smell (v.) (tY)piie Xmi55 snot Pe Xnj55tsu333 seven PY cirj33

2.3 Conclusion In this chapter I have presented not only the phonological inventories of the five key dialects, but also the special problems their transcriptions provide. In the next chapter I will discuss the diachronic phonology of Southern Qiang, and examine the special problems that it presents.

Because of the great degree of lexical divergence between Northern and Southern Qiang (only about 60% cognacy among 1800 commonly used words (QYJZ p i82)), because of the phonological differences (e.g., simplification of clusters and tonogenesis in Southern Qiang, presence of finals in Northern Qiang), and because comparative Qiang

studies are only at a rudimentary level, I have chosen in this dissertation to reconstruct Proto-Southern Qiang, rather than comparing Northern and Southern Qiang dialects directly. This method allows exploration and definition of the unique aspects of Southern Qiang, some of which would be lost by direct comparison with the Northern dialects, which are generally more conservative. The following chapter presents the methodological issues involved in reconstructing PSQ, as well as a systematic presentation of PSQ *initials, * rhymes, and *tones.

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Chapter III. Phonological reconstruction of Proto-Southern Qiang

"Ch'iang has been very badly altered phonetically, has many phonemes difficult to record, and has formed some compounds which — because of the degenerate phonetic state of the language -- are difficult to recognize." (Shafer 1974)

"From the forms of some words, the Ch'iang seems to be older than the Classical Tibetan." (Wen 1941:71)

3.1 Introduction This chapter aims to uncover the phonological relationships among the three key Southern Qiang dialects (Taoping, Longxi, Mianchi) and to propose the most economical phonological proto-system to account for their similarities and differences. While the primary data will be taken from these three dialects, we will allow ourselves to "peek" at Northern Qiang data to resolve ambiguities. This method allows us to identify initial clusters that are no longer directly evident in Southern Qiang dialects, but must have been present at the time of PSQ. It also enables us to resolve ambiguous rhymes when data from a key dialect are missing (cf. the assigning of 'wrinkle' to *ui, rather than *y, 3.3.2.2). We will also consult the Southern Qiang data presented in Chang 1967 ('SQD'). which

includes the dialects Wasi, Lobuzhai, Zengtou, Jiuziying, Ruodazhai1.

3.2 Methodological issues and reconstruction philosophy Correspondences in Qiangic are often not as straightforward as a researcher would hope. A number of factors are at play that make comparison difficult. The observations made in this section about Qiang apply to many other languages in the Qiangic branch. At this time nothing is known about Qiang dialect mixture or migration patterns, aside from some references in Chinese historical documents, where it is not clear to this

1 Chang also includes data from Taoping (H. Sun 1962), but this is redundant with the other Taoping data.

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author that the group being referred to is the same as that which is today called "Qiang." These sources do make it clear that the Qiang have migrated both toward and away from the Chinese-speaking cities in their area. Little to nothing is known of the influences of languages other than Chinese (primarily on Southern dialects) and Tibetan (on Northern dialects), and it further remains unknown what other forces have shaped the phonologies

and lexica of Qiang dialects . 2 For these reasons, I have taken parallel tacks in presenting

cognate sets: in the support for each proto-segment, I first present the exemplary sets which follow the rules without exception. After thus establishing the phonological relationships among the dialects, I then present imperfect cognate sets (where these exist), in which not all phonological developments adhere to the established rule. Given the undeveloped state of the field, there are defective sets which are still "too good to throw away." Some of my sets will no doubt be revised by subsequent research; nevertheless, I wanted to provide here a basis on which such research may commence. Forms whose cognacy is in question are put in curly braces. Not all reconstructions are equally definite. In some cases cognates are missing from key dialects. In addition, there are sets with inexplicable variations. Even sets that have a clear parent form in PTB may have problematic reflexes in at least one dialect (e.g., the reflexes of PTB *-wa, 33.2.2). The most difficult segments to correlate are generally rhymes, due to vowel harmony in some non-final syllables, and to unknown factors. In cases where the vowel is indefinite, *V will be given in the reconstruction. If it appears that the proto-vowel should be low, toward the upper front, or toward the upper back, then *A, *1, *U will be used in the reconstruction. For supporting forms where one dialect has an aberration in its reflex, the comments '(I!)', '(R!)' will be used to signal divergences in initials and rhymes.

2 E.g., the extent of borrowings from the closely related languages of rGyalrong and Xixia.

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Reconstructions are provided in the appendix, arranged and numbered by English gloss. The ’“initials, ’“rhymes and ’“tones/accents are provided in three separate columns, with all possible reconstructions given for each position. For *tones/accents, I have used the following convention:

a) If all dialects have the same pitch, then it is reconstructed unchanged. b) If a majority of dialects agree on the ’“tone/accent, but there is counter evidence from one dialect, then the *tone/accent is reconstructed as 'L?' ('Low'), etc. c) If the ’“tone/accent is ambiguous, then it is given as

The reconstruction of PSQ *suprasegmentals is quite complicated, and discussion is reserved for Chapter 4. Sound laws and reconstructions provide a foundation for comparison with Northern Qiang; Appendix A presents NQ cognates alongside SQ etymological sets. This

dissertation lays groundwork for reconstructing proto-Qiangic, and for doing principled sub-grouping of the entire branch. Nevertheless, it must be stated that even at the micro level undertaken here, many questions arise as to the strength of attestation of certain roots, and many sound laws are far from regular for one dialect Because of these irregularities at even the micro-level, I maintain that it is too ambitious to try to reconstruct Proto-Qiangic, or even Proto-Qiang (combining Northern and Southern dialects), without laying out clearly the relationships and correspondences which are described in this chapter. The primary purpose for dividing these two dialect groups and examining just one of them is to discern the lexical and phonological properties of intermediate stages, observations that would be lost if Proto-Qiang were reconstructed directly from the extant dialects.

Nevertheless, as an aid to further research, I have included PTB roots from STC and from

the STEDT project alongside the supporting forms. I have indicated with a question mark those PTB roots that may not be cognate to the Southern Qiang forms.

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The order of presentation of *segments is the same as for the synchronic discussion in Chapter 2, namely *initials followed by *rhymes, with supporting forms given for each.

For each reconstructed segment there is given an estimate of the total number of supporting sets, to provide the reader with an additional measure for determining the strength of attestation. Because of the complexity of the genesis of tones in SQ, I will address super segments in the following chapter. As mentioned above, it has seemed best to me to include not only the exemplary sets, but also some of the 'bad' correspondences: sets in which one or more of the supporting forms is divergent from the sound laws, but nevertheless appears to be from the same etymological root. As an example, I cite the following, in which the second syllable of Longxi has inexplicably lost its initial. Note, however, that it has the same tonal pattern as Mianchi, and the same initial syllable as Mianchi and Taoping.

Glg§£ LoagXi Mianchi Tapping PSQ now pe i pe ti pa 3Iti55 *pe ti (L ? ) 3

In the data there are many semi-regular sets similar to this one. For aberrant supporting forms such as the Longxi form cited here, much would be lost by their exclusion, and a more in-depth understanding of Southern Qiang dialectology is gained by their inclusion. Nevertheless, whenever possible, I will use exemplary sets to establish the validity of proto-segments before presenting more marginal correspondences. As mentioned above, aberrancies in support are indicated in the reconstructions, with irregular reflexes tagged by '(I!)', '(R!)', and '(T!)' to indicate unexplained initials, rhymes, and tones, respectively. In cases where supporting forms disagree on a particular segment, such as the

3 In this reconstruction, the pitch of the first syllable is uncontioversial, it is marked in the same manner as Longxi and Mianchi Low tones/pitches. The tone of the second syllable is only probable, and is thus given after the segmental reconstruction, and is followed by a question mark. For many PSQ roots, it is not possible to reconstruct the *tone/pitch.

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vowel in the initial syllable of 'now' (above), the unambiguous support of two forms is

taken as indicative of the proto-form. Thus, PSQ 'now' is reconstructed *pe ti, and not

*po ti. In cases where the supporting segments (usually vowels) are wildly divergent, the aforementioned cover vowels *1, *A, *U, and *V will be used. The purpose of these methods is to demonstrate the strength of attestation of PSQ proto-segments and proto-forms, as not all reconstructions are created equal.

3.3 PSQ phonological system Proto-Southern Qiang appears to have had a relatively simple syllable canon, not much different from that found in extant dialects. As a maximal syllable, PSQ had an initial two-consonant cluster followed by a diphthong:

T? *(C1)(C2) VI (V2)

For each dialect, segmental changes do not occur in isolation, but certain patterns may be observed; e.g., all three dialects tend to palatalize *dentals before high front vowels. In all three dialects labial, uvular, and *q initials are unchanged from their PSQ

reconstructions. There is no evidence in any dialect for PSQ **gi , 4 **ki, **qi (but *khi

'owe'), or **iva. The following three paragraphs summarize the changes to be found in each of the key southern dialects. Longxi always palatalizes *dentals and *velar stops before high front vowels, except for *z, as [z] does not occur in Longxi. All *retroflex obstruents have become dentals, although Longxi preserves *r as a retroflex approximant (the other two dialects have lost evidence that PSQ *r was distinct from Most *palatals have become dentals

4 Taoping has x sie 241 'stone' which contains the sequence /gi/. For irregularities related to this rhyme, see discussion under *velars, section 3.3.1.5.

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before /t/, just as Proto-Lolo-Burmese * palatals have become dentals in the same environment in Lahu (Matisoff, p.c.). Longxi and Mianchi give evidence for *fi. but only two cognates have been discovered so far. All ^cluster initials except for *br, *gr have been simplified to phonemes similar to one o f the components of the ^cluster. Thus, in most cases (*bz, *br, *sl, */l, */d, *xm), Longxi has more than one possible reflex of the cluster. For *'/}, the initial has broken into two syllables (e.g., m lu 'stone' PTB *r-luij

(STC 8 8 )). For *sl, evidence for the *cluster is preserved by free variation (si cua ~ /a cua, 'moon' PTB *s-la (STC 144)). In Longxi, as in the other two dialects, ^monophthongs are mostly unchanged, although Longxi and Mianchi do not preserve a distinction between *a and *o. Nevertheless, there is often unexplained variation in the reflexes, which is due in pait to vowel harmony processes that have not been applied evenly throughout the lexicon (cf. 2.3.1). Most ^diphthongs have become monophthongs. Longxi and Mianchi/y/does not appear to be relatable to PSQ *y. unlike Taoping. Mianchi preserves *velar stops unchanged. It palatalizes much less regularly and

extensively than Longxi, with only *1 and *d^ affected . 5 As in Taoping, *r > ItJ. A s in

Longxi, PSQ *c has become Is/ before /i/. Although Mianchi has more preserved more distinctions than Longxi in its consonantal inventory, it has irregular reflexes for *bz, *phr,

*br, *xt§, *xd 3 .; thus, with regard to clusters, it is about as innovative as Longxi. Except for unpredictable changes in *y and the loss of the *a/*a distinction, monophthongs are unchanged from PSQ. Mianchi has evidence for seven out of nine *diphthongs. Taoping is the most phonologically conservative of the three dialects, especially with regard to clusters and vowels (e.g., preserving the *a/*a distinction). Nevertheless, in the expected environments it palatalizes dental stops and nasals, as well as voiceless retroflexes and velars, while palatals are unchanged. It directly preserves seven out of nine

5 It may in fact be said to resist palatalization by hyper-correcting borrowings, as in Mianchi ke, Longxi fc/, Taoping tee33 'catty (half kilogram ) 1 (Mandarin jf[tci55]).

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*diphthongs, but maintains no trace of *fi.

3.3.1 Initials

Following my reconstructions of PSQ proto-initials are the ones offered by Kun

Chang ( SQD, pp339-40). There are some striking differences between the two systems,

which are discussed below. The simple initials of PSQ are as follows:

Table 3.1 Proto-Southern Qiang initials 6

labial j dental j retroflex | palatal velar j uvular glottal vl. stop asp. stop *kh vd. stop vl. afffic *ts *tc asp. affric *tsh *tch vd. affric *dz vl. fric. vd. fric. nasal m approx.

Chang reconstructs the following simple initials:

6 Parentheses in charts of *consonants and *vowels indicate proto-segments with two or fewer supporting sets.

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Table 3.2. Proto-Southern Qiang initials ( SQD)

1 labial j dental | palatal retroflex j velar j uvular i glottal I I I ; i ! ■ i 1 1 vl stop j p I t I k q ! asp. stop ph | th | j kh qh vd. stop b d ; g G ; vl. affric 1 ts ' i asp. affric tsh i vd. affric dz i

vl. fric. I s ! ! x h vd. fric. ; z j ' i ! 1 Y b vl. nasal mh nh rjh i i vd. nasal m n q vl. approx ' * : vd. approx w 1 1 ! j r

The primary differences between these two systems are that I posit *palatal and ♦retroflex fficates where Chang reconstructs *clusters, and that Chang proposes voiceless ♦nasals and ♦lateral where I reconstruct *s- clusters. Differences between these two systems will be evaluated in the discussion of each series. Support for some of Chang's reconstructions is weak: he admits, "I do not have enough examples to support all the initials that I suggest for the proto-language. In some cases, however, the reconstructed initials are sufficiently reflected in these dialects." (SQD p439)

3.3.1.1 Labials

Labials are unchanged in all three dialects.

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♦p > LX, MC, TP /p/ (about 32 sets with reflexes in at least two dialects) Gloss Iaongxi Mianchi Tapping PTB (STC#} pig pia pia pa 33 ♦pwak (43) skin ja pia ?apia 3 a 55 pa 55 ♦p(w)ak (JAM) snow pei mil pa mo 3’pa 55 ♦p-wal (JAM- LITB 8.0) hole za pu pu ^ a 33pu 33 ♦pug (STEDT) cheek tci pia tci pia tfi31 pa 55 ♦s-bi * s-bay (STEDT) body ci pi ci pei ce35 pe 33 buy pfi de po po 55 do pii pii pu33 old (of people) (fia) pei (a) pei po 33 thing pa na pa na pa 3,ne 33 tomb mb pu me pii mo 3'pa 55

♦ph > LX, MC, TP /ph/ (about 15 sets) Gloss Ixmgxi Mianchi Taoping PTB blow (with mouth) phu ph 6 pha 33 ♦pu (JAM) price phu phe pha 33 ♦paw (41) swell up phti pho ta55 pho 33 ♦s-bwam (172) clothing pho phu phu 35 plant (wheat) phia phia phia 33

♦b > LX, MC, TP /b/ (about 19 sets) Gloss Longxi Mianchi lagging PTB bug, insect bu Io bo Io bo 3ldza31 ♦bow (27) bury be (fia) bi be 35 flour ba Io lfe-be-liii ba 31ly33 low, short b it-b e be be 33 man bie pha be lifi ba 33phe 55 old (of things) ba ba ba 33 pile up bu bo bo 241

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♦m > LX, MC, TP Iml (about 40 sets)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Iaoping PTB mushroom m s a me tJx mo 3l^u 33 ♦g-maw (455) mother & ma a ma ma33; ma55ma5S ♦ma (487) NEG mi mi mi55 ♦ma (p96) rice (cooked) ma md ma m£ me33 ♦may (p65) fire mti m(i mi33 ♦mey (290) dark mu mo mu33 ♦mu:ij (362), #r- mu:k (357) person mil me ma33 ♦r-mi(y) (pi27) heart ci mi tie mu Xtie55 ma55 ?#moq (STEDT) fruit ci mi se mil sie55ma55 language,speech za mu zue me zi3lma55 tears ma li qa mu le qe mi55 k o 33 cooked (fia) mil (fia) mil mi33 cat ma rui me nou ma31rvy55 8 wife tee mi tee (tsi) mei tciS5me31 ( c f . 'person'?)

In addition to the above labials that I have reconstructed, Chang reconstructs the voiceless nasal *mh, based on the data to which he had access at that time. Although he gives data from Taoping, he only had access to the few forms in H. Sun 1962, and not to

the more than one thousand forms in QYJZ and ZYC, or he would have seen that the

voiceless nasals in Wasi, Zengtou, Jiuziying, and Ruodazhai come from PSQ ♦fricative-

nasal clusters. The following table is based on his "Examples to Chart 9," with his blank Taoping column filled in with data from ZYC and QYJZ. I have included not only data concerning *gi, but the other voiceless ♦nasals as well. Note that Lobuzhai, which is near Mianchi, has no voiceless nasals. A comparison with STC shows that many of these initials come from PTB ♦s-N clusters.

7 PST *k/m-lay.

8 There is no published PTB root, but cf. Lahu mi-ni.

9 There is no PTB root, but cf. Lahu mi-ni.

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Table 3.3 Southern Qiang voiceless nasals

English ! Wasi { Lobuzhai Taoping ! Zengtou Jiuziying Ruoda j PTB | 1 [ ! zhai I i hair : pro xma 33 i P 3 p a ; *s-mul i smell : p e i Xmi55 | P« Pje *s-nam (v.) i

■ name Xma55 1 hma PU > *s-mig silver j gu XP»55 ! gu hgu ghu ; *s/d-gul j kneei rjotsho XOU55 | gu altsho bgu ■ i tshu 55 altsho ! oil, fat x p ° 55 1 no pje P-jo red i I P3 l x iu 31 | iU cu pi ; *s-nay IU33 ! nasal j pe : x a i55tsu ! pe Pe *s-nap mucus a33

seven i pe 1 cig33 ! J6 P3 "■s-nis nose 1 niqopa papaqa 1 XH431 P3 *s-na qo 55 pa 33

Strangely, Chang cites the Taoping form for 'nose', but alters the initial cluster to /$/, whereas before oral sounds he re transcribes Taoping /%/ as /h/. The set 'seven' has unexpected initial reflexes in Taoping and Zengtou. For more on numerals, and odd reflexes of prefixed proto-initials, cf. Matisoff 1995.

3.3.1.2 Dentals

The three dialects are prone to palatalize *dentals. For Longxi, it is difficult to distinguish *dz, *z.

*t > LX, TP {/tc/ /_*i, *y; /XJ elsewhere}, MC 111 (about 25 sets). For the dental stops and nasal, Mianchi is without variation, but Taoping and Longxi palatalize before "'high-front vowels, as evidenced by the last two examples in the chart.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping hat ta \A (xa) ta ba ta33 lead (cow) ta & ta 33 plow (n) to toke to 33 upward (pfx) ta - — to- te- ta31 younger brother tfi-tsu tou tsh tu5Stsua31 among, between tci go got! animal herder khii pia cii mu khue-pia-tiu-mli khue-pia-titi-mii mule keti ke3Itce33 see atco tih (ca) tcy33

The data include the following two counter-examples. The first appears to be the result of a different proto-initial than *t, as both LX and Taoping differ from the expected reflexes of *ti. I posit some form of *CC-, but do not know what its segments would have been. In the set 'mince, chop' the 1'iaJ diphthong of Mianchi corresponds to the /e/ of Taoping, as expected (cf. 33.2.2). However, the Taoping initial has not palatalized, in contrast to the sets above.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping now p ei pe ti po 3lti55 mince, chop tshou tia tshua 55 te55

*th > LX{/tch/ /_i, /ts, tsh/_u; /th/ elsewhere}, MC /th/, TP {/tsh/ /_y; /th/ elsewhere}

(about 11 sets). Taoping palatalizes only in the rare environment preceding /y/: Longxi palatalizes the most freely, a rule which could be quite recent, given the variation in 'quilt'. Following the supporting sets I offer a possible rule for the appearance of /ts/ in Longxi.

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Gloss Longxi Mianghi Tapping frost pia tho pel thou xPa 3Ithu 33 slow — phie tha phi 31tha 55 soup tho -- thu 55 that tha — tha 33 there thagd — tha 31xe 55 drink tchi thie thie 33 quilt sii thia ~ su tcha qhue thio bucket/barrel tsu 11 thio thio 33 sneeze (v.) a tshii-pu a thiad-pu x a5S tshye 33 pu 33

It appears that Longxi deaspirates /tsh/ before /u/, as in the following correspondences: Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping bum a tsti §e the thou cut. slice (veg.) tsu tsua tghii tghua t§hu 55 sixteen fid tsti fia t§hou x ° 3It§hu33 squirrel zl ku tsu tshii lie

However, there are at least two counterexamples: Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping sneeze a tshii-pii d thiao-pii x a5s tshye 33 pu 33 kick tshu ~ tshfi ta t§hii tchye 33

'Sneeze' has probably maintained its aspiration due to onomatopoeia; I have no explanation for the aspiration in lack'.

*d > LX{/dz/ /_*i; /d/ elsewhere}, MC /d/, TP {/dz/ /_*i (hapax); /d/ elsewhere} (about 25 sets). Longxi palatalizes regularly, but Taoping in only one form. This aberrant form ('puttee') could be the result of dialect mixture, or of data having been recorded from multiple consultants.

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Gloss f r>ngxi Mianchi Taoping bean da pia del da33 chopsticks — dii dua33 forehead deti ku da pti da31 xku 33 ghost, demon du dii du33 hit target da ua dE UE da3‘ye33 belt dzi di — celebrate new year dza diadia dia241 day after tomorrow so dzi cj sou di sy 55dy 31 door dzu — dzti dio dio 241 fine, small (of rice grains) dza di — many dzd dio dio 241 puttee, leg wrap {zu dei} diog di dzo 33de241

* ts > LX {/t qJ /_i,y (or *i, *y); /t si elsewhere}, MC, TP /ts/ (about 32 sets). This is the

best-supported trend, although there are many sets which have other voiceless affricate reflexes. I first give the forms which provide the most clear-cut support (for Longxi palatalization of 'sharp', 'spring', note the presence of /i/ in Taoping):

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB sour tsua tsui *swa:r (42) flea tso 0,1 tsou no tsu55lu55 *s-lay (440) sharp tea tse tsie 33 *s-ta (STC p22) water tsu tsue, tsue tsua-*»33 *tsu (STEDT) ride tsa tsa tsa 33 ?*d£on (72) year, this tse pii ts6 py ts'i31poJ,33 rot, spoil tc^qti tsueq£ tsua35qa55 spring, summer tcaqei tse-qe tsie55qa33 twig fence tsa pia tsa ki stove tso zo tst qo grandchild zt-tsii ze-tsii z i31 tsua 33

The second morpheme of ’grandchild’ is a diminutive suffix; the first morpheme is ’child’ (PTB *za (STC 59)). Mianchi 'pain' may be a borrowing from Sichuanese. The following sets appear to be reflexes of *ts, but are problematic in one or more of the dialects:

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB kill ts6 tso ts* tea (tjy3) *g-sat (58) soul, spirit ts* -- (tshie33) *tsu (Matisoff 1974, #36) NEG IMP prefix ts*- {tci-} ts-j55- flint, steel for flint (tsha mia) tsue mia

At this point, I have no explanation for the appearance of /tc/ [tj] in Taoping Tali', except that it may reflect the reconstructed PTB velar pre-initial; another possibility is that there may be two roots for Tcill', with both forms represented in the Mianchi compound. The palatalization of Mianchi NEG IMP prefix may have come about from the phonetic processes which often accompany grammaticalization. The forms for 'flint' and 'soul' could just as easily be classified under *tsh.

*tsh > LX{/tch/ /_ i,y; /ts/ elsewhere}, MC /tsh/ TP {/tch/ /_*, y; /ts/ elsewhere} (about 27 sets). *tsh seems to have remained fairly stable in all three dialects, with LX palatalizing similarly to *ts.

Gloss Longxi M areM Taoping E r a bridge tsh& (to) (Io) tsh& tshie 33da241 *dzam lung tshu tshou tshu 55 PQic *C-tsos (STEDT), PTB ♦tsywap (239) salt tsh* tsh*-be tshi 33 *tsa (214) thorn tchi tsh* tsh ) 31 *tsow (276) meat pia-tsh* me tshe tjh ) 55 *tsil (pi 6 ) bird i tsha i tshe i3Itshie 55 kneel (ko ) tshfi qo tsho Xqu55tshu 55 pitiful ma tshwei me tshue pu z* — pot, wok tsha pia tsha tshie 55pa 55 village tshui-kii tshu&, tshua qo — squirrel tchy II qa tshu lie — sweet tshu tshfi tchy 33

The second syllable of 'meat' (first syllable in Taoping) is glossed in STC as 'fat' (Mawo tshv 'fat (meat)'). Another possibility is that it is related to 'goat' (below): note that the tones are the same, and that the initials in Mianchi and Taoping are consistent. The first

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syllable of Longxi ’meat 1 is ’pig’ (cf. Yadu pies ’meat1, pie 'pig'). 'Sweet' looks as though it could be related to PTB *twi(y) (STC 166) or *d£im (STC 71). However, the following forms make it clear that as far back as FQic the initial was a voiceless aspirated affricate:

Ergong tchui tchui Ersu tfho 55 Namuyi ntshi 33 iCyalrong ka c?hi Shixing tchye 35

The following *tsh sets are problematic for at least one dialect (problematic forms in braces):

-Glass Langxi Mianchi Tapping PTB goat {tcha} tshe tshie 55 PLB *tsit (STC p 8 8 ) phlegm tshu {tsu %i} tsho 55qha 33xne 33

The first syllable in Longxi, Taoping 'phlegm' is lung'. Mianchi 'phlegm' may have been

influenced by tsue 'water.' The only explanation I have for the palatalisation of Longxi 'goat' is that it may have come from a form like * tshie or *tshia (cf. PLB *V-ci.t (TSR 27 Low)), with loss of *i and subsequent transphonologization of the initial.

*dz > LX /z/ (no [z] in LX), MC, TP /dz/ (about 16 sets). Longxi has preserved the affricate nature of the initial in 'money' following a sonorant final. I have no explanation for the loss of voicing for this form in Mianchi. This irregularity indicates that it is

probably an ancient borrowing, although the language of donation is not clear (Chinese has qian. Written Tibetan has dqul (cf. 'silver')). Unlike the previous two affricates, there is no evidence of how Longxi treated *dz/_i,y. In fact, there are no unambiguous PSQ **dzi, **dzy, v*zi, **zy forms, which probably indicates that in this environment *dz, *z had already palatalized at the time of PSQ.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping frog zo pid dzo-pia dzua3Ipu55ma heavy zt dzt dzi33 itch zeze dztdza dzi31za241 sit fiazfi dzo dzo 33 money son dze (tsen tsei) ci33dzie241

*s > LX{/c/_ i,y; /s/ elsewhere), MC, TP /si (about 45 sets). These sets are all completely

regular, with LX palatalizing as expected.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB fruit ci mi se mu sie53mo 55 *sey (57) blood sa sa so 33 *s-hwiy ( 2 2 2 ) fingernail lie st qo i se sie55 qo 55 #m-(t)sin - m-tsyen (74) autumn, winter so qei so qe sio 33ko 33 liver ci Ja se sie55 *m-sin (234) day ci se sie33 *s-noy (GSTC) wood, timber ci to se sie33 *siq (233) learn so sou to 3Isy55 understand st st ua sq55 crow (v.) ci te si S’)55 yesterday ni c) nos£ n 4 3Isie33 comb (n.) qo-c^ qe sui qo 31suo 33 10

*z > LX, MC, TP /z/ (about 15 sets). As mentioned above, there are no palatalizations for this set, probably owing to very early palatalization of *zi, etc. While Longxi /zi/ occurs in forms such as zi 'turn around (self)' and z t z i tsu 'only, alone', these appear to be innovations, as no cognates have been found in Mianchi or Taoping (cf. discussion at *z^. below).

io PTB *m-si(y) (STC #466).

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GlPSS Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB grandchild z t tsu z£ tsu zi31tsua33 *za (59) cry, weep za za za33 field zii zue zuo 33 language. zo md zue me zi31ms5S speech tongue zaqo zt qe zi 3Iqo 55

*n > LX, TP {InJ /_ i; /n/ elsewhere}, MC Ini (about 17 sets). Taoping palatalizes

regularly, but Longxi has one counterexample ('yesterday'). The palatalization appears to have occurred before present-day /i/, and not PSQ *i, as Mianchi allows the sequence /ni/ ('what'). How PTB *s- became PSQ *ts 'flea' is not clear (PTB *s-loy (STC 440)). The PTB *1 > n/iv changes may have been influenced by the local variety of Southwest Mandarin, in which /n,l/ distinctions are not maintained. However, this change may have occurred too early to have been influenced by Mandarin, as evidenced by the NQ forms (Mawo, Yadu tsua).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taopme good na na na 33 thing pa na pa na pa 31ne 33 what no i ni le na 55 bed rut st qa ne ba ne 55ci33 year, last no pii ne pu o i 3Ipo 33 yesterday ni G] nosp n i 31sie33 flea tso 0,1 tsod no tsu55lu55

*1 > LX {InJ /_ i; HI elsewhere}, MC {InJ /_* y; IV elsewhere}, Taoping f\l (about 32 sets). For this set Taoping is completely invariant. I have no explanation for the fact that Mianchi palatalizes before *y ('come'), but not before lil ('expensive', 'thread'). To account for Mianchi 'come', the rule could be rewritten to include palatalization before lul, but there would be no articulatory precedent for such a rule. Note that for 'come', the backing of *y probably occurred in Longxi before palatalization, but afterward in Mianchi. How PTB *s- became PSQ *ts flea' is not clear. The *1 > n/iv changes were probably also influenced by

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the local variety of Southwest Mandarin, in which /n,l/ distinctions are not maintained.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB exchange 15 Id 15 la to 55 la31 ♦lay (283) kidney pu lu pfi lo XP® 3 3 1° 55 *rpul (STEDT) pestle tsht pu k o lu sa de k u lo k o 2411o33 ♦r-luij 'stone' ( 8 8 ) clothes (CL) 15 le la33 expensive phti lti ph£ liu pha 31ly55 host tee 15 pu tci le pd tci 55l355po 33 musk deer tsht 15 se 15 tchi 3llo 33 wide, broad la Id la33 come Id rv>u ly33 thread sa nd se 11 sia33li55

In addition to *1, Chang reconstructs PSQ *1, based on the following two forms in Wasi, and their cognates. I have cited these forms below, along with cognates from Longxi, Mianchi, and Mawo. Taken together, it is clear that Wasi N is the reflex of PSQ

clusters, and not of an independent proto-phoneme * 1.

PTB ♦k/g-laij (STC 333, p72 n.) PSQ *xiv Wasi la Taoping Xua 55 Zengtou xwa Jiuziying xa Ruodazhai xwa Longxi Xo Mianchi Id (b^a) Mawo Xlu

The Mawo form directly indicates that PQ had a ^cluster initial. Among Southern Qiang reflexes, the fact that some dialects have velar and uvular fricatives while two have laterals is further proof that *xl- or *xl- survived into PSQ.

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moon/month PTB *s-(g)la (STC 144) PSQ *slV Wasi la Lobuzhai he (Jya) Taoping §i 33 ('month') cy 33cya55 ('moon') Zengtou §ui Jiuziying sui Ruodazhai (hpe) §ui Longxi la cua, si cua Mianchi la, la (some speakers)

For this set, the extant dialects preserve sibilants and laterals, with Longxi preserving both. The forms in these two sets unquestionably indicate different initial clusters at the PSQ level, and neither suggest the presence of *1 in PSQ.

3.3.1.3 Retroflexes

For Longxi, the entire retroflex series of obstruents has disappeared, as noted earlier. All reconstructed retroflex 'fricates' (a cover term for affricates and fricatives), have merged with their corresponding dentals. For most segments, Mianchi and Taoping preserve retroflexion; however, for Taoping, both /t§, §/ advance to dentals before til.

*t§ > LX /ts/, MC /t§/, TP {/ts/ /_ i; /t§/ elsewhere} (about 24 sets).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi TaoDing navel pti tst qa pe t§t t§i — stinking batsa bii t§4 -- pick up tse (te) t§e tsi33 look at tsa ke t§e tsia33 head qa b& tst {qa b^a tst} qa 33 po 55

'Head' is the only problematic form; its dental initial in Mianchi probably arising by analogy with other Mianchi nouns, both native and borrowed from Chinese:

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Native Mianchi: Borrowings from Mandarin: bachelor a qo tst animal pack tuo tst boot be tst brush §ua tst child ke b^i tst sock ua tst

The evidence for a retroflex initial in the final syllable of 'head' is supported by Northern Qiang (Ekou and Ronghong Yadu, Mawo all have qa pat§, indicating a retroflex affricate at

the PQ level).

*t§h > LX{/ts/ / _ u; /tsh/ elsewhere}, MC, TP /t§h/ (about 22 sets). For discussion of Longxi deaspiration before /u/, cf. discussion of *th (3.3.1.2). Note that Taoping does not

front *t§h, *d^_, or * 2l, although *t§, *§ become dentals before /i/.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taopine PTB eight tsha t§he qo t§he33 *(b-)g-ryat (163) hundred a tshoi a t§hr t§hi55 *r-gya(l64) kick tshu — tshti ta tghu tchye 33 lay (egg) fia tsht t§ht tghi 55 spider tsht tsht tgha §t t§hi55t§hi31 cut (vegetable) tsu tsua t§hii tghua t§hu55 *tsywar=tswar (240)

> LX{/dz/ /_ i; /dz, z! elsewhere}, MC {/dz/ /_ e ; d^ elsewhere}, TP IdzJ (about 20 sets). This set is regular, but the palatalization of Mianchi before /e/ is unusual, given that there is no palatalization before /i/ (long objects (CL)). PSQ *d^_ comes from PTB *r-

clusters.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taopine PTB laugh (da) zd lo dâ d^cf33 *rya-t ( 2 0 2 ) long objects (CL) zt dzji d zj2*1 *s-riq (433) strength d z t~ zt dâ qa d^.i24lqa33 *(k/b)-ra(q/m) (STEDT) muscle dzt dzi d^_}241 *graw matter, affair zi d ^ t d2Ll33 tael, liang z5 dôii dû 31 year before last dzi pu ~ zt pu dzi pu d ^ i241pa 33p3 limit, end dzi to d^.i lo — relatives qaze ke dze kie3Id^.i33

The only explanation for the lack of palatalization in Longxi 'matter1, is that its initial would have gone to Izl, but has not, because Longxi lacks this phoneme. For 'muscle', cf. Mawo

*g > LX /s/, MC /§/, TP {/s/ /_ y /§/ elsewhere} (about 7 sets). As stated above, *g behaves in Taoping like *tg. All instances of /§/ before l\l in Taoping are secondary; e.g.,

§133 'month' (PSQ *slV), §}l3tsi3' 'persimmon' (borrowing).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB pretty (tsa) se page Xpa 33ge33 alive se §a — s-riq * s-raq (404) age pil su gii — good — & ge33 irrigate, water su — gue55 outward (pfx) St - ge- si31 - who St gl le si55

> LX {0/_ i, Izl elsewhere}, MC, TP IzJ (about 6 sets). 'Ax' is an ancient borrowing from Tibetan (Written Tibetan sta ri); given the fact that it is subject to the same phonological changes as 'stand', I take it to be a borrowing at the level of PSQ or earlier. As mentioned above, there is no contemporary constraint against /zi/ in Longxi, as

evidenced by z i 'protect', zi 'hold in mouth', and about twenty other forms.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping crack (v.) zt za hole za pu z£ pu ^ a 33pu 33 watery, dilute zo %e3\ e 33 lie (n.) 1 zt ze^a — ax ta \ te ^ i Xta3I^.i55 stand td i (te) O -- *g-ryap (246)

*r > LX / j , »/, MC, TP IzJ (about 7 sets). Among the key dialects, only Longxi distinguishes *r and Jiuziying, which distinguishes /z, j, z j has Ix, in its cognates for this set (no pattern has yet been established for the Jiuziying reflex of *zj.

Gloss Ixmgxi Mianchi Taoping Jiuziving PTB bone ja ka 2 j s KOU pts'a *rus ( 6 ) skin (human) ja pia zj* pia Zjtss pa 55 ja pi *s-graw ( 1 2 1 ) horn ja ka ^.eke ^ a 33 qa55 3" *rwa-t(pll3) cry out, call out qa ja KUO33 3_a33 outside ja li mia^a ?o 55la55 ja lu skin/flay jaqa Ziaqa jake supper, dinner ja ti ?ate ^ as5xte 55 ja xte . s / dry t3 3- ^ i55kua55 js kua

The following forms are ambiguous between *r, *z^, due to a lack of Longxi cognates, although Jiuziying suggests PSQ *r.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Jiuziving cliff ^a Go) ^ e 33 ja saw (n.) ke z^i kie3\ i 55 ka je

The following two sets probably reflect PSQ *r- clusters (as in PTB *s/m-raij Tiorse'). However, at this point, they are reconstructed with *plain initials, as there is no evidence for what form such a proto-cluster might have taken in PSQ. 'Divide', Tiorse' are the only

instances of the correspondence Longxi k - v s . Mianchi, Taoping

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Jiuziving PTB horse k o ^ o u j u *s/m-raij (145) divide k o b o ^ .t^ o ti j^ u 33^ u 55 d^\l§>t§'a ?*bra (132)

Like Longxi and Jiuziying, Wasi and Lobuzhai distinguish prevocalic ItJ and /r/. However, theTe are not enough forms in the available data to establish their correspondence with the key dialects.

3.3.1.4 Palatals

SQD identifies three to four series of sibilant affricates and fricatives in extant dialects, but nevertheless only reconstructs a dental series. Apparently Chang preferred to reconstruct clusters (e.g., tsjh), rather than simple initials (e.g., tch). Chang maintained this

approach in spite of his presentation of over thirty cognate sets of alveolar/palatal 11 and

retroflex forms in an earlier part of the paper (pp 431-3), in which these initials were treated as unitary phonemes, rather than as clusters. For this series, Taoping is the most stable, with no changes from the PSQ reconstructed initials. In Longxi, Mianchi *palatals tend to become dentals before It/.

*tc > LX /tc/, MC {/ts/ /_ i; /tc/ elsewhere}, TP /tq/ (about 30 sets). Recall that Taoping [tj] is an allophone of /tc/ occurring before /•)/. This' apparently had variation as far back as PQ; TP is cognate with Mawo tsa;, Yadu tsax ('these'). Similarly, MW has tfua tsa 'step over1. There is no explanation yet for the initial in Mianchi 'eleven'.

11 I have put these together because of his normalization and interpretation of Wen Yu. In his Chart 4 (p431) he transcribes on separate lines the Taoping affricates /ts, tsh, dz/ and /tj\ tjh, dzi. It is not evident which of these transcriptions is supposed to represent H. Sun's palatals. Regardless of his interpretation, Chang has apparently missed the fact that, properly phonemicized, Taoping has only three series of affricates (cf. 2.2.3.1).

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB cheek tci pia tci pia tJ-j 31 pa 55 *(t)si (STEDT) man (male person) tci ts* Hi33 *s-kyu (STEDT) house, home tee kit tci - tci qo tci 55ko 33 *k-y(i/u)m (53) eleven fia tci {fia ti} Xa31tJY3 *t(y)ik=g-Xyik (p84) daughter tea tee tci33 ♦krwiy (244) hard {qo ca} kou tea XkuS5tca31 older brother's wife Kua tci Kue tci — this tea tcaqo {tsa33} step over/across (da) Kua tea (ds) tea {kuq33 tsa33}

The morpheme being compared in 'eleven' means 'one'; in Mianchi and Longxi it occurs only in compound numerals (Mianchi a qo, Longxi a 'one').

♦tch > LX {/tsh/ /_ i, * t12; /tch/ elsewhere}, MC /tch/, TP {[tjh] /_ y ltd elsewhere}

(about 40 sets). Because it is not possible to distinguish aspiration before a voiceless vowel, Longxi 'year’ is not inconsistent with the rule as stated. Again, Longxi shares a

phonological rule with Lahu, where Ichl -> tsh/_ i.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB narrow tcM — tche 33 ?*t£i:p ('shut, close', #370) tread/step on — tchya tchya 31 weigh tchi tchi tche tche 55 year, next dza tc) dia tch) da24ltjhi feces tsha tche tjh ! 33 *klay > tsay (125. STEDT)

*dz > LX {/dz, z/ /_ t ; dz elsewhere}; MC /dz/; TP {[d 3 ] /_ y /dz/ elsewhere} (about 20 sets). Note that the variation in Taoping is merely allophonic. I have no explanation for the appearance of /z/ in Mianchi 'wing', 'lightweight', or for the aberrations in Longxi 'square'. I have included them here because they warrant further examination and comparison.

12 The same rule is found in Lahu.

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Gloss Ixingxi Mianchi Taoping PTB wing dzuaja {zake} dze241qe33 *g-(t)s(y) 3 w-k (STEDT) believe dza dz^(?.a) te a 241 ?*(m-)kyen (223) lightweight dz 6 {zou} dzy33 ?*r-ya:q (328) charcoal mfi dzi me dzi Jew's harp dzua ph dzou niece/nephew dzi qhu£ dzi dzi31 throw/discard st dzu& — Xd3i31 square {zue} dze dze d3i24Ixdzo 31

For the initial of ’wing', cf. Mawo gzigua\ Yadu gzijpa.

♦c > LX, MC {Isl / _ t; /c/ elsewhere}, TP lol (about 21 sets).

Gloss Ix>ngxi Mianchi Taouing PTB ocean/lake go ~ cy bh zi st eye 33 *si (STEDT) die aca te st Je55 ♦say (232) iron ca(mo) ci ci55 ♦syam=sam (228) lifetime (CL) ci ci — ♦(t)swar (STEDT)

clean CO go te — ♦syaq (pp 52-3) hide (v.) cu — eye33 ♦kway (303) body ci pi ci pei ce 55 pe 33 ?*tsi (STEDT) brightness cua cya cya33 ?#hwa-t (2 2 1 ) not li considering Ergong. bed rvi st qa — ne 5Sci33

The correspondences of this protosegment are regular, except for Taoping 'die', which is the only occurrence in Taoping of [J] before a vowel other than ItI. If it is not an error (cf. 2.2.3.1), then it follows the expected rule of *c > [J]/ i (taking the vowel from Mianchi as indicative). PSQ *c comes from PTB *s and *s (STC H). 'Body' is a difficult form to

etymologize because of the wide variance between Southern and Northern Qiang (Mawo ku ti, Yadu pas' xUQ)- The PTB etymology of 'brightness' is called into doubt by Ergong nshio nshio, which points to a dental or palatal fricative as far back as Proto-Qiangic.

*z > LX Izl (Longxi lacks /z/), MC, TP /z/ (about 7 sets). The initial in Mianchi 'paper' is unexplained; the whole set may be a local pronunciation of Mandarin zhl.

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Gloss Ixmpxi Mianchi T a o p in g PTB dwell, live q o zt; zt go — 3133 exist/be present — zi 3133 ox (CL) za ~ zt za — paper 13 ztd o ze dzt 313,3133 scold z tta — zi33

*iV> LX. MC, TP {/n/ /_ o, n elsewhere }(about 8 sets). There is no evidence for **no, so the changes to /n/ are to be expected. PSQ *i\, appears to correspond to Chang's *nj, as he does not explicitly state what proto-segment he posits for these forms. 'Breast', "black', 'two', and 'ear' appear in his "Examples to Chart 9," with forms similar to those in the key dialects below.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taopmg PTB breast, milk rwa i\a oa ria nys 5ny 55 *s-now-t/n (419, STEDT) two no no qo Hi55 *g-ni-s (4) ear iw ka no k£ ni 31 kie33, *r/g-na (453) black IU no ni 55n i 31 *nak ( 8 8 ) cat ma ryj me nou ma31ny 55 fist qii i\,ft qii aa Xkue31iii33

With the exception of 'black', PSQ *r\> comes from PTB prefixed *n.

3.3.1.5 Velars

Among the three key Southern dialects, Mianchi is most stable, with no changes for any of the initials. Longxi palatalizes before /i/, and Taoping before Id (although not before

/ie/ ) .14 The data do not show what happens to Taoping *velar stops before lil. In general.

13 These forms may turn out to be borrowings. I do not know the local pronunciation of Mandarin zhi 'paper'.

14 Curiously, although the Taoping data have no occurrence of /ki/ and one occurrence of Ik d (/ke31tce33/ 'mule' (typo?)), there are fourteen occurrences of Had. I surmise that the sequence lid has a different phonetic quality than its letters would indicate. For further discussion of transcription difficulties in the data appearing in QYJZ and ZYC, cf. 2.1.2, 2.2.3.

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there are very few instances of *velar plus /I/ (*khi 'owe', and *(x)gi ’open (door)' are the only instances discovered so far, with no occurrences of **ki or **qi), so this must have been a very rare sequence at the PSQ level. There are a number of sets in which it is not possible to determine whether the reconstructed initial should be *k or *q, *kh or *qh. because both a velar and a uvular stop are represented among the reflexes.

*k > LX {/tc/ / _ i, y; /k/ elsewhere}, MC /k/, TP {/tc/ / _ e; /k/ elsewhere}/ (about 17? sets)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taopjpg PTB ear ill ka no ke rui31 kie33 ♦kyap (STEDT) mother's brother aku a ku — *kow (255) pillow ru kii ne ko ko 33 *kum (482) well (n.) tsii kii tsue-ku — *kor (349) building ke lou-k£ — ?*k-y(i/u)m (STC 53) home/womb' knot ke td ke tata — ?*ki:l (373) drop (of water) ka tci ke ke — go ko kie ci ko 33 hoe tcya kua kua33 mule — ke ti ke31tce33 orphan ke pu ke pu tsu — rat. mouse z t ku dze kue zi3,kuo 33 saw — ke tJv kie33^_i55 tail sua ka sua ke sua55kie33 weave tya tia33

Tail' looks like it could be related to PTB *k-lyak (STEDT), which would make it cognate to the following Qiangic forms:

Guiqiong mi 33kue53 Namuyi me33qu55 Pumi (Jinghua) me'Hie 55

Following are sets which, among the key Southern dialects, are ambiguous between PSQ *k, *q. However, evidence from the Northern dialects indicate that at the time of Proto-Qiang they all had velar initials.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Yadu Mawo PTB inside (room) kii kO qo qo ko 35ko 33 tcu xy ku ku *kuq (STEDT) garden tsa-kii tsi qo tshie 33kie33 tse ky kuz *kram (Matisoff 1997a) angry ts qii tchi te kuo tchi ko 33pho 33 khui khue khua khua elder brother ako qoqo — ku:

In the sets 'cuckoo', Tiom' (below), Yadu and Mawo indicate PQ *q, although Southern Qiang dialects are ambiguous between *q, *k. 'Cuckoo' is the only instance of the sequence /qi/ in Longxi, and there are no instances in Mianchi. The support from Yadu is inconclusive.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Yadu Mawo PTB horn ja ko ?e ke ^a 33 qo 55 jox joq *r-ki (STEDT) cuckoo ql pu koti pu -- qu gput, kuput — ~ kupot (RH)

If Yadu and Mawo are indicative of the PQ *initial(s), then the variation *k ~ *q dates back to early Qiangic (cf. Namuyi qhus'53, Shixing qhup53). In this case, Longxi and Mianchi have maintained the original velar stop, which is otherwise unattested in Qiangic.

*kh > LX, TP {/tch/ _*i (hapax); /kh/ elsewhere} , MC /kh/ (about 8 sets). Note that in Taoping, /kh/ may precede /y/ Chot'). Taoping 'chin* may reflect both PTB prefixes.

GlQSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB chin — khe mo 3Isn 33kha 33 *(m-)ka~(s-)ka (470) dog khii khue khuo 53 *kwoy (159) hot khfi khua khue khue khye 55le33 *ka(:)ij (330,331) mortar -- khue! khuei kho 55 span kha khd - kha owe tchd de khi 15 tchi 33

In the following sets, it is not possible to distinguish between *kh and *qh:

15 For this set, the Mianchi initial is more conservative than the NQ cognates; Mawo tci, Yadu tche.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping STC smoke, tobacco mu khti, mfi-qhu mu qhue ma 31khua 55 *kaw (256) dry, warm by fire qhua khue khye 33

The variation in Longxi 'smoke' may indicate that the variation posited above existed at the PSQ level. Northern Qiang forms have velars in this position (Yadu mu xy, Mawo mu xu). Almost all Qiangic data point to Proto-Qiangic *kh-, although Shixing has a uvular initial:

Ergong mkhuihn PumiJinghua skhiui 13 Ersu me33ijkhe 55 Pumi.Taoba xio 35 Guiqiong m 0 33x 0 53 Queyu khu 53 Muya mu35khui 55 rGyalrong te kha Namuyi mu55ijkhu 33 Shixing oe 33qhue 55

Taken together, the Shixing and Southern Qiang data indicate that 'smoke' has had qh ~ kh alternation at as far back as Proto-Qiangic.

*g > LX, MC, TP /g/, (10 sets). PSQ *g comes from PTB *g and prefixed *k. As mentioned above, there is no evidence for PSQ **gi.

Gloss L o n g x i M i a n c h i Tapping PTB wear clothes gu (te)gu gua33 *gwa-n ~kwa-n (160) foot go goii *r-kaq (p70) turtledove y gu x o guegue *m-kraw (118) among, between, tci go got! go ,33 ?*koij/kor (STEDT) center firm, secure gu gue grain, kernel gu t§ht gou - t§ht me gou lamp mfi gu ma33gu33 pair gu g(i ('team (of cattle)') ga 241 thunder mu gti mii go ma55go 33 upside down do g 6 gu i - gui

Further evidence for the etymology of 'foot' comes from other Qiangic languages (Daofu

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rko, Ergong ^ko). Taoping dzi55 is cognate with forms in Northern Qiang (Mawo d ja qu, Yadu dzu qu).

*x. *Y- SQD reconstructs these proto-phonemes, which I maintain are not distinct from

*X, *ts. Following is the SQD support for PSQ *x (to which I have added Longxi and Mianchi, and missing Taoping cognates).

Gloss Wasi | Lobu i Taoping ! Zeng- ! Jiuzi- 1 Ruoda- 1 Longxi Mian zhai i ; tou ■ zhai chi j ying i i needle xe ; he | Xe55 ! xe xe i xe Xe~ xe i i i ; Xei 1 fragrant ! ! XU55 XU j XU | XU ! xo ; XOU ! hunt ; x °5S k a 3 3 xoxo j xosui xoxo ■ qho oy xo

wash Xua55 la 55 xola i xwola I xo i Xola ; ( k o ) j ! i Xua la

green xwe ; hwi j xue 33 xwe I XU ! xwe i p e t X? X«e ; xue 31 I 'veget X# able' 'green j I i ! and glossy'

j i yellow xa j xaSS Xa 33 xae ! Jje I xae X^ Xa

The above are the principal sets given by Chang to support PSQ *x. It is evident that this proto-segment is the same as the one I have transcribed *x, based on data that are better transcribed than those Professor Chang had access to. The following set is problematic, and is discussed further under *fi (3.3.1.7). Unfortunately, the phonetic reality of [bl is not explained in SQD, due no doubt to the difficulty of interpreting Wen's "impressionistic and cumbersome phonetic notation" (SQD p426). In Lobuzhai, this graph appears to refer to [fi], as the only lexeme given for which h occurs is 'ten'; similarly, in Mianchi /fi/ only occurs in 'ten' and its compounds, in the

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downward verbal prefix fia, and in that' and its compounds. This is the same as the distribution of /h/ in Ekou Yadu.

Gloss ! Wasi Lobu- ! Tao- Zeng- i Jiuzi ! Ruoda- I Longxi Mian- | zhai ! P“ g i tou ying | zhai i ! chi ten ! bad^jo x a 31 j hady ! xadu ; xady : fiadzo j fiaditi 33 i dy j ; (qo)

PSQ *x can often be traced to PTB *kr- initials:

wash *kruw=kraw STC 117 green *kruq STC 382 needle *k-rap JAM 1997aifi

The complex fate of PTB *kr- is discussed further under PSQ *khr- (3.3.1.8.4). The sets 'bowl', 'wheat', 'willing', 'five', 'downstairs', 'help', 'stone', and 'shout' are

apparently the sets that Chang uses to reconstruct PSQ *y. I have included these sets below (except for 'downstairs', which does not appear in the data for the key dialects), along with Longxi and Mianchi forms, and my PSQ reconstructions (at least of the initials).

For all of these sets, Chang's *y corresponds perfectly with my PSQ reconstruction *k-. The forms for 'wheat' and 'stone' point to PSQ (and PQ)*xl-- The initials of Wasi correspond directly with those of Mianchi, and Zengtou with Taoping. The correspondences may be summarized as follows:

16 Written Burmese has an odd reflex lap, and Lahu has go? (cf. Matisoff 1997a:21, TSR #191).

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Table 3.4 Reflexes of PSQ * k, etc.

! zhai ping ! tOU ! ymg zhai chi

KW KU | Yw

The following are the supporting forms:

f™ rn" 1 Gloss ; Wasi j Lobu- Tao ! Zeng- I Jiuzi- { Ruoda- ! Longxi Mian PSQ | zhai ping | tou i ying | zhai chi bowl j yo i yu KU241 j bU yu ! ywa it Kh KOU *KU ~ i j i *KOU ! will yu KU ! hu yu KO — KO KOU Zji *K- ing i ~ KOU 1 & five wa ywe KUO33 i bwa i ywa ! i Kue Kua qo *Kwa help wa ?Ywa sua31 hobwa | ywa i Kua te Kua *Kwa shout KU333^, ; bu?a ywi ! ywa?a * Kuata Kua *Kwa a 33 ! wheat le ys KU3241 ! bwa i y» ‘ ywo K3 le *Xlo/e stone lo yopja KO241 I bo ! yo : yo | KO lu lo *Xlo

Taoping ’willing' is based on Chang's citation tu. I have not been able to locate this form in either ZYC or QYJZ. Of the above forms, two have PTB reconstructions in STC:

five *l-rja (78), 'stone' *r-luq ( 8 8 ). The *l-q initial of'five' became a uvular initial before the division into Northern and Southern dialects (Yadu, Mawo Kua), although the velar nasal had been maintained as late as Proto-Qiangic:

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Ergong wque Ersu qua'33 Guiqiong qe3S Muya qa35 Namuyi qa33 Queyu qua55tca53 rGyalrong ka mqo

Northern Qiang 'wheat' (Yadu, Mawo tr/a), 'stone' (Mawo k Iu pi) further indicate the presence of *%l in PQ.

* 0 > LX, MC, TP /q/ (about 10 sets). For this set there are no changes from proto-initial to extant dialects.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB bovine, cow qo mia qo Z)31qu33 *qwa (215) cry, weep qfi — qa55 *qaw (79) be/copula qii 1 7 que qua33 have/exist qo qa qa33 know, be able to que — que33

3.3.1.6 Uvulars No changes have occurred in the uvular series, with the possible exception of Taoping reflexes of *qh. It appears that in Taoping *qh > fy j /_ o, as there are no instances of the sequence /qho/ in the Taoping data.

*q > LX, MC, TP /q/ (about 52 sets, 18 of which have reflexes in all three dialects). PSQ *q- comes from PTB *k-, but it is not clear why certain PTB *k- forms have reflexes in PSQ *q, and others in *qh. It is also unclear how PTB *velars have become both velars

and uvulars. The following sets show the clear relationship between PTB *k and PSQ *q. In the case of 'penis' the PTB *final has been syllabified.

17 As mentioned in 2.2.2.1, n., this Longxi initial is fortis.

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G lo s s fônyxi Mianchi T a o p in g e t c head qa ba tst qa bâ tstqa33 po 55 t§i33 *s-koq * s-kok (STEDT) brain qa rva qe rva qa31 x*va33 (*s-nuk(483))18 comb (n.) qa-c£ qe sui qa3Isua33 (*m-si(y) (466)) hold in mouth qa qoti qu 33 *ku(w) (184) lid, cover ta-qo tshaqii qu 31qu33 *gop * kop (STEDT) nose ti bd-qa na q i pi Xni 31 qo 55 pa 33 ♦s-na(-r) ( 1 0 1 ) face qa qhua qaxa -- (♦kwa (S T E D T )) fear qo 19 kou qu 33 *grak~'krak (473) I, me qa — qa35 *ka (p93) penis liaqa liaqe — ♦r-U-k (STEDT) rooster y q h i qou yi3lqu53 *s-kyu Cmale') strength — dâqa d ^ i2**qa 33 PLB *k-ra 2P (STEDT) win taqo qata3Iqa ; da31qe33 PLB *k-ra 2/3 (STEDT) wrap qh ta qua35te35 ♦klup (479) tongue za qa zt qe zi3,qa35 leaf qa ma (pho)ca qe tcha 35qa33

The first morpheme of 'brain', 'comb', and bead' is apparently bead'. The etymologies for 'brain', 'comb' are in parentheses, because the root given is not that of the *q-initial syllable. The q- syllables in 'nose', tongue', leaf may ultimately be the same morpheme, meaning

'pointed part' (cf. Longxi qa d$, Taoping qa 55 tsie33 'pointed'). Win' and 'strength' are apparently from the same etymological root, and provide evidence for this etymon outside of Lolo-Burmese.

*qh > LX, MC, TP /qh/ (about 10 sets). Many of these forms, like those under *q, may be traced to PTB *k. At this time it is not possible to discern the conditioning factors that determine whether PTB *k- is reflected by PSQ *q or *qh (e.g., bitter' (below) versus T (above)). Note, however, that there are about twice as many PSQ *q sets as *qh sets.

18 Roots in parentheses are supported by morphemes which are not the subject of the present comparison.

19 'fear difficulty'

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB. etc. bitter, salty qha qha qha 35 *ka ( 8 ) fox qha gua qha gua^ qha 33xgua 33 cf. Akha k'a^ 'animal prefix' 20 mountain valley qhua ci qhu4 b^a ~ qhua qo - qhue noodles qha mi qha 31thu 55 wall qha tsii — qhua 55

In addition to these two uvular stops, Chang (SQD) posits PSQ *G. apparently

based on the only two published Taoping forms with this consonant: xG a 24,ce33 'gnaw' and

xG a 3%9S5q9 33 Xishangzhai (place name)', neither of which is cited in his paper. In the

other key dialects, this cluster in 'gnaw' corresponds to Ik-1:

Mawo KdJ la Yadu saeii Longxi sa ca Mianchi Be b£

As mentioned in section 2.2.3.1, Taoping /G l only occurs as the second element in clusters; it never occurs as an independent phoneme. Given its tenuous status in Taoping (there are no occurrences of the cluster lyKl, which I maintain is the true underlying form for /xG/), and the fact that there is no unique correspondence that may be established for it, there does not seem to be adequate evidence to posit *G as an independent PSQ phoneme. When investigating Dayang Pumi. Prof. Matisoff initially thought that there was such a sound in qddu 'walnut', "but it proved to be illusory" (Matisoff, p.c.).

*X > LX. MC, TP /x/ (about 21 sets, 6 with reflexes in all three dialects). With the exception of'wither1, none of these forms are traceable to PTB.

20 I have Professor Matisoff to thank for pointing this out. The second syllable of ’fox’ is from PTB *gwa (STC p34).

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB wither fiaxa ta3Ixa *hwa:y 2i f r a g r a n t Xo Xoii X u ” full of food taxei Xe-taxe Xa needle Xe~xei Xe Xe»55 33 shoulder liax& 1 Xe la3Ixa 55pi wash Xola Xua la 22 Xua55la” yellow Xa X* Xa5Sxa 33

In phonetic transcription, Chang uses /h/ where others use lyj (Taoping ho Tiunt' ZYC has

Xossk 9 33, hwsla 'wash', ZYC xua 35/a35). PSQ *x appears to be the same as Chang's *h; however, because he does not define which sets represent *h, it is not possible to state this correspondence definitely.

*k > LX, MC, TP /k/ (about 21 sets, 8 with reflexes in all three dialects). The first four

forms indicate that PSQ *k often comes from PTB *q(w)a. Gloss Longxi Mianchi laaj PTB five mie miaqo K u a *l-qa (78) goose 23 k o uo k u 31; *qa-n (p99) qan13KQ31 older brother's wife mid tci mie tci *qwap (p50) monkey mia sa mia sa PKN *qa:w (pl92) bowl k O KOU KU241 buckwheat zua Ka d z u a Ka dzua31Ka33 cf. Lahu ga cry out, call out mia ta mia mia33 ^ a 33 hang (on wall )24 mid t s mid mie 33 31 help 23 Kua te mia k u q silk, satin mie KUE Kue33xto33

21 (JAM-LITB 6.2; GSTC #98)

22 Bound form in 'wash basin'.

23 The second form is 'wild goose'.

24 These forms look much like Mandarin gua, but none of them appear with the suffix usually attached to borrowed verbs.

25 Cf. Jingpho ga 'do communal labor1, Lahu ga Tielp'. My thanks to Jim Matisoff for pointing out these cognates.

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As shown under the discussion of * velars above (table 3.4), /k/ in the three key Southern dialects corresponds to l\l in Wasi. Lobuzhai, Jiuziying, and Ruodazhai, and to /h/ in Zengtou and Taoping (Chang's transcription). In addition, Ruodazhai !\a J roughly corresponds to Jiuziying, Zengtou /zj/:

GIpss Ruodazhai Jiuziving Zengtpu delicious bzje zje sing hzjo zjo zjo stand h?i ri ?i wait bzy zo zju

Ruodazhai /h/ does not correspond to any segments in the key dialects. Aside from these forms, and the Chang forms cited in the discussion of *x and *y (section 3.3.1.5), there are no regular correspondences that could be used to establish the presence of PSQ *b, although it is asserted in SQD.

3.3.1.7 Glottal

The only possibly reconstructible glottal sound is *fi. Although there is correspondence between Longxi and Mianchi; this sound has vanished completely from Taoping. Ronghong Yadu has /fi/ in the downward prefix, but not in 'ten'.

*fi > LX, MC /fi/, TP ?? (2 sets)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Ronghong DOWN (pfx) fia - fia - s' fia, fia, fio ten fia dzo fia did (qo) xa 31dy33 hotcu

Although there are only two cognate /fi/ morphemes in Longxi and Mianchi, they occur with high frequency because of their roles in verb morphology and in the number system. In addition, there are four other morphemes with /fi/ in Longxi or Mianchi. If *fi can be

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reconstructed for PSQ, then its reflex in Taoping is either /// ('ten', 'bowl'), /th/ ('s/he'), or retroflexion of the rhyme ('DOWN'). The other occurrences of /fi/ are (probable non cognates in curly braces):

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping bowl, etc. (CL) fid qo Xgy 33 that {tha} fia {tha33} Tibetan la fifi {ma §a} liter (liquid) fill {ce} {pu55}

3.3.1.8 Cluster initials Among the three key Southern dialects, *clusters are preserved directly in Taoping, and to a very small extent in the other two dialects. All of the auxiliary Southern dialects preserve more clusters than do Longxi and Mianchi. It is my estimation that the near-total loss of clusters in Longxi and Mianchi is not as much a matter of dialect location as it is one of time of sampling. As shown in the dialect maps in the introduction, Mianchi and Longxi are geographically very close to the other SQ dialects. However, there are significant time differences between the times of data sampling: Wen Yu gathered his data in the 1930's and 40's, Sun Hongkai in the 50's, and I transcribed Longxi and Mianchi in the 90's. As early as the decade of the 1950's Sun Hongkai recorded the simplification and loss of initial consonant clusters in Taoping. The following chart shows the differences in pronunciation

between older and younger speakers in the 1950's ( QYJZ, plO). I have included Northern

Qiang forms to show that these clusters are shared at the PQ level.

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Gloss Older speakers Younger speakers Yadu Mawo PSQ new khsi 55 tshi 55 khsa khsa *khs- comb (v.) khgua 55 tghua 55 khueJ kha 1 la *khrua pianniifl6 khci 55 tchi 55 khgs — *khc- hot (spicy) gzi241 dzi241 gza — *gz- plowshare g^ue33 dz_ue55 — — *gr- light (weight) gzy33 dzy33 guj tSE gZJZ tsu *g*- mountain qhsua 55 tshua 55 — qhsap *qhs-

For the purposes of historical comparison, it is unfortunate that Sun only recorded the speech of younger speakers in his lexicon. Some of these forms provide the sole suppon for certain PSQ *clusters. Due to the loss of clusters in Longxi and Taoping, data from auxiliary dialects will be used as needed to bolster reconstruction of PSQ ^clusters. Mawo and Yadu data will also be used to demonstrate that clusters in Taoping are inherited from an earlier stage and are not innovations.

The three key SQ dialects provide evidence for the following ^clusters:

(*pz) *bz (*pr) *phr *br (*sm) (*sn) (*sl) *khs *khr *khc (*gz) (*gz) *gr (*qhs) *qhr *XP *xt *xt§ (*Xtc) *xk (*XPh) *Xb *Xd *X) (*xq) *XZ (*XZ) *X1

With the exception of the tentative reconstruction *gr, all PSQ clusters have either a labial or a fricative C {. The articulation and voicing of *%- in PSQ ^clusters was no doubt

affected by the place and voicing of C2, as in extant dialects with clusters.

26 A cross between a yak and a cow.

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Chang {SQD) reconstructs many more PSQ clusters than these. Below I have highlighted those clusters that appear to be the same as clusters or plain initials that I have also reconstructed. Note also that some sounds that I have reconstructed as clusters are *plain initials in Chang's system (e.g., my *%m is the same as Chang's *mh (pi)). Following Chang's chait is a table that presents the cluster equivalents in the two systems (R = prefixed fricative. B = prefixed labial, G= prefixed stop):

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Table 3.5 PSQ ^clusters, according to SQD (chart 10)

-j -r I B- ! B-j ! B-r | R- ; R-J R-r ; G G-r I i( 1 : pj pr 1 ! Rp ! I ! ! | Phj phr 1 ! | ! f ; : ] ; 1 f ; bj br Rb i mj ! | Rm Rmj I j mhj ; ! ! I i tj Bt ; i Rt **u i ! i ! I ! I ! dj Bd ! t R d i i 1 tsj tsr Bts Btsj ! Btsr Rtsj j Rtsr | Gts Gtsr tshj tshr Btsh Btshj | Btshr | j Gtsh ! Gtshr dzj dzr Bdz Bdzj i Bdzr j Rdzj I Rdzr j Gdz Gdzr sj sr Bs Bsr Gs IS Bzr i zj Bz ! j u ' 1 : 1

S'-. y : : : _ 1 nj i Rn Rnj j nhj j ; | | ■ kj kr ! Rk Rkj ! : i khj khr I : ' ' gj Rg Rgj j 1 1 1 i ' ! 1 XJ : ! ! ! ; ! 1 : ! Yj 1 r y Ryj ! ; I ! Rq ! | Ii qj Rq i * | 1 : qhj j i 1 1 ; ; |||: Gj j !!i; hj i 1 : : I bj | i ! i i i The apparent equivalents are as follows:

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Chans (SOD) Evans *pr *pr *Rp *XP *phr *phr *br *br *Rb *xb *mh * x m *Rm *sm, ‘x m *Rt *xt *Rd *xd *nh *Xn *tsj *tc *Rtsj *XtG *tshj *tch *dzj *dz *Rdzj *xdz *sj *G *zj *Z *nhj *xn. *tsr *t§ *Rtsr *x*§ *tshr *t§h *dzr *c5. *Rdzr *X d^. *sr *§ *zr *Bz *pz, *bz *Rn *sn *Rk *Xk *gr *gr *Rg *xg *qh *X0 *Rq *xq

The mapping of equivalents is not entirely one-to-one, as SQD *Bz and *Rm each have two corresponding proto-clusters in my system. My reconstructed clusters *xl, *xG have no equivalents in SQD. Within each pre-initial series, support for reconstructions within both systems will be discussed. Among the key SQ dialects Taoping is the main indicator for ‘clusters, and generally maintains the PSQ initial. However, the data are presented with the abovementioned caveat that the Taoping data evidently contain both typographic errors and a propensity for over-transcription (as in the case of the alveo-palatal "series").

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Support for PSQ ^clusters is much scarcer than for *plain initials, with the number of supporting sets ranging from one (*p^_, *gr) up to eleven (*xg)- I have placed in parentheses those ^clusters whose support consists of two or fewer supporting sets. The poorly supported sets appear with the others in their respective series. However, *br is discussed before other *labial-r clusters, because it gives evidence for the reconstruction of *r over *z^ as the second element of the clusters in its series.

3.3.1.8.1 Labial pre-initials

With the exception of *pz, *bz, *pr, Longxi and Mianchi reflexes of PSQ *labial clusters are highly problematic, and impossible (at this point) to further specify.

*pz > LX, MC /p/, TP /pz/ (2 sets)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Jiuziving PTB intestines {pu} -- pzi 33 ptsi *s-pa-y (STEDT), via meta thesis? LX from PTB *pu (STEDT) tiger pi& pi da pzi 3Ida33 pei sda

Cognates of 'intestines' can be found in Northern Qiang and Qiangic: Yadu pis intestines Mawo tja pu large intestine Guiqiong pi 35t533 intestines Jinghua PumiP3i55 intestines N. rGyalrong to°pu intestines / bowels

It is not yet clear whether these forms represent two Qiangic roots, or only one. There do not appear to be Qiangic cognates of 'tiger1.

*bz > LX /b/, MC fbzj, TP /bz/ (2 sets).

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Q l g s s Longxi Mianchi Tapping cloth bii mia b 55.i1 mia bz} 31me33 sunrise cua qan be -- bzia 31

SQD combines *bz, *pz under the reconstruction *Bz. In addition to Taoping and

Mianchi, Wen's Zengtou, Jiuziying and Ruodazhai preserve these two clusters (SQD chart

2, changed to Wen's transcription). The initial ^cluster of 'thin' is apparently from metathesis of the *r final.

QlPS? ZCDgtPU Jiuziying Ruodazhai PTB thin (of paper) bzi brj bzi *pe:r (340) intestines pzi ptsi pzr\ tiger pr\ da pei Kda pz] da cloth bzi me ba rwi bz-] me

It is not apparent why SQD blurs the voicing distinction between these two ^clusters in

reconstructing Proto-Southern Qiang *Bz. In addition to bilabial clusters that are inherited from PSQ, Jiuziying, Zengtou, and Ruodazhai all have many secondary bilabial clusters which are similar to those found in Mianchi (2.2.1.1). As in Mianchi (cf. 2.2.1.1), there are two types of secondary bilabial clusters, the first of which occurs under the following conditions:

0 > [bilabial stop]/ _ [dental/retroflex obstruent] *u

Secondary bilabialization of this type may be seen in the following forms taken from Wen 1950b (Taoping forms are cited for comparison):

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Gloss Jiuzivinp Tapping PTB water ptsi ttsua c n ^33 3 *twiy=tway (168), *tsu (STEDT) ignite, kindle ptsi tsua33 mountain pts'i tshua 55 swallow (v.) bdz^ si31dzua33 chopsticks bdy dua33 field b?.l zua33

All of the Jiuziying words with secondary bilabial cluster initials have transphonologized the lip-rounding of the *vowel to form the labial pre-initial. Bilabialization of obstruents accounts for the data that SQD presents to support the following *clusters, none of which I see a need to reconstruct:

*Bt *Bd *Bts *Btsj *Btsr *Btsh *Btshj *Btshr *Bdz *Bdzj *Bdzr *Bs *Bsr

Jiuziying also has secondary bilabial clusters that are the result of palatalization of labial initials. Unlike the previous class of clusters, here the bilabial closure is phonemic:

0 > qJ [voiceless bilabial stopL •

Glass Jiuziving Longxi spittle pcie ja pia plant (v.) (a-) pc'ie phia

As indicated in the above rule, this process only occurs with /p, ph/, and not with /b/. For the Jiuziying forms, the palatalization is barely audible, although Wen mistook it as primary:

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When used as the so-called prefixes ["pre-initials" — JPE] /p/ and fb! are in general much less prominent than the root initials.... But in a few cases, they are rather heavy and make the root initial inaudible. E.g. /pcie xaJ (spittle) sounds rather like [pie ja] than [cie ja],..." (Wen 1950b: 19)

While it is clear that these palatals are of secondary origin, it is equally clear that this rule is either irregularly applied in Jiuziying or that the palatalization was not always audible to the researcher, as it does not show up in any of the 'pig' words, nor in borrowed vocabulary:

QlgSS Jiuziving pig pie lard pi(e) sa flat (b) pi pi slow (b) p'i t'a

* b r > LX /b(j)/, MC /b tJ, TP fb zj ( 6 sets). That *br may be traced back to PQ, and even PQic. may be seen by the following sets:

Glos? Longxi Mianchi Tapping Yadu Mawo Qiangic and PTB rope bei bê bê 33 -- biâ Ersu p§iss Dayang Pumi bêN rGyalrong to brE ashes mii-be -- ma 33bî 241 bu tcicibu^ ?PTB *pla (137) break (v.i. of — {§b pha^} bzjt 33 — -- Eigong b%e rope, etc.) Taoba Pumi th o! 3p %,e 13 rGyalrong ko mbrvt PTB *N-prat (STEDT) child tci bi ke bjî tst t§i 33bî 33 — big bia ~ ba bâ bâ 33 bje bar thin, slender be b ^ i bjî 33 ba sej bô tsi ~ -- bar tsi

In addition to these forms, there are two sets for which the Taoping form is aberrant in not preserving evidence for *r. The first set is Tiigh': Longxi bo, Mianchi bs^u, Taoping bu33; Yadu bn, Mawo bu1. This form may be traced back to Proto-Qiangic, at which time it still preserved the nasal prefix of PTB *m-raq (STC p43) (rGyalrong ko mbro, Namuyi

da 55 mo33). Note that in Qiang the fb/ pre-initial has originated either from denasalization of the initial, or has arisen epenthetically between *m-r due to speakers' mis-timing of

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articulators (n.b. rGyalrong form) with subsequent loss of *m. Ergong bzi indicates that other sub-branches of Qiangic have denasalized the prefix. The second such set is 'smallpox': Taoping bo241, Jiuziying fcuo, Mawo buJ. I reconstruct this etymon as *bro; there is no explanation for the reduction of the cluster in Taoping, except for the general trend of cluster simplification observed in SQ dialects. Another variation occurs in words for 'stinking', for which there were apparently two forms at the PSQ level, one with initial *br (Taoping, Zengtou, Jiuziying, Ruodazhai), and a two-syllable form with plain *b- initial that can be traced back to PQ (Longxi, Mianchi, Yadu, Mawo):

gloss Taoping ! Zengtou j Jiuziying ! Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi ! Yadu ! Mawo ; | ; zhai stink b^_i 33 | b?ui 1 brui j b?ui tots& bu t§£ bo xt§e da to i ! 1 ing ! 1 - 1 Xt§»

For this PSQ ^cluster, I have reconstructed *br rather than *bz^ because Longxi maintains the distinction between *r and (3.3.1.3), and indicates a reflex of *r in 'big'.

However, there is not enough evidence to claim a distinction between *br, *b^. in PSQ.

My reconstructed *br corresponds directly with the SQD sets that Chang apparently uses to

support both *br and *Bzr (there is no indication of how he distinguishes these two). With the exception of 'stinky' (above), the sets he gives are as follows (I have filled in some missing Taoping forms):

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For all remaining rhotacized proto-clusters, I reconstruct *r.

*pr > LX /p/, MC IbzJ, TP fp zj (hapax)

GlQSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping Jiuziving thick, wide pa b^a p^e 55 pts-j hri ('large intestines')

The Mianchi and Jiuziying reflexes show voicing assimilation of the pre-initial; all Mianchi clusters (p§, b^. (mO) agree in voicing. Although the Mianchi and Jiuziying forms appear to be cognates of Trig' (cf. *br, above), Longxi and Taoping, combined with Northern Qiang forms indicate that these two words are distinct at the PSQ and PQ levels:

Gloss Ekou Yadu Ronghong Yadu Mawo big biE ba bai thick, wide -- po pu

Thick (in diameter)' is the only set that SQD uses to support *pr/*Bzr (Zengtou p%e , Jiuziying pe).

*phr > LX /ph/, MC /p§/, TP /ph z j (about 8 sets, with 4 supported by LX, MC). For 'open (eye)', 'tear.rip' Mianchi has apparently transphonologized the *r of the proto-initial into vowel rhotacization:

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Gloss ! Longxi Mianchi Taoping |X adu Mawo i Qiangic white j phe pgi ph^i 55 I pbJi§ phi Ergong ph§iu 1 i \ ph§u, Namuyi ; j I i p/ni 55/u55,Taoba j Pumi ph^a 55 1 m s53, rGyalrong i I 1 i i kdpram

letter, ; phu | pge | phie : -- i zatphi news j i I! i means, ; — | p § 6 the j Ph^. 133 i pha 1 ,■ Pumi.Taoba way i ; ! ; ! rd3Sph ^e 3f, t Shixing ri33pass j wet, moist | pha ' — ! ph^e 31 phiaq ' —

I 55 ph^e !

1 i ___ lime Xo33ph^.i 55 ! - ka rpu .

open (eye) to phe i ph^ ph^a 55 — i Ersu p a 155 tear, rip phfi phu i §e phii ph^i 33 phn phiJ phi 1 Ergong p§i,

; pho- phje j Namuyi mph§ j 3S, rGyalrong, kn i p n , Shixing 1 i 5 33 I pa Sre

For 'white', Matisoff reconstructs PQic *pram (Matisoff 1997b). probably related to PTB *plu (STC p41); n.b. Namuyi phusslu3s. Tear, rip' is no doubt descended from PTB *mrak-~brak (STC #147): however, the devoicing of the initial in the entire Qiangic branch is mysterious. It may reflect the PTB *s- prefix, which marks both causation and increased verb valence.

The following set appears, based on the Taoping and Longxi forms, to reflect PSQ *phr (PTB *pruk (STC 391). However, the Mianchi reflex suggests a different PSQ ♦initial, as does the Yadu form; there are no supporting forms in Qiangic outside of Qiang.

GloSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping Yadu scratch pha da phi£ ph^] 3Iph^_a 55 dze eJ

It appears that in PQ there was variation between *phra - *phia.

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In addition to the abovementioned labial clusters, SQD proposes *mj, *mhj. apparently based on the following (Taoping forms in parentheses are not cited in SQD):

gloss i Wasi | Lobu- Taoping Zengtou Jiuziying | Ruoda- Longxi ' Mianchi i zhai i : i zhai NEG mji i (mi55) ' mi mi i mi mi 1 mi eye ma • mjapu | mi55 j mi ! mi mi mi- (in me tie (mha) ; : com 1 1 i i 1 i pounds i i ! ] ! i only) smell i mhe i I (xmi55) j mhi j mhje | mi (v) ; : ' j ! j pine ! mhja j §pja j (xma55) mae | mhje | ; mia-frfio tree ! i

I reconstruct these as follows: NEG *mi PTB *ma (p96) eye *mia PTB *s-myak * s-mik (402) smell (v) *smi PTB *m/s-nam (464) pine tree *smia For NEG, I hold that the -j- in Wasi is an over-transcription; there is no evidence from the other dialects to add a medial to this syllable. For 'eye', Lobuzhai provides the only evidence in Southern Qiang for medial *-i- (PTB *s-myak x s-mik, STC 402). However, Mawo mi - mja demonstrates that the PTB alternation *ya x *i has been maintained to the present, with certain dialects reflecting *ya (Lobuzhai, Mianchi(?), Mawo), and the rest reflecting *i. I have reconstructed as diphthongs what SQD presents as sequences of *jV. I have chosen this analysis of PSQ for the same reasons that I chose it for Mianchi and Longxi (cf. Chapter 2).

3 .3 .1 .8 .2 Dental pre-initials *sm > LX c /_ i; x _ u; MC /m/, TP /xm/, Jiuziying /pi/ (three sets)

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GlgSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping Jiuziving PTB body hair ra-xu mu x ^ 33 qy piY 27 *s/r-m(u/i)l (pp 15 -16) smell, sniff cl ta mi x mi 55 (ty) piie PTB *m/s-nam (464) pine (n.) -- mia-s 6 x m ° 55 pu

Mianchi and Taoping do not distinguish PSQ *sm- and *xm-. However, Longxi voiceless fricatives and Jiuziying voiceless nasals provide evidence that these ^clusters were separate at the level of PSQ. For 'smell' most Qiangic languages reflect PQic *sn-, as evidenced by the following verbs for 'smell/sniff:

rGyalrong (DQ) sna no rGyaNW (SHK) kae nam nam Ergong snui no Jinghua Pumi xaI 3pia 55 Taoba Pumi xa 35[t>6 35 Shixing byS 5po 55 Queyu ta35lu55nu 55 Muya (SHK) khui 55nui 53 Zhaba (SHK) ta 35 lu55 nu 55

However. Namuyi hi 3^h / 55 indicates that a *sm- root for 'smell' must also be reconstructed

at the PQic level (cf. hu 33 'feather, hair (of head)').

*sl > LX /s, 1/, MC /l, 1/, TP /c, §/ (hapax)

GJo.?S Lonpci Mianchi Tapping PTB moon si cua ~ la cua la — la cy 33cya55, §i33 2 8 *s-gla (144)

SQD appears to treat this initial as *1. However, the fact that the PTB *cluster was maintained in PSQ is clear from the alternations in all three dialects. It appears that evidence for this *cluster is disappearing: in Mianchi, only certain speakers pronounce

27 'head hair 1

28 PTB *s-la (STC #144).

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'moon' as id.

SQD proposes the dental and obstruent clusters *tsj, *tshj, *dzj, *sj, *zj, *nj, *tsr, *tshr, *dzr, *sr. *zr, which I have reconstructed as the palatal and retroflex series *tc, *tch,

*dz, *c, *z, *ru *t§, *t§h, *d^, *§, * 7^. SQD also proposes PSQ *tj, but does not provide any support for this cluster. Chang provides two sets that apparently support *lj:

gloss ! Wasi ^ Lobuzhai ! Taoping i Zengtou ; Jiuziying ! Ruodazhai li come ; yu ! j ly33 i iy | lu i *y I wide : la ! ! Ue33 1 1 ^ ______|

'Come' I have reconstructed as PSQ *ly (Longxi Id, Mianchi nil). Wide' is more complex, as there appear to be two similar roots with similar semantics: wide, broad PSQ *la Taoping la 33 Wasi la Longxi la Mianchi la Without support from Taoping, it is not possible to distinguish between the two proto- vowels. External evidence for *la comes from Yadu la.

wide, thick PSQ *lie or *lia Ruodazhai le Taoping lie 33 Mianchi lia

External support is lent by Mawo li, Yadu lie.

*sn > LX Id, MC In, til, TP /c, XL Xh/ (four sets). The cluster *sn- is problematic in Qiang. There is direct evidence for the preservation of PTB *s-n- into Proto-Qiangic, with the strongest evidence coming from rGyalrong and from Ersu, in which the *s- prefix has been syllabified:

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GlQSS PTB £fSU iGvalrong heart *s-nii] (STC 367) si55ivi55 ta JnE seven *s-nis (STC 5) Xi55p 55 ka Jnas nose *s-na(*r) (STC 101) siS5nbu55 tajna

Thus it is clear that at the level of Proto-Qiangic, the Tibeto-Burman proto-cluster remained ♦sibilant + nasal. Additional support comes from 'ear of grain' (PTB *s-nam (Matisoff 1997a)), although the etymon is not attested in iGyalrong or Ersu:

Ergong sno 2j n t Jinghua Pumi pia 55 Taoba Pumi pi 53 Queyu §a35pe 53

Within Qiang itself, the situation becomes more complicated. In Northern Qiang, all nasality of the proto-cluster has disappeared: Yadu reflexes have /etc-/ and Mawo has /st-/. Although there is no direct evidence for ^nasality, the reflexes of PTB *s-n- are regular

GlQSS Yadu Mawo heart ctcij mie sti: mi seven ctca sta nose ctcyas stY-q ear (of grain) ctcax stiaq

In Southern Qiang, the reflexes in Mianchi and Taoping are inexplicably irregular,

although Longxi is regular:

GlOSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping heart ci mi tie mii xtie 111355 seven ci naqo ciq 33 ear (of grain) ca qa le ti x ^ 55 q^ 33 nose -- na q^ pi x iU 3Iqo 55pa 33

Because the Longxi form ti bd-qs 'nose' does not appear to be cognate to the other two forms, the key dialects are ambiguous in their support for this ^cluster — their forms could

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come from *xn_ (cf. xyz). However, the Northern Qiang forms (above), coupled with the auxiliary dialects Wasi and Zengtou unequivocally support *sn-:

Gloss | Wasi Lobuzhai | Zengtou | Jiuziying Ruodazhai

1 heart j §tjeme j tjema 1 htje

seven ' hne se j nhe nose | niqopa :nhapaqa ; nhe

We note that all SQ dialects have denasalized the initial *cluster of ’heart'. For 'seven', 'nose' only Mianchi and Jiuziying have consistent reflexes of the proto-cluster. I have no explanation at this time for this irregularity in Southern Qiang. Nonetheless it is clear from the Jiuziying reflexes of 'seven', 'nose' that as late as the time of PSQ, at least these two forms had preserved PTB *sn- in something like its original shape. It seems especially unusual to me that Taoping, with its relatively great number of initial clusters, has no regular reflex of *sn-. Chang's *Rn- appears to correspond with my PSQ *sn-, and possibly *xn (cf. 3.3.1.8.5).

3 .3 .1 .8 .3 Palatal pre-initials SQD reconstructs *nhj (*&,), based apparently on the following:

gloss Wasi | Lobu- ! Taoping Zengtou Jiuziying Ruoda Longxi i Mianchi : zhai zhai i slip- ; nha t ! nha nhja nha (2Li) na pery j 1 , . i oil, I (xn»o55) no nhje nhjo n.i aa fat 'oily'

red 1 (x n j 31 ni nhi nhi Cl ! na 1 i 1 i tu 33) i ______1

Again, it is clear that if Chang had had access to the Taoping forms, and to the Longxi

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forms, he probably would have reconstructed this initial as a cluster, perhaps our *xn,- (3.3.1.8.5). Note that in my reconstruction of *xiu I have omitted 'slippery', because Jiuziying, not a key dialect, is the only variety to show evidence for a palatal ^initial. 'Oil, fat' may come from a prefixed PTB root *nam (STEDT). 'Red' is from PTB *(r-)ni (p46). As an aside, I should point out that Chang's retranscription of Jiuziying in this set truly puzzles me. Wen (1950b) transcribes these words as pia 'slippery', pio 'oil', pi 'red', without the double palatalization that Chang's *nhj- indicates.

3 .3 .1 . 8 .4 Velar pre-initials

PSQ *velar clusters are not attested by Taoping's younger speakers. For some clusters there is additional support from auxiliary clusters. I have included data from Taoping's older speakers (OS), where available, alongside data from younger speakers (YS).

*khs >LX {tsh_ e; /tch/ elsewhere}; MC /s/, TP (OS) /khs/, TP (YS) /tsh/ (3 sets). There is a fourth set 'tremble' supported by Mianchi, Jiuziying, and NQ. Three' comes from PTB *g-sum (STC 409). Underlined initials in Jiuziying are fortis.

Gloss ! Longxi 1 Mianchi I Taoping Taoping Sanqi- Jiuzi 1 Yadu Mawo j OS YS zhai ying i three ; tshe | s! qo ! tshi 55 'qsi li’i khsa khsi new j tch! j si ; khsi 55 tshi 55 'qsi i&'i 1 khso ; khsa god : a bu ; a pa-se j tshie 33 ’qsi li'e j khsi ' i j tchj i 1 i j tremble I le se se ! i&'a khsa' i t j______| ! ma

**kr. As mentioned earlier, there is insufficient evidence to reconstruct PSQ *kr-. PTB *kr- has two types of reflexes in Southern Qiang. 'Gall', 'sweat', 'skin' show the pattern

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PTB *kr- > PSQ *x(t§)29- 'Satiated1, 'needle', 'be born', 'shoulder1, 'wash' demonstrate PTB

*kr > PSQ *x- It is not yet clear what conditioning factors favored one PSQ reflex over another.

Gloss ; LX | MC 1 TP ! PSQ | Mawo Yadu PTB j gall 1 tst tct Xt§a5S 1 *Xt§3 Xt§3 xtgo *m-kri-t 1

i — s-kri (412) i i sweat : tsii ! t§hii ! Xtguo55 *Xt§u(o) xt§o I xt§uo *s-krwal

I j Ii i 1 ' * S- j (O)krul j i i (STEDT) | skin I tshe pia *m-k-rey * 3 “ *Xt§i j (STEDT) pa33 ! i satiated to xei 1 X e ~ ts X®55 * X e -X3 X9 *kru i ! Xe 1 j (STEDT) needle Xe ~ xei ! Xe Xe55 *Xe Xe Xe *k-rap

t i (JAM 1997a) to be ! Pei X? ! Xue Xue33 *Xue XU ('give Xa § *kniq bom; X? ! ('green') Xue31 birth') ('green') (382) live; ('green | ('green') green and j glossy') j wash Xo la | (ko) xua Xuo55la55 *Xua* Xla xlua 1 *krow

1 . la (117)

shoulder liaxa ! 1 X^ la3Ixa55 * X a - x e d3a Xu lu xu KMR I pi33 pat§ *k(r)oij/k 1 i i (STEDT)

*khr > LX {c/y; tsh elsewhere}; MC {tch/_t: t§h elsewhere}; TP (OS) /kh§/, TP (YS) /tgh/ (4 sets). I have reconstructed this as *khr, rather than **kh§ due to the retro flexed vowels

29 cf. LoIo-Burmese:

GlgSS W. Burmese Lahll PLB sweat khrwe k t *?grwoy 2 gall khre k t *?gray 1

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in Northern Qiang, which indicate PQ medial *r. Longxi and Mianchi 'comb' may not be cognate, which would make the correspondences more regular.

Gloss Longxi i Mianchi j Taoping j Mawo ! Yadu i notes comb, (c$ 0 I (qatosui) J khgua 55 j kha la ; khue' x? | cf. PL brush (v.) i | (OS), i i i *?b(r)iy 2 j i tghua 55 ; (STEDT) eight tshd ! tghe qo j tghe 33 ! khaJ ! khe' 1 SQ initial i cluster ! | i t i suggested by i i i i I : | Jiuziying 1 aha. *b-r- 1 I j ; gyat (163). hundred a tshai j a tghi j tghi 55 1 khiJ I (e)khe 1 j *r-gya (164). ; | PSQ *vowel H i ti i i i supported by i Jiuziying : 1 tghi. PQ *kr i i/e. cf. i ! ; ' i 'eight'. rice (un tshei i tcht 1 i LBZ, JZY cooked) ; | khri; ZT. j RDZ qha i i i

*khc > LX /c, tsh/; MC /s, c/; TP (OS) /khc/; TP (YS) /tch/ (3 sets). More sets are needed in order to sort out the distributions in Longxi, Mianchi, Jiuziying. Further evidence may lead to the division of this ♦cluster.

Gloss Longxi 1 Mianchi 1 Taoping ! Taoping | Jiuziying Yadu Mawo

*gz > LX (?); MC /z/; TP (OS) /gz/; TP (YS) tdzJ (hapax).

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Gloss Longxi i Mianchi 1 Taoping Taoping ! Yadu j Mawo ! PTB 1 i OS ! YS | ! hot I ze gzi241 ; dz-!241 | 1 *(ts/dz)a-t 1 i (spicy) 1 1 ; (62) |1 official ! zeqa I dzi33 gZ3 j gZ3 i

The Longxi form tci appears to be related to tci 'prick, stab', rather than to this etymon.

*gz > LX /dz/, MC /z/, TP (OS) /gz/, TP (YS) /dz/. (hapax) For 'light (weight)', it is clear by comparison with NQ that the Proto-Qiang form was *gry. Taoping preserves the PQ vowel and Northern Qiang preserves evidence of the *r- component. Because the Longxi and Mianchi reflexes of PSQ *gr are different (below), it is apparent that this *cluster lost its rhotacization before the PSQ dialects split.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi i Taoping Taoping Yadu Mawo ; PTB I OS YS 1 light dzo zou gzy 33 ! dzy33 gu'tse g^a tsu ?*r-ya:ij (weight) 1 1 j (328)

*gr > LX /gj, dz/. MC /g, d zj, TP (OS) {gz /_ y, g^_ elsewhere}, TP (YS) {dz _ y, di^ elsewhere} (at least 2 sets). Taoping (OS) and Taoping (YS) palatalize this cluster before

/y/.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping sole of foot gjo ci, gua ci goii pa

It is unfortunate that 'sole of foot' is not recorded in Taoping or in the auxiliary dialects; however, the presence of /gr/ in the cluster-impoverished Longxi is a strong indicator for this reconstruction. SQD and the older speakers of Taoping provide the following evidence for *gr, which is not supported by Longxi or Mianchi:

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gloss ; Wasi j Lobu- TP ! Zengtou Jiuziying Ruoda Longxi | Mianchi

: zhai (OS) i zhai plow-! dzwur grwu gûe33 | d?wu bd?ui bdûi dzii dû share 1

The velar nature of this PSQ ♦cluster is given additional support by Ronghong Yadu gu: ('plowshare' is not recorded for Ekou Yadu or Mawo). The following sets are suggestive of ♦gr-, but are not conclusive:

gloss ! Longxi | Mianchi I Taoping | Mawo | Yadu notes

four ! zt | z tq o 1 d3 i 33 | g33 j g^.3 ; ?STC 410 j ♦b-liy. JZY dzj. i i i i i 2 Z t give zt 1 i g2L3 JZY dzj. square (cf. ! (zue) 1 dze dze d3i241 ! g 7J3 Yd^U TP m2 is i : g2L3 m 'four') i xdzo 31 cognate | with MW. i i I

SQD reconstructs the ♦velar stop clusters *kj, ♦kr, ♦khj, ♦khr, ♦gj, ♦gr. and the fricative clusters *xj, ♦yj- The °nly velar-r clusters that occur in Chang's data are Lobuzhai /khr, gr/ and Jiuziying /khr/. /khr/ occurs in 'rice (raw)', which I have reconstructed with initial cluster *qhr (below), /gr/ occurs in the above-cited 'plowshare'. I do not know why Chang posits ♦kr, unless it is for reasons of symmetry. There is no evidence that I can find in SQD to support the positing of the ♦palatalized velars. There is one palatalized velar form, Ruodazhai gjeta (a place name), but that hardly seems adequate evidence for the suggested proto-cluster. It may be that these ♦clusters are proposed in order to reconcile some odd correspondences, but without stronger evidence, this appears to be an unnecessary multiplication of entities.

3.3.1.8.5 Uvular Pre-initials

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Like the plain *uvulars, the reflexes for this group show little variation, with the most variation appearing in Longxi. *%- clusters often come from PTB *r-, *s- cluster initials. While Longxi, Mianchi usually provide no direct evidence for PSQ ^clusters, it is these two dialects that differentiate *xp, *xph. As mentioned in 2.2.3.1, Taoping lyj pre- initial agrees in voicing with the following initial; the same appears to be true of PSQ *x* (cf. Jiuziying reflexes of PSQ *xm->. The auxiliary dialects Lobuzhai, Jiuziying, and Ruodazhai share this assimilation rule, which appears to go back to the level of Proto- Qiang. Because there is no distinction to be make between *xg and *Kg, e.g., I will reconstruct these as *xg, etc. As in Taoping, probably assimilated (somewhat) to the place of articulation of the following initial.

*qhs > LX (?), MC /s/, TP (OS) /qhs/, TP (YS) /tsh/. (2)

- *'■ T *"-1 Gloss Longxi Mianchi | Taoping ' Taoping Yadu Mawo PTB OS YS dance. tshota sou ta j ! tshu 55 qhsu qhsu jump ; (also (also i ta55 qhsu 'pulse') 'pulse') ! mountain -- sir j qhsua 55 ; tshua 55 j — qhsap ;

*qhr > LX /tsh, qh/, MC /tch, t§h/, TP /qh/ (three forms). For this PSQ ^cluster, Mianchi does not have a regular reflex; the more common Longxi reflex is /tsh/, with /qh/ appearing in 'shoot', an instance of Matisoffs 'prefix preemption' (Matisoff 1972b). PSQ *qhr is best supported by direct evidence from the supplementary dialects, bolstered by support in the key dialects in the following set:

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gloss Wasi Lobu- Taoping j Zengtou j Jiuziying | Ruoda Longxi Mianchi zhai j j j zhai i rice ! tshui khri j qha 33 I qha | khri i qha tshei I tcht i i i i (raw) i ! i i

That the PSQ pre-initial was *qh and not *kh (as apparently supposed in SQD, which does not propose *qhr) is bolstered by the pre-initials in Ruodazhai and Taoping, and further

supported by Northern Qiang (Yadu. Mawo qha1). Additional evidence for PSQ *qhr comes from the following sets:

gloss I Taoping ! Longxi Mianchi | Yadu ; Mawo | shoot(v) j qha 33 1 qho j t§ha 1 qhuJ ; qhuJ cut firewood j qhe 33 {tshua (cut ; qhe' qhe' qha'qhe' I i j down tree)} j 1 1

'Shoot 1 is apparently unrelated to PTB *ga:p (STC 219), as there is a difference in voicing,

place, and in the presence of rhotics in Qiangic (Queyu kd3Sr3 53). The Longxi form for 'cut down tree' is ambiguous between PSQ *qhr- and PTB *t£war (STC 240), and probably reflects the latter Taoping t§hu5S, Mianchi t§hu (§hua 'cut vegetable' apparently reflect this latter root. To further complicate matters, Yadu and Mawo have qhua 'cut vegetable', whose rhyme and semantics suggest another *qhr- etymon, but the form is instead probably related to 'cut firewood'.

*XZ > LX, MC /z/; TP {jJ j ; z elsewhere}; RDZ, JZY / k z , tJ (3 sets). Ruodazhai is the only SQ dialect with direct evidence for this cluster.

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gloss ; Longxi Mianchi Taoping ! Ruodazhai Jiuziying | Yadu Mawo i i near 1 ztza qe zi, i j kie31^i55 1 Kza ~ za 1 ko dza dza i ! tongue ! zoqo z tq 6 i zi31qass Kzaqe i zax zoq wait 1 zo zou ! zy33 j Kzy zo : zu Liu ziu

*yj > LX ItJ, MC, TP IjJ\ RDZ /kz / (2 sets). Ruodazhai gives the only direct evidence for this ^cluster.

gloss ‘ Longxi Mianchi ! Taoping ' Ruodazhai : Yadu Mawo delicious ' zona | ze • I Kze j ze i ZY i sing zo 241 ; KZO z a'm a ] i ! ' tjo ! i :

*y\ > LX /k, k _ 1/, MC /l/, TP /k/ (at least 5 sets). This ^cluster is not directly evidenced in Taoping. Longxi 'stone' and 'break/snap' provide the most direct evidence for existence of the *cluster in SQ. Further evidence is provided by Northern Qiang, which shows that this cluster pre-dates PSQ. Moreover, the correspondences of /&/ to /I/ in extant Southern Qiang dialects show that the cluster persisted into Southern Qiang. The reflexes in Jiuziying are /Kg, y/, and are probably conditioned by the height or backness of the following vowel, although more data are needed in order to propose a rule. 'Wash, bathe' appears to have syllabified the initial of a PQ *cluster. However, it may also be the case that NQ has reduced the initial syllable of a *disyllabic form. The PSQ form for 'wash, bathe' is reconstructed *xuo (L) la (L).

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G loss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Jiuziying Yadu \ Mawo late, tardy Ka la Kue33 Kgue da Kla j Kla

stone, ko lu, k5 lo K O 2 4 1 yo kIo <|>ue' kIu pi flying lo Cflinf) stone i wheat, KO \k KUO241 YY kIo kIo barley break/snap ko la (te) lu Ke33 da Klio Ke ('break') tears mo 1 i qo mu li qe mi55 ko33 -- Klox Kloq wash, Xo la, ko Xua la XU055la55 xuy la xlua, kIuo bathe la (swim) (bathe) x,° 1

Sets such as these demonstrate the advantage and necessity of "peeking" outside the particular family or branch undergoing reconstruction. Without considering Yadu and Mawo it would be impossible to discern which proto-cluster should be reconstructed at the PSQ level to account for the correspondences in the daughter dialects. I do not fully understand the meaning of 'flying stone’, except that the consultant

insisted that k o 16 was a 'fei shf ('flying stone1), while k o lu was a 'shi tou' (stone, rock). As far as I can tell, 'flying stone' refers to rocks falling or rolling off mountains, cliffs, etc.

(PTB *r-lurj (STC #8 8 ), Mawo k I u pi). Longxi 'break/snap' is one of the few words in Southern Qiang that preserves traces of the PTB *s- causative prefix, as seen by the pain

k o la break (branch) (v.i.) (ta) yh la break (branch) (v.t.)

Tears' appears to come from PTB *m-p(l)i-k (STEDT). The first syllables of the Southern Qiang forms either descend from 'eye' (PTB *mik * *myak, Taoping mi53), or the original *m- prefix changed to its current pronunciation through semantic association with

'eye' and folk etymology. The PTB etymon does not suggest an origin of the / k /

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component, which could cast doubt on the association of reflexes to etymon. Nevertheless, four of the dialects do preserve the PTB final *stop, which gives greater credence to the proposed etymology.

*XP > LX, MC /p/, TP //p / (about 10 sets).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB g pa ( 4 bmo po (ti) pu Xpu 55 *g-pwa (44)bamboo fart — Pe Xpe 55 *p/bu-n (STEDT) kidney pu lu pfi 16 Xpa 33 lo 55 *pil/r x rpul (STEDT) pus pu PU Xpu 55 *s-bu (STEDT) frost piatho pei thou Xpa 3lthu 33 *s-pwa(l) (Matisoff 1998b) patch pa qo pe tghi Xpe 33 *pwa (STC 122, Matisoff 1998b) thirsty tsu to pia pia Xpa 55 granary — peqe Xf» 33 pretty -- page Xpa 33ge33 January — pe lo XPe55§l33

This cluster cannot be traced to any particular PTB *initial, although all of the PTB roots have *p- or *b- initials.

This proto-cluster apparently corresponds to SQD *Rp. SQD cites 'pus', 'mend', 'shaman', and 'jackal/wolf. Data in the key dialects do not have labial consonants in 'jackal'; however, the other three sets are supported:

, r 'n ' ' 1 gloss 1 Wasi : Lobu- | Taoping Zengtou j Jiuziying { Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi 1 )! zhai 1 ! [ I zhai t sha- §pji §pji ! j hpi st pi ~ pi man | i spi | i 1 pus j J (xpu55) j pu | hpu j hpu pu ' pu

mend j j xpe 33 j P6 ' h p a j hpe pa ci | pe i | ('patch1) | j |

'Mend' is apparently related to *pwa 'patch', cited above.

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*xph > LX, MC /ph/, TP /xp/ (about 2 sets). This protocluster is indicated by aspirated stops in Longxi and Mianchi, and by a non-aspirated cluster in Taoping. There is no corresponding *cluster proposed in SQD. Northern Qiang cognates have ph- initials (Mawo, Yadu forms mean 'blow with mouth').

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Yadu Mawo PTB blow (of wind) phu ta me me ph 6 XP° 33 pha phY *pu (STEDT) urinary bladder ivo pho bie pho da pa 55 XP°5S *po(g/k) * bog (STEDT)

If 'blow' is from PTB *pu, then it may have been combined with the *s- causative prefix to produce the PSQ *cluster.

*Xb > LX, MC /b/, TP /xb/ (about 6 sets). This protocluster corresponds to SQD *Rb.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB difficult, tired ba bax b a *bal (28) nest y (tsha) bu i tshe bO i3Itshie55x b u 241 * r - b u k p r u (STEDT) dragon bfi b u Xba 241 drum bo b u X b u 241 rest b a i (ba) die Xba 24Ii\i31 think ba lo b e dzofi ~ b e d^oh Xba 33xd^.u 33

In addition to 'dragon', 'drum', and 'fatigue/tired', SQD supports this *cluster with 'yak' (Lobuzhai ?bu, Jiuziying, Ruodazhai frbo. Mianchi bo).

*xm > LX /m/, MC ImJ, TP l%ml, Jiuziying /nm/ (about 7 sets). For the first six sets, Longxi has /m-/ reflexes. Many of these clusters come from PTB and PQ *r- and *s-

clusters. PSQ *xm~ corresponds to Mawo rm- (except for 'sky').

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Gloss j Longxi I Taoping ! Jiuziving ! Mawo ! PTB

dream | mo ze mo i xmu 55 ! nmo j rmu Ke i *r-marj 1 i i i i (82) sky j mil to mO pia i x * n a 33 ji i mu tup i *(r-)maw i J da24Ipo 33 i : (488)

name ! zo mu m i me; me I x m s 5 5 i E O n Y ; rma i *r-mirj ! j ' (83) i fertilizer mi mu Xmi55 ! rmi ?*s-bar) 2 1 j (p ) i corpse i mo mo 1 a" mu ; rmu *s-maij I (STEDT) i 1 forget i da mu de mu Xmi55 I rmo

Qiang i ma ma j x m ° 3 3 j 3 - ma i rma ! (autonym) I

Taoping and Jiuziying initials appear to be unchanged from PSQ *xm-; Jiuziying and Longxi have different reflexes for *xm- and for *sm- (3.3.1.8.2), showing that these

clusters were separate in Proto-Southern Qiang30. Taoping is the only Qiang dialect to

bear evidence for a cluster in 'sky' (Yadu has the same form as Mawo): which may indicate influence from rGyalrong te rmu. Jiuziying has syllabified the pre-initial of 'corpse' and 'Qiang'. PSQ *xm- appears to come from Qiangic *rm-:

Gloss Ergong rGvalrong dream ntshe lma ta rmo sky — te rmu (ST Q name 1mm ta rmE forget lmu corpse — ymn (NW rGyalrong (SHK))

*Xt > LX. MC /t/, TP ly]J (about 18 sets). Note that 'pig slop' is literally 'pig-dinner'. My reconstructed *xt corresponds to SQD *Rt. Those clusters that can be traced to PTB come

30 how hyphenate?

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from prefixed or plain *t-. 'Ax' is a borrowing from Tibetan, ultimately from PTB *s-ta 'knife' (STC 22). Nevertheless, it follows the established sound laws, which suggests that the word was borrowed before Southern Qiang underwent cluster simplification.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB soak/immerse to fia te — fia t i te x to33 *(m-)ti-s (pi 6 ) thousand tti — x to55 ♦s-toq (32)31 egg i t s i te xto55 *n/s-tow (STEDT) pull up (weeds) t£ tu tya; tue Xtue33 *tyak=tok (p52) ax ta i te z j Xta31^.i55 W Tstari bark (v.) tetd te ta Xte33 pig slop pie-ti pia-te pa33xte33 supper, dinner ja ti ^.ate ^a5Sxte55 straight t! ti xto55

SQD support for *Rt consists of the following sets, as well as Tieart' (but cf. 3.3.1.8.2). The set 'cold' includes Taoping htu (xtu ?), which does not appear in the published sources H. Sun 1962, QYJZ, ZYC, which have man3' pe55. The support for 'feed (vt)' in the key dialects are words that mean 'dinner1. 'Blind' shows secondary palatalization and affrication in Lobuzhai, Taoping, Zengtou, Ruodazhai, and Longxi. However, Wasi (whose

pronunciation of this form is probably closest to that of PSQ *Xtya 32X Jiuziying, and

Mianchi preserve the *stop.

31 This could also be an ancient borrowing from Tibetan (Written Tibetan stotj).

32 The pre-initial fricative probably comes from a *uvular stop + vowel (cf. Mawo qaifa / qdtfa). The first syllable appears to be 'eye' (Mawo qari). All other extant Qiangic languages have reflexes of FTB *s-mik ~ *s-myak (STC 442), although Xixia has w ‘ (MVS-Grin) or Gar (NT-SGK).

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gloss I Wasi Lobu- I Taoping Zengtou Jiuziying Ruoda- Longxi : Mianchi i zhai i i zhai ! fire sje$tje | site hte ca-te ci-te ~ tongs i i l ci-te

straight ; §ti I 1 (Xt355) hti ti ti

feed 1 stji 1 (^.a55 tje htje hte ja t! 3 ,ate

(vt) | Xte55) cold stu I tho | htu htu

pull i i i (Xtue33) twe htwa htye te (pull tue (pull | weeds) weeds) blind ; §tya j $tsya i (xtcya33) tsyae htwa hc?yae Hatcua tua

*Xd > LX /dz/ /_*V[+high], /d/ elsewhere; MC /d/; TP lydl (about 8 sets). The reflexes of *Xd in Longxi and Mianchi are indistinguishable from those of *d. 'Lip' is the only set that has an identified PTB etymon, although five of the sets have cognates in NQ. This ^cluster appears to be identical to SQD*s *Rd (apparently supported by 'back', 'cloud', 'ladder',

'mouth/lip', 'thigh'33).

Gloss Longxi ! Mianchi Taoping ; X a d u • Mawo ; p t b lip ! dzua-ku | due-^a X d u a 3 3 i ___ i ydza:' ! m/s-d(y)u- 1 1/r/n 1 : (STEDT)

cloud (M my da mo Xde33 j zdam zdvm -

j ladder ; d ik a | de tci Xda33gie241 j zods | zda

deer i - - | da Xda33 zdu : zdu : 1i back — | de Xde 33 ta33 (ste ge) | (staka) ■ right d^ Xda241 | ! (hand) 1 ! ' ; gun i ca-dzii ciS5xdio 241 j i

give j — i da Xda31 | | | ■ ■■ ■■■— ■■ ■■ .J

33 'Thigh' is not a strong set, as Jiuziying hdyeke is the only form to lend support for a ♦cluster, and Wasi dwake does not have the expected initial %d- cluster (cf. ?de 'back').

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PSQ *x

Back' is a problematic form, as there is another Taoping form d e 241 without the pre- initial. In addition, the apparent NQ cognates differ in voicing, although Wasi has zde, with

the expected initial cluster. Qiangic probably has multiple 'back' roots with similar initials, as evidenced by the following:

Daofu dzau back Ergong ro 33 stot 53 smet53 lower back rGyalrong tom thek small of back Namuyi d^u 33tse33tse33 back

*Xn > LX /n/, MC /n/, TP /xn/ (about 2 sets). This protocluster apparently corresponds to SQD *Rn, as does *sn- (cf. 3.3.1.8.2).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Mawo PTB twenty no sa no sa (x)no 31sa33 yno su *g-ni-s (4) hatch — ne x ne55 zdi

This protocluster is poorly supported in the key dialects, and not at all in the auxiliary dialects. The Mianchi and Taoping forms for 'hatch' could also descend from PSQ *sn-. However, Mawo zdi points to a voiced pre-initial; as does the more distant Ergong z^ija. Note that tyj is optional in Taoping 'twenty', and does not appear at all on iu 5S 'two'. Within Taoping, most of the basic metal terms have an initial (or pre-initial) !yj\

gold xqa 33 silver XQu55 copper x a55 rust xg u a33 tin XtJY 3

While this similarity might appear at first to be due to analogical developments, the uvular initials of all five forms are at least as old as PQ. 'Gold', 'silver', 'tin' had *cluster initials in PSQ, as evidenced by the auxiliary dialects.

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gloss i Wasi Lobuzhai ; Taoping | Zengtou Jiuziying j Ruodazhai gold I hka §ko31 I xqa33 j qa hqa : hka silver QU 1 XQU55 j qu hqu i D h u tin j stsui §t§UI 1 xtJY3 I tsui j htsui _____ |

Earlier evidence comes from Northern Qiang and Qiangic:

gold Mawo, Yadu §qu cf. Tai ♦kam3 4 silver Ergong ^qan PTB *(d-)qul tin Yadu xt§a

'Rust' and 'copper* are not supported in the auxiliary SQ dialects, but their cognates in NQ show the origins of Taoping ly j ('rust' is discussed further under *xg> below):

gloss Mawo Yadu PTB rust gsa dzer qua (probably dze rqua ) *(t)sa:y (Matisoff 198535 #108) copper ya X°J xue* (’brass')

*Xt§ > LX /ts/. MC { tc /_ i, t§ elsewhere}, TP tyx.§/ (about 5 sets). With the addition of further data, this set may end up being split into two or more *clusters, given the aspiration of Mianchi 'sweat'. With the exception of 'chew', all instances of PSQ *#§- come from PTB *Cr- initials.

34 My thanks to Professor Matisoff for this observation.

35 Hereafter this is abbreviated GSTC.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB chew tsa tsa tgei t§& Xt§a33 *C-tsat (G5TC #25)36 louse tsi t§i Xt§i33 *srik (439) six tsu t§ou qo Xt§u33 *d-ruk (411) (sixteen fia tsu fia tghou Xa31t§hu33) gall tst tcf Xtga55 *m-kri-t — s-kri (STEDT) sweat tsu tghii Xt§U355 *s-krwal * s-(o)krul (STEDT)

The form 'sixteen' is included to indicate that PSQ, or at least Mianchi and Taoping, had a dissimilation rule which irregularly dropped word-medial *x- after a cluster with *%- pre

initial, as in Taopingxd^. 733d ^ j3’ 'smooth' (all examples from Taoping). Repetition of plain

*X-, however, was not affected (xue 33x u e 31 'green', x ° 3,X° 33 'stone/pit', x aS5Xa33 'yellow'), and even among clusters there are counterexamples (xgy33Xgy33 'round', x tca33Xtca33

'magpie', x b ° 33X^ u33 think'). Given this rule, the aspiration in the second syllable of 'sixteen' would be compensatory for the loss of initial *x-- The first column in the following table gives three reduplicated Taoping forms for which one expects x- as a pre- initial on the second syllable. The second column gives three counterexamples, showing that application of this restriction was not complete, like dissimilations in other language families. The third column shows that plain x-initial was not subject to any restrictions, no doubt to prevent total loss of syllable onset. Mianchi has lost all *x-clusters; at this point, only 'sixteen' gives evidence that Mianchi shared the dissimilation with Taoping.

xCi...cj xCi.-xQi xv...xv

red x n j 31ru 33 round Xgy33Xgy33 drive away xq 5SX° 33 right, just xte 55^ 33 think xbo 33Xd?.u33 green x ue 3Scue3137 smooth xd^.l 33d z i 31 magpie x te a ^ te a 33 stone/pit X °3IX° 33 sixteen x a 31t§hu33 yellow x a 55Xa33 38

36 There is also a FQic reconstruction *N-t(s)a in the STEDT database; this is certainly a daughter form to the given PTB form.

37 Longxi pei xp Xp-> Xp Xp- Mianchi x u^ Xu& 'green and glossy'.

38 Mianchi has x& Xa 'bright yellow, golden'.

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*%d%_ > Longxi /z, ts/, MC /d^, dz/, TP ly&zj (about 4 sets). Mianchi shows variation ('think') in its reflex of this *initial. I have no explanation for the Longxi initial for 'nit'. Gloss Ixingxi Mianchi Taoping PTB nit {tsi gti} dzjs xdâ 31 *s-row (278) think -- bedzou - be dôfi Xba 33xdû 33 dew ztqo dze qe Xdâ33q35s star z* ba c Xdx.e 33pe 55

*Xtc > LX {/ts/ /_*; c elsewhere}, MC /tc/, TP /xtc/ (3 sets), [tjl in Taoping 'tin' is an allophone of /tc/. appearing before /i/ (cf. 2.2.3.1). 'Love' is based in part on Mawo xtei- This set apparently corresponds to SQD *Rtsj.

GlPSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping magpie ca ca tea tea xtca 33Xtc a 3 3 tin ts* tel XfJY 3 love ci 9 - — —

In addition to these forms, SQD cites the following evidence from the auxiliary dialects for the ^cluster:

gloss Wasi Lobu- Taoping i Zengtou ! Jiuziying > Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi zhai | ‘ zhai ! 1 money §tsjl (ci33 1 sidzje ! htsidze | son dze tsen tsei dze dzie241) | i !

While Wasi suggests the presence of PSQ it is almost certain that some of these forms are borrowings from Mandarin jJn zi 'gold, coins'.

*Xdz > LX /dz/, MC /?/, TP /xdz/ ~ Ixd 3 ] (about 4 sets). This set is very poorly supported, and reflexes are scarce, even in Taoping. Some additional support for 'rain'

comes from Jiuziying, whose initial cluster is almost identical to that of Taoping. *xdz apparently corresponds to Yadu zdz-; the NQ forms for 'rain' are not cognate.

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GlflSS LgngXi Mianchi Tapping Jiuziving Yadu throw/discard stdzua — X^ 3 i31 — zdzu rain (v.) — — ^dza 33 Kjie ~

This protocluster seems to correspond to SQD *Rdzj, which is supported by the following three sets. I have classified 'open' under *xg- (Yadu %ge, cf. *yjg, below).

gloss i Wasi 1 Lobu- I Taoping ! Zengtou | Jiuziying i Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi i i zhai i zhai i 1 ) 1 i seal, dzja i i hdzje i zja dza i stamp i i i * i i i painful 1 ! (ze241) | zje hdzje i dzf open ; ' ?ge ! (xgie241) | ge i 1 ga |

The Yadu cognate for 'painful' is zdzi, 'ill'. I have divided Chang's 'open' into two sets; in addition to the above, there are the following sets which support PSQ *xdzi: Wasi zdtzji,

Jiuziying hd?i, Mianchi dzi.

*Xh> > LX {/c/ /_i; /n/ elsewhere}, MC {n /_a; n, elsewhere}, TP lyj\J (5 sets). Recall that h\J does not occur before /a/ in any key dialect. *xn, does not correspond to any protoclusters in SQD. The initial in the first syllable of Longxi 'oil' may be due to reduplication of the second syllable.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB brain qa na qe na qa 31 xna 33 *s-naw-k (STEDT, from STC 483) red ci nS Xh-i 3^ 33 *r-ni (pp 46, 91) yoke, cow collar -- ne tsu x h a 3Itsua33 ?*g-n(y)a (STEDT) stir-fry ci ca {dzi dz£} xn»a33 oil, oily itf a a -- X*VX >55

*yX > LX , MC {/k, q/>, TP {l%ql /_a; /xk/ elsewhere} ( 6 sets). The forms for 'bat' mean

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "the salt-stealer" ('salt'-'steal'-AGT)39; the variation in the Longxi forms for 'steal1, 'bat'

show the difficulty in identifying a regular reflex of PSQ *xk- In order to bolster this reconstruction, I have included supporting forms from the key NQ dialects.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Mawo Yadu f o r e h e a d deti ku — da31 xku 33 zdu §ku zdu §ku g a r lic ka ke tii X k a 55 tc i- § k — s te a l ta ku kti pii ~ ku X k a 55 §kua §quax bat (anim al) tshf-qu-mu — tshi 5Sxka 33ma33 —— h a r d qo ca kou tea Xku55tca3! §ku §tci § k u c tc u u g ly khQ, tsa qhft — — — mo §ku

The NQ forms for 'steal' show that the velar/uvular variation seen in Longxi 'steal', 'bat' predates PSQ. It is not clear why Itard' has a /q/ initial in Longxi, but this may be an influence from qd 'difficult' (Jiuziying xku 'hard', %qa 'difficult'). PSQ *xk appears to correspond to SQD *Rk.

*Xg > LX Igl, MC {/dz! /_* i; /g/ elsewhere}, TP /xg/ (7 sets). This cluster does not correspond to any particular PTB *initial.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB fox qha gua qha gu^ qha 33xguo 33 *gwa (p34) nine guqo Xgua33 *d-kaw~d-gew (13) open (door) ga dzi X gie 241 *ka (469) answer gua xgye33 rust ca-gu gui Xgua33 left (hand) gui xgy33 retreat gegu pii Xga3Ika33

This *cluster corresponds to SQD *Rg, which is based on 'nine', 'Chinese', 'goat', 'round'. 'Chinese' lacks the right correspondences, no doubt due to its xenogeneic origin. 'Goat' is based on an apparently erroneous Taoping form; 'nine', 'round', however, are solid supporting sets:

39 Mianchi has ixn lad sueh a borrowing from Mandarin meaning "salt mouse.

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gloss : Wasi Lobu- | Taoping i Zengtou 1 Jiuziying ! Ruoda- Longxi Mianchi ! ! i zhai ! i | ! zhai l ; i : j :

nine gwu ?gwu Xgu333 gwa | bgwe j b g W 3 g u gfiqo ' < ! i

round i xgy33 gwa ! hgu bgy i

! xgy 33 | |

: i i i

*XQ > LX /k, q/, MC /q/, TP /xq/ (2 sets). Only Mianchi and Taoping have regular reflexes of this *initial. Because these two morphemes are the only ones in Taoping with this initial, and both forms have the same phonetic environment, there is a possibility that %- is of secondary origin, although its appearance before /q-/ in these words is not predictable

from synchronic data (qu 55fci55, 'enclosure').

GlQSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB silver qG qo XQU55 *(d-)qul (pp 15, 173)) knee k o qo qo ke XHu5s

*X<1 > LX, MC /q/, TP /xq/ (5 sets). The correspondences in this set are completely regular, with the exception of 'under', in which *x TP /qh/. *xq- only occurs before PSQ *a. PSQ comes from PTB *Ck- initials.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Yadu MaWP PTB cook/boil qo qa xq ° 33 §qu §qu (*glak~klak (124)) difficult mo qei; qo (pu) qa XQ ° 33 Squ squ *kak (TIL #70) mouth qa — Xqo 55 zde ky §qu *m-ka (468) gold qu qa Xq° 33 §9 U §9 U under qa qa qha 31 lo 33 §qul gqul

This set is regular in its correspondence among Southern Qiang dialects, and with Mawo.

Taoping has transphonologized the pre-initial *x- of 'under 1 into aspiration, although it has

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preserved *x in dza 33x q o 33 'underarm'. This cluster corresponds to *Rq in SQD, wherein it is supported by 'gold', 'mouth'.

*XG > LX, MC / b / , TP /xg/ (hapax). Taoping provides the only direct evidence in Qiang for this *cluster. Secondary evidence comes from the correspondence of Jiuziying !\l to

the other dialects' / b/. Namuyi qqhe 33 suggests that some form of this cluster may go back to PQic (this cluster is very rare in Namuyi: the only other instance of it is qqhass 'fat (meat)').

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Jiuziying Yadu Mawo gnaw »a ca Be Ba xGa 241ce33 ya Ka la bje li

No evidence is given in SQD for the proposed PSQ clusters *qj. *qhj, *Gj. *hj

(*xj?) *hj (*Kj?).

3.3.1.9 Foitis initials Among the Southern Qiang dialects investigated by Wen there are some from Li county (Jiuziying, Jiuzitun, Hou'ergu, Sanqizhai) which distinguish fortis and lenis initial clusters or affricates. In Sanqizhai these occur as ejectives /'q, 'G/, followed by sibilants. Cognates of these forms occur in the other dialects with fortis fricates in initial position (examples from Jiuzitun, which is very similar to Jiuziying); Northern Qiang cognates have velar/uvular stop pre-initials followed by sibilants.

OlQSS Sanqizhai Jiuzitun Mawo god 'qsi Isle khsi new 'qsi Isli khsa dung 'qsi Igl], (Jiuziying) qhgo three 'qsi Isli khsi iron-calabash 'Gza dze xt§op (Yadu) bubble up 'qso La Islu spring up 'qsu tA Islu

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These foitis initials present corroborative support for the PSQ ’clusters which are

otherwise only attested among Taoping's older speakers (e.g., khsi 55 'new' (3.3.1.8)).

They also demonstrate just how similar the Southern Qiang language of the 1940's and 50's was to Northern Qiang. It appears that Wen's fortis consonants arose from transphonologization of pre-initial aspiration, followed (in most dialects) by cluster simplification. Therefore there is not adequate evidence to posit glottalization or ejectivity as PSQ phonological traits.

3.3.2 Rhymes

The rhyme correspondences of Southern Qiang are not as clearly evident as those of the initials, due at least in part to irregular vowel harmony and patterns of reduplication that weaken the vowel of the first syllable. Nevertheless, certain patterns of correspondence are clear.

3.3.2.1 Monophthongs I reconstruct the following monophthongs: *i, *y *i *u *e & *o *a *a

Chang (1967) proposes a very similar system (note that his *ui is equivalent to *t): *i *m *u *e * 3 *o *a *a

Chang has eliminated /y/ from the phonemic inventory of the dialects he considers, and hence from his reconstruction. Although /y/ is clearly a phoneme of modern dialects (e.g. Longxi y 'chicken'), my own reconstruction of PSQ *y is still tentative.

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*a > LX, MC, TP Id, (about 70 sets, 8 sets represented in all three dialects)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB believe dza dzd(^a) dza241 ?*(m-)kyen (223) brain qo nii qe na qo31 x*va33 *s-nuk (483) hard qo ca koiitca Xku55tca31 *s-ra (STEDT) one a aqo a31 *a (JAM-LITB 7.1) how many na o; na na iva qo (le) na33tciS5na33 sneeze (v.) a tshu-pu a thiao-pii Xa55 tshye33 pu 33 magpie ca ca tea ted Xtca33xtca33 wide, broad Id Id la33; lie33

The first two syllables of 'sneeze' probably have an onomatopoeic origin (the third syllable of 'sneeze' is 'do'), as does the word 'magpie'.

*a > LX /a/, MC {Id / _ Cu, Id elsewhere} TP lal (about 57 sets) For this series, Taoping is indicative, as Longxi and Mianchi do not distinguish /a, d; hence all supporting sets of *a, *a bear Taoping reflexes. Mianchi has predictable vowel harmony ('armpit', 'bracelet', Tiole', 'in back', 'mushroom', think'). I have put first the forms which come from PTB *a roots; the remainder are arranged alphabetically.

t ------r " ' Gloss Longxi ! Mianchi j Taoping ! notes bitter, salty qha I qha | qha 55 ; *ka ( 8 ) chew tsa tsa t§ei t§a j xt§a33 ! *C-tsat (GSTC 25) crow (n.) — | na-qa j na 33qa55 ; ?*ka(STCpp 99-100) 1 33 difficult {maqei; qo} i ( p u ) qa I xqa 33 *kak (TIL #70) difficult, ba ! ba | Xba 241 : *bal (29) i tired 1i exchange Id Id i laid ti ta55la31 j *lay (283) father dpa 1 ~ ! pa 55pa 33 4cpa=pwa (24) gnaw Kaca J Ke Kd | xG a 241ce33 i *orat * *qyat(STEDT) hungry (da)su pd | su55 pa 55 1 *s-pa(ij/k) ('thirsty', i 1 ! STEDT) i I, me 1 qa i | qa55 i *ka(p93)

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I, me 2 i ~ qa | qa55 i *qa (406) laugh (d£)zk 16 dâ ! dâ 33 j *iya-t ( 2 0 2 ) mother i a ma ama i ma33; ma55ma55 | *ma (487). Taoping 1 \ 1 1 I indicates variation for ; | | PSQ. LX, MC are ambiguous, reflecting either *a, *a. mouth i qa qa xqa55 *m-ka(468) strength : -- dâqa 1 d ^ i241qa33 ?*k-ra (STEDT i *(k/b)-ra(ij/m)) seed i ' ■ zuei-za zua3Iza241 1 First syllable from *dzay (STEDT) armpit : zakam y dzake ! dza33xqa 33 1 MC has undergone i vowel harmony with subsequent loss of the conditioning syllable, 1 maintained in LX.

ask I (ta)zazi {d^i d^t> I d^.a31d ^ i33 j Two syllable etymon. i • ; MC has lost the *a syllable and ; reduplicated the *t ' 1 j syllable.

bathe, wash Xola ci pe-tma la j ce55p I : e33xus 55la55 bear fruit §e dâ j sie55m3 55dâ 241 l big b ja -b a bâ ■ bâ 33

bracelet pa-ku pe kui I pa 55kie33 Vowel harmony in MC i crack (v.) ztza -- i zjn 55 cry out, call qdja — ' KU333 zja33 out

cry, weep za za 1 za33 ! deer da | xda 33

earring 0,1 ma na ma j no 31ma33 encounter/ tso pa j — j a55tsu33pa 33 ( meet i folkdance tsho ta-zo mil sod ta | tshussta 55 give — da xda 31

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Gloss Longxi ■ Mianchi Taoping 1 notes [

gold j {qti> i qa Xqa33 j There appears to be PQ I 1 | and PSQ variation i i i between *xqa - *xqu l j | (Lobuzhai sko31, Yadu and Mawo §qu). i good i: na ! na na 33 hat | ta ba (xa) j ta b i ta33 ■ 1 .. have/exist {qo} ; qa qa33 ; TP reflects PQ ! 1 variation (Yadu, Mawo ! quo). hole : za pii ! *epu ^ a 33pu 33 I Vowel harmony in MC. Second syllable i i j from *puq (STEDT) ' » U' in back 1 — ! me tsht ma3,tjhi 33 Vowel harmony in MC lead (cow) ' ti I tk ta33 i

noodles ! qha ml 1 “ qha 31thu 55 1 old (of ! ba ba ba 33 i i things) i 1 plain (n.) 1 bato datght-ba ba 33 i i plate j — tshi ba 1 XU33ba 33 pretty ; — page Xpa 33ge33 i rest ba i (ba) die Xba 241iu 31 i i i return (vt) tii ba | da3 ,ba 241 ride : tsa tsa tsa33 i i right (hand) : pha to qo da i Xda241 i ; i roll (v) | leca l3 55ca55 i

slow i phie th£ | phi 3,thass 1 soft ! mama i ma31la33 i V ] V 1 i soft i za la | ma3Ila33 1 i step (da) frni (tea) mia33tsa33 I over/across t ! supper, | oati ^ ate | ^.a55xte 55 dinner i !

think j balo be dzoti ~ be Xba 33xd^u 33 | Vowel harmony in MC H d^_o(i | ' 1

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping notes tie (fire tso dzji dz.a33 cf. Ergong mdzo Is wood) into a 'wrap' bundle vulva — tha b& tha 31ba 33 TP 'buttocks'. Cf. E. rGyalrong tsban pa. waist taqa Xta33sa33

*i > LX, MC, TP HI (about 15 sets with support from all three dialects). PTB *-ik > PSQ *i ('leopard', 'louse'). 'Black' comes from a PTB -ak root.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB black rw no n j 55n i 31 *nak (p 8 8 ) smell, sniff ci ta mi xmi 55 *m/s-nam (464, STEDT) child tci bi ke bz.i tsi tsi33bzi 33 ? *b-loy (448) hand li pd i pd ils cf. Yadu p pa host tee Id pu tci le p(i tci55lo55po 33 *k-y(i/u)m (STC 53) 'home/womb' leopard, panther ci si si55 *zik(61) louse tsi t§i Xt§i33 *srik (439) ax ta i te z.i Xta3,z.i55 WT stari NEG mi m i (gui) mi55 ?*ma (p96) bird i tsha i tshe i3,tshie 55 new tchi si tshi 55 niece/nephew dzi qhu£ dzi dzi31 now p e i p e ti po 3lti55 spin (yam). li li li33 thread sa n.i se li sia33li55

The following two sets are good for two dialects, but have /il for the third: Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB long objects (CL) z\ d^i d z i241 *s-riq (433) crow (v.) ci te si s y 5

*e > LX /e, ei/, MC /e, e/, TP /e/ (at least 7 sets with support from all three dialects).

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoning PTB needle Xe~Xei XE Xe55 ♦kap (52) rope bei b^e b^e33 ? *bi (STEDT) bark (v.) teta teta Xte33 drunk (ci) ta xei §exe si3Ixe55 short, low b a~ b e be be33 pretty (tsa) se page Xpa33ge33 top qatei qete qa3Ite33

*» > LX, MC /t/, TP /y (at least 9 sets with support from all three dialects). Some instances of this vowel appear to come from PTB *ay Cfour1, "heavy'). The last syllable of Tiead' is a common noun ending, much like Mandarin zi [z"[31], from PTB *za (STC 59). Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB four zt z tq o d3133 ♦b-lay (410) heavy z* dzt dzi33 WT Idii-ba. (95) salt tsht tsht-be tsht 33 ♦tsa (214) understand St st ua si53 ♦syey(182) head qa b4tst qa b^a tst qa33 po 55 tgi33 spider tsht tsht (tgha gt) tghi 53tghi 31 tin tst tct x t/i33

♦o > LX, MC, TP /o/ (at least 5 sets with support from all three dialects).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB flying stone, stone ko lo ~ko lu lo, go-bza, lo-bz a ko 241 ♦r-luq (88) urinary bladder iU> pho bie pho da pa55 XP©55 ♦po(q/k) * boq (STEDT) hunt qho cy x o Xosska33 plow (n) to to ke to33 wild goose qa35 ko qae35 uo qan13Ko31

'Goose' has a PTB root *qa-n (STC p.99); however, Taoping ijan 13 is probably a borrowing from Tibetan (WT rjaij pa) as final consonants in extant SQ dialects are secondary. Benedict (STC) has observed that final -o, -e in TB languages are usually secondary. At least 16 instances of Southern Qiang /of are from PTB *-aq (cf. 3.3.2.3).

♦u > LX, MC, TP /u/ (at least 5 sets with support from all three dialects). 'Nest', 'pus' reflect PTB *-u. The third syllable of 'sneeze' is 'do' (LX, TP pu).

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GI pss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PXfi nest y (tsh£) bu 1 tshe b(i i3,tshie 55xbu 241 ♦r-bu * pru (STEDT) pus pu pii Xpu55 *s-bu (STEDT) hungry (da)su p4 su su55 pa55 ? *si, *sok (STEDT) hole za pu pu ^ a 33pu33 ♦pug (STEDT) sneeze (v.) a tshii-pii a thiao-pii Xa55 tshye 33 pu 33 In spite of these correspondences, there are about forty-eight sets in which it is not possible to distinguish between PSQ ♦u and *o, because both /u, o/ are present in the supporting forms (and sometimes /y/ in Taoping or Longxi). Note the following:

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB bamboo po (ti) pii xpu 55 *g-pwa (44) dream mo ze mo Xmu55 *r-maij (82) lid, cover ta-qo tsha qii qu3lqu33 ♦gop * kop (STEDT) phlegm tshii tsu zjt tsho55qha33xne33 ♦tsu (STEDT) silver rjfi qo XQU55 ♦d-qul (plS ) 40

For most of these sets equivocal sets, the protovowel is determined by simple majority, or by peeking at the vowels present in Northern Qiang. This i-'ltemation is not unheard of in other branches of TB. Benedict has observed that "the high medial vowels *u and *i of TB are well maintained in Tibetan, Kachin and Lushei, but partial or complete replacement by lower vowels (o — e ~ a) is characteristic of Burmese, Garo and many other TB languages." (STC.15) Ronghong Yadu has some variation between lo/ and /u/, as noted by LaPolla: "The functional loads of the ivJ - lot contrast and the /i/ - /e/ contrast are not very great: in many cases lot and /u/ are interchangeable, and /i/ and Id are interchangeable." (LaPolla 1996:10)

♦y > LX {o/ [dental] _ , u/ [velar] _ , ?? elsewhere), MC {ui/ [velar] _ , iu /1 _ , ou/s _ , ?? elsewhere), TP lyl (five solid sets). The first three sets are lent additional support by lyl in Mawo and /(i)u/ in Yadu (♦siu does not occur in Yadu). The second syllable of Mianchi

40 Auxiliary dialects suggest PSQ *u (Table 3.3)

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'flour 1 demonstrates the vowel harmony mentioned above under *a. Because of the small number of correspondence sets and the restricted range of attested initials, it is not clear what the full extent of Longxi and Mianchi reflexes of *y might be.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping notes come Id — ly33 Mawo ly, Yadu liu flour balo le-be-liu ba 31ly33 Mawo ly, Yadu liu learn so soft ta3Isy55 Mawo sy, Yadu su round pa-ku pe kui x g y 33xg y 33 LX, MC 'bracelet' Chand- round') left (hand) — gui xgy33

For 'sweet' PSQ *y may be traced to PTB ♦yaw. However, the apparent Longxi reflex is aberrant:

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping notes sweet tshft tshft tchy 33 PLB *khyaw (p60)

Because the reflexes of PSQ *y in Longxi and Mianchi are elusive. I only propose *y in those sets where it is corroborated by NQ. For the following two sets, Taoping lyl is a reflex of PSQ *iu, as the sequence /in/ does not occur in Taoping (cf. *iu, 3.3.2.2):

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Mawo see a too tiu (ca) tcy33 kua tiu ten fia dzo fia dift (qo) Xa31dy33 hadiu

*a > LX, MC, TP /a/ (about 8 sets)

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB arrow - la la33 *bla (449) crow (n.) -- na-qft na 33ijo 55 exchange la 13 la la *lay (283) father’s older a na sue n£ brother's wife head qa ba tst qa bz a tst qa33 po 55 t§i33 musk deer tsht la se la tchi 3 Ila33 there thagft -- tha 31xe 55 tomorrow ta bei cj te p 6 i ta3Ipa 33

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In addition to these instances of *a, there are also occurrences of /a/ which may be attributed to reduplication, grammaticalization, or proto-variation. Reduplication accounts

for the first syllables of 'exchange' (Longxi /a la, Mianchi la la) and Tiarmonious' (Mianchi

na na; cf. na 'good'). It appears that the vowel of Taoping na 33 'also' has arisen due to the types of phonological processes common to the evolution of functor words (Longxi ni, Mianchi aa).

The Taoping form for 'twenty' (x)na 3tsa 33 appears at first to have undergone vowel harmony ( i\jss two'). However, the following chart shows that this process did not affect

'thirty', even though 'three' and two' have the same rhyme in Taoping (cf. also isssa 33 'arm'). Comparison with NQ forms show that PQ had variation in the vowel of 'two' (Ronghong is similar to Taoping). Dialect-intemally, this variation is preserved in the Taoping forms 'two', 'twenty'. ! 5 Gloss c Mianchi Taoping Mawo Ronghong PTB two na na qo n i 55 yna ha-rvi 41 *g-nis twenty na sa na sa (X)na31 so 33 yna su JU su three tshe si qo tshi55 khsi Xsa *g-sum thirty tshe sa si sa tshi3Isa33 khsia su Xsu su

In addition to these clearly cognate sets, however, there are many sets in which it is not possible to tell whether *a is the proto-vowel, or whether another vowel has neutralized to schwa:

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping bean do pi£ del da 33 now pe 1 pe ti pa 31ti55 vapor la (tchi) le

While M occurs in Longxi and Mianchi, and la/ in Taoping, there is no evidence for PSQ

The sets 'mushroom', 'branch' show that M is a reflex of *r- or * 3 ,-initials; that is, the

41 The Ronghong form is twelve' ('ten-two'). The plain form for 'two' is je (cf. twenty').

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It^-I initial of the second syllable of Mianchi, Taoping 'mushroom' corresponds to the M rhyme of Longxi. Similarly, the frj of the first syllable of Taoping 'branch' corresponds to the rhotacization of the second syllable of the Mianchi form (note that the morphemes in the two dialects are in different order). The /&-/ of the next two Mianchi words appears to be related to the l-zj clusters of Taoping, and so would have its origin in *r- clusters. The

origin of Taoping /a1/ (qa 31aJ55 'front', si 31aJ55 'willow', a*31- 'down (pfx)', and a few others) is unknown.

gloss f.onpxi Mianchi Taopiag notes mushroom ma 3 " me zji ma3,^.u33 PST *g-run * g-rin (GSR 485c)42 branch ci ka ma pho kh^ 3.e55kha 31 *ka(:)k (327) or *kap (338) hoof tsu ka thi kha- *kwa (Matisoff, 1998b open (eye) ta phe ph^ ph^a 55 tear (v.), rip phu pha §e phu pha- ph^i 33

There are many SQ sets where a - t following sibilants. For these it is not possible to determine whether to reconstruct PSQ *a or *i. The following three sets demonstrate this problem:

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping gall tst tct Xt§a55 43 lie (n.) l Zt ze^a tongue 1 za qa ztqe zy'qa- 4 4

* 3 ^ > LX, MC la-1-, TP ? (two sets).

42 The first syllable is from *g-maw (STC #455).

43 Mawo, Yadu have xt§a, suggesting a reconstruction of *xt§o for PSQ.

44 Mawo, Yadu zaq suggests a PSQ reconstruction of *za qa.

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Gloss Longxi | Mianchi | Taoping : Yadu

raise (livestock, p 6 ^ j i pe &■ 1i pao 1 i child) i ! | testicle b^ i i baaJ 1

♦Voiceless vowels.

The following sets give evidence for *voiceless vowels in PSQ: Gloss Ijpngxi Mianchi Taoping today pti c j pe-s£ year, next dza tc) dia tch) da 24Itfh'i 33 yesterday ni c) n$ s§ iu31sie33

The second morpheme of 'today' and 'yesterday' is reconstructed *s|g, and *tc) is one possible reconstruction of PSQ 'year, next'. If voiceless rhymes are truly reconstructible for PSQ, then their distribution is very limited.

3.3.2.2 Diphthongs

*ie, *ia, *io, *iu,*ye, *ya, *ua, *ui, *ue, *ua

At this time, these ten *rhymes are the only reconstructible diphthongs. Note that none of them increase closure over their duration.

*ie > LX {a/ [velar] _, t/ [dental sibilant] _, /i/ elsewhere}; MC {i/ [palatal] _, d [dental fricate, velar] _, /ie/ elsewhere}; TP /ie/ (17 sets). This series is reconstructed with the aforementioned caveats about the phonetic nature of Taoping /ie/ (3.3.1.5, note). PSQ *ie comes from PTB *i + nasal rhymes Cheart'. 'liver', *wood\ 'fingernail'), horn *ik (drop), from *ey ('drink', 'fruit'), and from *ay ('day').

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi ! Taoping j notes drink tchi thi 6 | thie 33 i *they (STEDT). Attested j in Qiangic and Northern j Naga.

. unne bi bie ! bie 241 I Qiangic *nbi (Chapter IV), | *C-bi (STEDT) heart ci mi ti6 mu i xtie 55 ma55 ! *s-niij (367) day ci se i sie33 j *s-nay (GSTC) fruit ci mi se mil ; sie55ma55 i *sey (57) god a bfi tchj a pa-se | tshie 33 liver ci J a se i sie55 i *m-sin (234) saw k e ^ i , kie3\ i 55 ! Qiangic root: Ergong ke ! Yadu kheJ I spring, {tea qe!) tse-qe | tsie55qa33 \ summer i tight ci ~ tc i se ! -- \ wood, ci to se ; sie33 *siq (233) i timber i drop (of zt {te) ! dzie33 *tik x dzik » n-dzak water) 1 (STEDT) fingernail lie st qo i se ; sie 55 qo 55 | *m-(t)sin = m-tsyen (74) ! soul/spirit :tst — | tshie 33

open (door) I ga dzi ! xgie 241 !

tail | sua ka sua ke j sua55kie33 i

In addition to these sets, however, there are many which are clearly cognate, and in which at least one form suggests *ie, but other form(s) do not. E.g.,

Gloss Longu Mianchi Tapping pot. wok tsha pia tsha tshie 5Spa 55 garden tsa-ku tst qo tshieS 5kie33

*ia > LX {a /[palatal, s]_, /ia/ elsewhere), MC {a /[palatal]_, e/ s _ , /ia/ elsewhere), TP {a /p,l_, e /m_ ; /ia/ elsewhere) (18 sets). For this set the three dialects are about equally

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divergent. PSQ *ia has at least three PTB sources: *ya ('skin', 'shoulder1, 'penis'), *Vy ('cheek', 'dig', 'flint), and *ak ('pig', 'side', 'thirsty'). Note that for this rhyme, the approach taken in Chang 1967 would be to reconstruct initial palatal clusters (Professor Matisoff, p.c.).

Gloss Longxi ! Mianchi Taoping PTB skin (human) ja pia 5 .a pi£ 3 a55 pa 55 1 *pya ~ pra (STEDT) shoulder liaxS \ la3'xa 5?pi 33 j *m-Iyan/q (pi 2 0 ) f penis liaqo liaqe __ *b/m-l(y)aq ! (STEDT, cf. GSR 8871)

cheek tci pia tci pia tjq31 pa 55 ! *s-bi * s-bay (STEDT) dig bii lia — qho 31la55 *la:y (288) flint, steel (for tsha mia tsue mia | *mey (STEDT) flint) Pig pia pia pa 33 ; *p-wak (43) side pi£ pti pa 33pu 33 *(s)pa(q/k) i (STEDT)

thirsty , tsu to pia pia XPa55 *s-pa(q/k) i (STEDT)

female (animal) j — ! mia mia i ?*m-na (187), | ?*mi (STEDT)

flat ! piaqo pia pia — ?*pea- (330) New Year dza di£ dia dia241 cloth j bit mia b^ii mi£ bzi 3lme33 I j plant (wheat) phia phia phia 33 i

shovel ca pi£ ci-pia —

thick (of paper) J lia lia (liu) — i thread , sa ri.i SE li sio 33li55

write — ca sia55 !

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*io > LX {u /[palatall_ ; o / s_ , ?? elsewhere}, MC {/o/ /s ; /io/ elsewhere}, TP {o/[palatal]_; /io/ elsewhere} (5 sets). Recall that PSQ *th > Longxi tslju. The sequence /sio/ does not occur in Longxi or Mianchi. This diphthong apparently occurred only after dentals (the palatals in Longxi ('door', ’many1) and Taoping ('puttee') are phonologically conditioned secondary developments). This diphthong is not yet relatable to any rhyme in PTB.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping door dzii ~ dzti did dio 241 many dzu dio dio 241 bucket/barrel thio thio 33 puttee, leg wrap dioq di dzo 33de241 autumn, winter so qei so qe sio 33ko 33

*iu > LX /o/, MC /iu/, TP lyl (3 sets). The reconstruction of this rhyme is further bolstered by Mawo /iu/ in 'ten' and /u/ in 'say' (*ziu does not occur in Mawo).

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping Mawo ten Hadzo Ha diti (qo) Xd dyj3 ha diu see a too tiO (ca) tcy33 kua tiu say, speak; tell did; diu dzi241; dy33 JU

*ye > LX {ue/ #_ , /ua/ elsewhere}; MC /ue/; TP /ye/ (7 sets), lyl does not occur in the Longxi and Mianchi environments for which we have evidence for *ye. It is not clear which PTB *rhyme(s) gave rise to PSQ *ye. One possibility is given for 'full'.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping PTB full sua SUE sye” ?*l-tyam k 1-dyam (226) answer gua xgye 33 diy, warm by fire qhua khue khye 33 hit target (da ua) 45 de ue da3‘ye33 useful ue ye13 hot khft khua khue khuE khye 55le33 turn (body) (sue) sue cye33la55

45 The Longxi form probably reflects a different root, cf. Mawo da wa.

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Turn (body)' may be from *sue, with subsequent palatalization(s) in Taoping. However,

the remaining Taoping instances could not have arisen via palatalization.

*ya > LX {/ya/, with palatalization of initial}, MC, TP {/ya/ /[palatalL; /ua/ elsewhere}(4 to 7 sets). There are no PTB etyma that can be related to words with this rhyme.

Gloss f nnyxi Taoping blind fia tcya — Xtcya33 brightness cya cya cya33 tread/step on -- tchya tchya31 hoe tcya kua kua33

For 'blind', 'brightness', 'tread1, the PSQ roots are identical to the Taoping forms. For PSQ hoe' I reconstruct *kya. There is one apparent reflex of PTB *ya. Longxi pa3lxtess 'stomach' from PTB *l-tya **l-twa (STEDT). The following three sets are promising, but inconclusive. Ten thousand' and 'tile' are phonetically very similar to their Mandarin counterparts (wan ten thousand', wa tile'). If 'sprout' comes from a *ya etymon, then it has lost lyl in Longxi and Mianchi, probably in the process of palatalizing the initial.

G-lSSS Longxi Mianchi Taoping ten thousand trua a u£ Xgy fl33 tile Kua ia ^gya 33 sprout (n) ca qo ca qe le ki ^gya 33qo 33

*ya is a problematic rhyme, with many sets (more than ten) where at least one item suggests *ya. but at least one item suggests a different *rhyme. This discrepancy is especially vexing in those sets with good correspondence of ’•'initial (and sometimes *tone). This hints that *ya was not stable, and often palatalized the ^initial or assimilated to its place of articulation. The following examples illustrate this kind of difficulty:

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GLOSS Longxi Mianchi Taping broom tcy 6 -la d^ua dzya241 Jew's harp diya pii dzou — lip dzya-kti due-^ji xdua 33 sweep eye te su£ me sya33ma33 weave — tya tia 33

For 'weave', NQ forms suggest *-ia: Mawo ti ti, Yadu tci tee.

*ua > LX, MC /ua/, TP /ua/ (11 to 13 sets). The correspondences among the three dialects are very regular, and although two sets can be traced to PTB *arw, the exact relationship of this PSQ *rhyme to PTB is not yet clear.

Gloss j Longxi Mianchi Taoping notes tail suaka sua ke j sua55kie33 : *swa-p (STEDT: attested in Qiang, Dafang Yi) mountain i qhuaci qhua b^a — ?*klu:t) (127) valley qhuaqo i monkey Kua sa miasa PKN *ija:w (192). For initial correspon 1 dence, cf. 'five',

: below buckwheat zuaKa dzua Ka dzua31Ka33 help l Kua te Kua Kua31 far ! -- ?.ixua Xua33

step over/ ; (da) ku& (tea) — Kua33tsa33 across ; village j tshu£-kii tshua, tshua qo thigh dua qa-pa dua-b^a — thin (of jxufi Xua __ humans) 1 meal, (CL) 1I tu£ tua —

The following two sets have correspondences that are slightly defective. However,

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evidence from Mawo suggests that *ua is a good PSQ reconstruction for these rhymes.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Tapping Mawo PTB five mie Kua qo b ua33 Bua *l-ga (78) cry out, call out Bua ta Bua Bua33 ^_a 33 bu Bua ?*a:w (273)

The following table shows that the reflexes of PTB *wa is not predictable in Southern Qiang. 'Lungs’, 'conceal' are set apart because their PTB codas appear to have affected the rhyme (’lungs') or both the rhyme and the initial ('conceal'). 'Face' is an instance of PTB *wa > PSQ *ua (the sequence *qhua does not appear in Taoping).

Table 3.6. Reflexes of PTB *-wa

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping ! PTB bamboo ! po (ti) pii 1 xpu 55 | *g-pwa (44) cattle i go mia go 1 zi31gu33 *gwa(215) ■; (female) face qaqhu£ qaxa qha 3Iqha 33 *kwa (STEDT) fox ' qhagua qhci gua- qha 33 xgua 33 *gwa (p34) hand span *i tu33 *m-twa (165) shine; light m uxuaxua *hwa-t ( 2 2 1 ) i (shiny black) tail/buttocks suaka sua ke sua55kie33 *swa-p (STEDT I attested in Dafang Yi, : Qiang) tooth ; su sO-na (gums sua55 *s-wa * p-wa (437) i ('tooth-red')) rain m - t f ma31^i55 *r-wa (443) i m e i ! wear, dress I g u 1 (te)gu gua33 *gwa-n - kwa-n (160) lungs ; tshil ! tshoii tshu 55 *tswap (239) conceal, hide, 1 cii j ko (b?) eye 33 ♦kway (303) shun ! !

*ui > LX {/u/ /[velar]_; /ui/ elsewhere}, MC /ui/, TP /ua/ (3 or 4 sets). Taoping does not have the diphthong /ui/. In the post-velar environment, Longxi and Mianchi reflexes of *ui

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are indistinguishable from *y; hence, without the Yadu evidence for a *back vowel, 'wrinkle' could be reconstructed with either rhyme. None of these forms can be related to PTB reconstructions.

Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping MaWP Yadu carry with pole tul tui qa55tU333 tY tU3 rust ca-gu gu\ Xgua33 — dzerqua swallow (v.i.) zui S']31 dzuo33 S3 BZ3 sa yzy wrinkle Ja gii gui x y

*ue > LX /u, ue/, MC /ue/, TP /ue/ ( 8 sets). I have no explanation for the variation in Longxi reflexes; however, Mianchi and Taoping are invariable. Recall that Mianchi /e, d

are not considered distinctive when comparing with other dialects.

Gloss L o n g x i Mianchi Tapping PTB tu r tle d o v e y g u x o g u e g u e — *m-kr 3 w (118) real, genuine ijii q u e -- irrigate, water s ii — § u e 55 green, blue — X u e X u e 33x u e 31 know, be able to que — q u e 33 p itifu l ma tshwel me tshue ph zt — silk, satin K u e KUE x u e 33x t o 33 pull up (weeds) — tu e X tu e 33

In addition to the above forms, the following set appears to contain reflexes of PSQ *ue, although the Mianchi form contains the wrong vowel; it may have been influenced by Mandarin gua (hang on wall).

Gloss I^ongxi Mianchi Tapping hang (on wall) Kue {tife KU&} Kuei n i a ’ 3

♦ua > LX /u/, MC /ue/, TP /ua/ ( 6 sets). PSQ *U3 comes from PTB *ay, *aw.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PTB dog khii khue khua 55 ♦kway (159) smoke, tobacco mil khti, mQ-qhh mu qhue ma3Ikhua 55 ♦kaw (256) water tsii tsue, tsue tsua33 ♦m-t(w)i x m (168) rat, mouse ztkfi dz£ kue z'i3,kua33 field zii zue ZU333 be/copula >)U que qua33

3.3.2.3 Final nasals Although there are nasalized vowels in Longxi and Mianchi, and nasal codas in all three dialects, none of these forms correspond among SQ dialects. Nevertheless, SQ dialects bear direct evidence for the preservation of PTB ♦-am into PSQ, and suggestive evidence for PTB ♦-aq.

♦am > LX {e / pr_ , /a/ elsewhere}; MC {i / ts_, /i/ elsewhere}; TP /i/ (7 sets). That PTB ♦-am survived into PSQ is evidenced by the different vowels that reflect this rhyme in the

key dialects, indicating that the coda disappeared after the dialects had diverged. To my knowledge, this is the first evidence that has been offered to show that some PTB ♦codas were preserved as finals as late as PSQ. The Taoping reflex of 'garden' shows vowel harmony with the second syllable. Longxi has added an echo vowel to the ♦-m of 'iron'

which has preserved the PSQ (and PTB) ♦coda in the form of an initial46; the second

syllable is optional and does not appear in compounds (e.g., 'rust' c a-qh& ('iron-feces')). In Longxi 'dry' ♦ram > ♦ra >

46 For more on echo vowels in Qiang, cf. 4.4.3.

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Gloss Longxi Mianchi ! Taoping PTB, etc. bear | tea | ti33 i *d/g-wam il « I | | (461) ear of grain, j caqa i le ti ! xti 5599 33 ! *s-nam spike i i iron ca (mo) | ci ci55 *syam (228) i smell, sniff : ci da ; mi j xmi 55 I *m-nam (*s- 1 pfx?) *m/s-nam I (464) white ! phe I P § » i ph^i 55 i PQic *pram dry | R6 s ta ^ ! & i ^.i55kua55 i rGyalrong ka i \ ram

*aq > LX /o.u/; MC /o, u, ou/; TP /u,o/ (17 sets). As noted elsewhere (Wen 1950. C. Huang (p.c.)), /of and /u/ distinctions are often fluid in Qiang dialects; the reflexes of PTB *aq are no different from other sets where /of corresponds to /u/. Because there is not a unique reflex of PTB *-aq, it is still not possible to say with certainty whether *aq was distinguished in PSQ or whether it had already been lost. However, the fact that *am was retained strongly suggests that PTB *aq, a more common rhyme, was also retained in PSQ. The following PTB *aq roots are reflected in Southern Qiang, and are arranged by strength of support, with etyma reflected in all three dialects shown first, etc.

Gloss | Longxi j Mianchi Taoping PTB

chest i Koqhua 1 (tiemuze) ^_u5sd z ') 33q 3 33 *b-raq (LaPolla 1985) deaf 0 ,1 bo j bit oi 31kie33bu 241 *(b/p)a:q (STEDT) dream i mo(ze) | mo Xmu55 *r-maq (82) high ! bo b^ti bu 33 *m-raq (p43) horse | BO | ^.du ? .u 55 *s/m-raq (145) blend with ;.o (fia) 16 *laq (STEDT water i i 'water/river/valley') body/corpse | mo j mo | *s-maq (STEDT)

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Gloss | Longxi Mianchi Taoping ! PTB clear, pure, | CO cote *(t)syaq=syarj (pp. clean I 52-3) fat/omentum lou lu55 | *l(w)aq (STEDT) heel ! go qa goii mu sa *gwa-g (STEDT) side 1 pi& pti pa 33pu 33 ! *(s)pa(q/k) *(STEDT) 1 thou no no 55 ; *narj (407) bom/birth i §s bu *braq (135) ■ hole/orifice dzo 33 *dwa(:)o (169) ; lean d^o 241 *n-dzaq (STEDT) roast, toast, ! (t3 X

t | | 76a-c)

Given the fact that there is no direct evidence of the preservation of *-q into any of the documented Qiang dialects, and given the fact that the vowel correspondences cannot be set apart from *o/u alternation, the above forms are reconstructed in Appendix A with the PSQ vowel alternation *o/u, although the PTB etyma are noted. 3.4 Summary of correspondences In the following tables summarizing Southern Qiang correspondences, the strength of attestation is denoted by the number of supporting sets. Numbers followed by a plus sign generally indicate the number of sets that have reflexes in all three key dialects.

Initials

PSQ Longxi | Mianchi J Taoping | # o f i 1 sets *P 1 P ! p ! p ! 32 *ph ph I Ph ph i! 15 *b ! b ! b i b i ...... i 19

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PSQ ; Longxi | Mianchi | Taoping ! # o f | i sets *m I m | m m | 40 *t /tc/ /_*i, *y; /t/ else | t j /tc/ /_*i, *y; Ix/ else ; 25 where where *th /tch/ /_i, /ts, tsh/_u; /th/ I th i | /tsh/ /_y; /th/ else- ; 11 elsewhere ! where} i

*d /dz/ /_*i; /d/ else d ! /dz/ /_*\ (hapax); /d/ ; 2 5 where} elsewhere *ts i /tc/ /_i,y (or *i, *y); ts i ts : 3 2 /ts/ elsewhere i

*tsh /tch/ /_ i,y; /ts/ else I tsh | /tch/ /_t, y; /ts/ ' 22

where . i elsewhere *dz ! z (no [z] in LX) i dz i dz 16

*s ! /c/_ i,y; /s/ elsewhere 1 s 1 * 45

*z z z 1' Z 15 *n /rv/ / _ i; /n/ elsewhere} n /n/ /_ i; /n/ elsewhere} 17 *1 /t\J /_ i; /!/ elsewhere /rv/ /_* y; !M elsewhere | 1 32 *t§ ts t§ 1 /ts/ / _ i; /t§/ elsewhere 24

*t§h /ts/ / _ u; /tsh/ else t§h I l§h 22 where *d^_ /dz/ /_ i: /dz, z/ else /dz/ / _ e; d^ elsewhere 20 where

*§ s § ; /s/ /_ i; /§ /elsewhere ; 7 t 0/_ i, frJ elsewhere S. i ^ 6

*x i, 9- *- ! ; 7

*tc tc /ts/ / _ t; /tc/ elsewhere i : - 3 0 *tch tsh / _ t, *i; /tch/ tch | [tjh] / _ i; /tc/ - 4 0 elsewhere ! elsewhere *dz dz, z /_ t ; dz dz [d3l / _ i; /dz/ j - 20 elsewhere I elsewhere i *G s / _ i; /c/ elsewhere s / _ t; /c/ elsewhere 1 c t 21

*z /z/ (LX lacks /z/) z * ! 7 fi *IV n /_ 3, rv elsewhere n / _ a, rv elsewhere ! n/_3, rv elsewhere i 8 *k /tc/ / _ i, y; DfJ k ! /tc/ / e; D/J elsewhere i 17?? elsewhere ! I

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PSQ ! Longxi ' Mianchi j Taoping #of| j 1 sets I *kh 1 /tch/ _*i (hapax); /kh/ kh j /tch/ _*i (hapax); /kh/ 1 1 0 elsewhere ! elsewhere i ti 1 i *g I g ! 8 ! g ! 1 0 0 ! o ! 9 1 0 *q q ! q i q ! 52 *qh qh qh ! qfi 1 0 *X ; x i x ! x | 2 1 *K KK : k 2 1 i yy fi R : 2 *pz P P : pz ! 2 *bz b bz : 2 *br b(j) b*. ! b*. 2 *pr P b^ 1 PK 1 *phr ph P§ Ph^. 8 *sm c /_ i; x _ u m Xm 3 *sl s, 1 U c.S 1 *sn c n, ti c. xl xn. 4 *khs ' tsh_ e; /tch/ elsewhere s (OS) /khs/, (YS) /tsh/ 3 *khr c s (OS) /kh§/, (YS) /tgh/ 1 *khc c, tsh s, c (OS) /khc/; (YS) /tch/ 3 *gz ! ? z (OS) /gz/; (YS)/dz/ 1 *gz ; dz z (OS) /gz/, (YS)/dz/. 1

*gr : gJ. dz g.d*. (OS) {gz /_ y, g^. 2 ; elsewhere}, (YS) {dz _ y, d^. elsewhere} *qhs ! tsh s (OS) /qhs/, (YS) /tsh/ 2 *qhr | tsh, qh tch, tgh qh 3 i ' *xi K, K_ 1 1 K 5 *XP P P XP 1 0 *XPh Ph ph XP 2 *Xb b b Xb 6

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, .,. PSQ Longxi Mianchi | Taoping # o f I ! sets | m m ! Xm j 7 *xt I t !xt ! 18 *xd dz /_* V[+high], /d/ d | Xd 8 ! elsewhere i 1 *Xn n n ! Xn 2 *Xt§ ts tc /_ i, t§ elsewhere xt§ : 5 *Xd3. z, ts d^, dz ! Xd2L 4 *xtc ts /_t; c elsewhere tc 1 Xtc 2 *Xdz dz 7 Xdz ! — 4 *xn» c /_i; /i\/ elsewhere n /_a; a, elsewhere ! xa. 5 *xk k,q k ,q I xq /- a ’ Xk elsewhere 6 1 * x g g dz /_*i; g elsewhere} ! xg : 7 *X0 k , q q 1 xo ’ 2 *xq q q ; xq 5 *XG K K XG 1

Rhym es

The rhyme *aq is given in parentheses to indicate that its existence is surmised, rather than proven.

------PSQ Longxi Mianchi Taoping ' # of sets i . *i i i i 15 ' o/ [dental] _ , ui/ [velar] _ , y j 5 u/ [velar] _ , ?? else iu/1 _, ou/s _ , ?? else where where *e I e.ei e, e e ■ 7 *a : a a a I 70 ; i * 1 i 9 + i ! * 3 j 3 a 3 1 7 *U I; U u U 5+

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PSQ ; Longxi : Mianchi i Taoping #of i sets i *o o ! ° o ! 6+ *Q a | Id / _ Cu, /a/ else- a | 57 ; where

*ie I a/ [velar] t/ [dental | /i/ / [palatal] e/ ie ; 1 7 ! sibilant] /i/else ! [dental fricate, velar] where j /ie/ elsewhere *ia a /[palatal, sL* /ia/ ! a /[palatalL, e/ s _ , /ia/ a /p,l_, e /m_; /ia/ 18 : elsewhere 1 elsewhere elsewhere *io u /[palatal ]_ ; o / s _ , | /o//s_; /io/ elsewhere o/[palatalL; /io/ 5 ! ?? elsewhere i elsewhere *iu o j iu y 3 *ye ue/ # _ , /ua/ elsewhere ! UE ye ; 7 *ya ya, + palatalization of I /ya//[palatalL; /ya/ /[palatalL; /ua/ i 4 to initial i elsewhere elsewhere ; 7 *ua ua j ua ua 11 to 13 ' • *ui twl /[velarL; /ui/ else 1 ui U3 3 to where 4 *ue u, ue | ue ue ! 8 *U 3 u ; ue U3 : 6 *am e / pr_ , /a/ elsewhere i / ts_, HI elsewhere i 7 (*ag) | o,u o, u, ou u,o | 16

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Chapter IV. Contact-induced tonogenesis in Southern Qiang

4.1. Introduction As mentioned previously, the Southern dialects (SQ) exploit tones to make lexical distinctions, while the Northern dialects (NQ) lack tonal phenomena. Attempts have been made (e.g., Liu 1998a) to correlate the tones of Southern Qiang with certain phonetic features of NQ dialects (e.g., consonant cluster initials and vowel quantity/quality/rhotacization). This chapter presents evidence that Southern Qiang was a pitch accent language which has undergone contact-induced tonogenesis; viz., after undergoing phonological simplifications that made SQ dialects tone-prone, lexical borrowings from a tonal language (Sichuanese Mandarin) caused the beginnings of tonal distinctions. Some dialects (Longxi, Taoping) have developed full-blown tonal systems, while others (Mianchi, Heihu) have layers of tonal strata over pitch accent systems. There appear to be phonetic motivations for some accented syllables and for certain minor tones, which are of relatively recent origin. This chapter consists of six sections. In the following section I introduce the tonal systems of the key SQ dialects. In section 4.3 I present arguments that tone in Southern Qiang is an innovation, and not a retention which was lost in Northern Qiang. In 4.4 I propose a course of development for the genesis of tones in Southern Qiang, and in the fifth section I set forth evidence that the development of the SQ *pitch-accent system was influenced by tonogenetic factors. I close the chapter with some suggestions for further research that would indicate whether SQ dialects are becoming more or less tonal. The Qiangic branch of Tibeto-Burman consists of languages and dialects with

phonemic tone (e.g., Southern Qiang, Pumi, Queyu, Zhaba, Muya, Guiqiong, Shixing, Namuyi), as well as those without it (e.g., Northern Qiang, rGyalrong, Daofu/Ergong). Most, if not all, Qiangic tone systems differ from prototypical syllabic tone systems, such

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as those found in Mandarin Chinese or Thai. Pum i has been analyzed as having pitch accent, or word tone, in which the entire word is the Tone-Bearing Unit (TBU) (Ding 1998, 1999). Likewise, Ergong/Daofa has tones that are non-phonemic (H. Sun, et al.

1991 (henceforth ZYC) p218, Dai 1989), and rGyalrong appears to have a word-tone or

pitch accent system (ZTC:209). According to Huang 1991, rGyalrong is a language in

which syllables carry "customary pitch" rather than tone: among 3,000 commonly used words she found only one pair of monosyllables distinguished by tone, and ten disyllabic minimal pairs. Nagano (1984), while conceding that "every word has a somewhat fixed pitch pattern," unequivocally claims that "tone is not distinctive at all." J. Sun has observed that

(G)lottalized and non-glottalized syllables are associated with different pitch patterns in rGyalrongic languages, and are often interpreted as involving some kind of tonal contrast by certain linguists. For instance, Lin briefly mentions the tense- marking tonal alternation in the Ergali variety of Guanyinqiao (Lin 1993:749-50) but fails to mention similar phenomena in his lengthy descriptions of Muerzong and Caodeng sound systems (Lin 1993:489-509; 526-604).(J. Sun 1998:7n)

Following J. Sun and the major sources, I regard rGyalrong as non-tonal . 1

Within Southern Qiang, tone serves different functions in different dialects, and not all dialects are tonal to the same extent. Before delving into the origins of SQ tone, I shall first present brief descriptions of the tones in the three SQ dialects that will be examined in this chapter.

4.2 Descriptions and origins of Southern Qiang tones

In this chapter, I consider the tones of the three key dialects. In addition to data on these three dialects, there is some information about tones in other SQ dialects that can be found in Wen 1943a (Wasi), 1945 (Hou'ergu), 1950b (Jiuziying), and Wen and Fu 1943

1 For an overview of Tibeto-Burman tone systems, cf. Matisoff 1998

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(Lobuzhai). However, these sources contain insufficient data for systematic comparison, as only a few forms in each article are marked for tone, and hence are employed to a lesser extent. In this section I review the tonal structures of the three key dialects, and discuss the origins of their secondary tones. In order to facilitate discussion, some tables are repeated from Chapter II.

4.2.1 Taoping Of all varieties of Southern Qiang, this is the only dialect for which extensive tonal data have been published (e.g., H. Sun 1962, QYJZ, ZYC , Chang 1967, Liu 1998a, etal.). According to Liu 1998b: 17 there were 4,900 speakers of Taoping (Li county) in 1990. Taoping has six tones (33, 55, 31, 241, 13, 51), which differ greatly in frequency and distribution. In the Taoping lexicon, they occur with the following frequencies, and with the given restrictions (1754 syllables in 1008 words):

a 33 764 instances 43.6% Occurs with all initials a55 495 instances 28.2% Occurs with all initials a 31 337 instances 19.2% Occurs with all initials a241 94 instances 5.4% Occurs with voiced initials only a 13 43 instances 2.5% Occurs in borrowings from Mandarin fourth tone, and in coalescence a51 2 1 instances 1 .2 % Occurs in borrowings from Mandarin third tone

Tones 33, 55, and 31 (the major tones) may all co-occur in any order, with 31-33 as the most common combination. The three minor tones o f Taoping (241, 51. 13) occur in just 9% of its lexicon. The 241 tone has a shared origin with Longxi and Mianchi Low-rising tone (cf. 4.4.6). The remaining two minor tones occur on borrowings from Mandarin. According to Yang 1984:901, Li County Mandarin has the following tones:

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Yin-Ping 55 Yang-Ping 31 Shang 53 Qu 2 5 -3 5 Ru 44

The 51 tone occurs exclusively in borrowings from Mandarin third tone, or shang sheng, (cf. 3.5.3), which in Li County is pronounced 53:

Gloss Tapping M a n d a r i n well tsio 5lna 33 p n g friend phui) 3,iau51 peng you wristwatch §su55piau 51 shoti biao (sandhi tones, from shou biao) chair i5Itsi31 y l z i harmonica kh 9 usltchin 31 kou qin acre mu51 mu

The 13 tone occurs on borrowings from Mandarin fourth tone , or qu sheng (pronounced 25 locally), with the exception of two dual pronouns, which appear to have coalesced, probably from the addition of nJss 'two' after the sandhi forms of the personal

pronouns qaS5T and kua 55 'you':

Gloss Taoping Mandarin mole t§i13 zhi story/tale kuI3s i 13 gii shi mark tcil3xnu 13 qi had change/transform pianI 3tha 33 bian clean (v.) kan 55tsin 13pu 33 ganjing eighth ti 13pa 33 di ba

we (dual) qaq13tJV3 (cf. qa 3,thya5S 'we') you (dual) kuarjI3tjy 3 (cf. kua 3lthya5S, 'you (pi.)1)

4.2.2 Longxi According to my own fieldwork, Longxi (Wenchuan county, 3,300 speakers in 1990 (Liu 1998b: 17)) has two major tones (L, H), and three minor tones (R, M, F). 98.9% of Longxi syllables occur with a major tone. The phonetics, frequency, and distribution of Longxi tones are as follows (6150 syllables in 3247 entries):

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a Mid or Low-falling (L) (ma 33 ~ ma31) 63.61% (3912 instances) all initials a High level tone (H) (ma55) 3533% (2173 instances) all initials a Low (falling) rising (R) (ma 13 - ma213) 0.70% (43 instances) voiced initials a35 Mid-rising tone (M) 0.31% (19 instances) borrowings, coalesced syllables a High-falling tone (F) (ma51) 0.05% (3 instances) coalesced syllables, borrowing, syllabified pre initial

Longxi major tones have the following distribution in 1452 native disyllables:

Table 4.1. Distribution of major tones in native Longxi disyllables

o l \cr 2 1 L H L 620 505 H 176 151

The development of the minor tones in Longxi (and in Mianchi) has been affected by Wenchuan County Mandarin, which has the following tones:

Yin-Ping 55 Yang-Ping 31 Shang 42 Qu 13 Ru 44

The three instances of Longxi High-falling tone have three separate origins, as given below:

alkali tceN borrowing: (Mandarin jian (local tone = 42)) armpit kam coalescence: (< /ka my/) stone k o lu *RC cluster (PTB *r-luq2, Mawo kIu p ip

2 All Tibeto-Burman reconstructions are from Benedict (1972), unless marked otherwise. Those marked STEDT are from the Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus project of James Matisoff. Proto-Qiang (PQ) and Proto-Qiangic (PQic) reconstructions

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Taken together, these three lexemes present a picture of an emerging tone. In this case, the tone has come into being through both external and native linguistic influences. Considering the increased rate of borrowing in Southern Qiang, this tone will probably increase in strength and number through the introduction of more Mandarin third tone syllables. This set, along with the other minor tone data, show how readily these languages create new tones, once the feature of pitch has been exploited to distinguish lexical items. Almost all instances of the Longxi Mid-Rising tone are borrowings from Mandarin. The following words show that this tone cannot be correlated with any particular Mandarin tone, as tones 2, 3. 4 of standard Mandarin are all represented, with fourth tone being the most common (local tones are indicated following the Hanyu Pinyin. With the exception of full Sichuanese forms taken from my own field notes, Sichuanese tone marks are based on the analysis of Yang 1984):

gloss Longxi Mandarin deep fry tsa 35 da zba (42>* blame someone kuai3S-da guai (13) taxes suei 35 shui (13) try, test kao 35 da kao (53)

The above forms show that tone assignation on borrowings is often arbitrary. This may indicate that the forms were borrowed from Chinese before Longxi had developed tone (the hypothesis found in Liu 1998a). Alternatively, it may be a further indication of the instability of SQ tones; that is, that the tones on these borrowed forms have flip-flopped after entering Longxi. A third possibility is that when these forms were borrowed, Longxi

are my own, unless otherwise noted.

3 The origin of the tone on this particular syllable is discussed in section 3.6.

4 'Deep fry 1 and 'try, test' may reflect the influence of standard Putonghua.

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speakers assigned them random tones. Longxi Mid-Rising tone cannot be completely correlated with local tones, as local Sichuanese forms with 35 tone may be borrowed into

other Longxi tones; e.g., tsha tsha 'eraser, rubber 1 (local Sichuanese tsha 33 tsi2r).

Coalescence of syllables is the other demonstrable origin of this tone, as in m o 35

'disappear', from rod ho 'there is not' from m'l + ijd NEG + EXIST5. The tones of the

following 'night' words are probably due to coalescence, although I have not been able to discover what the underlying morphemes are (these words also have strange tonal properties in Mianchi, allowing two high tones):

glQSS Longxi Mianchi tonight p e p dzi tst pe gi€ tst tomorrow night to pei 35 dzi tst tie pei gie tst last night nei 35 dzi tst no gie tst

4.2.3 Mianchi Tones in Mianchi (Wenchuan county, 15,700 speakers in 1990 (Liu 1998b:17» are added onto a pitch accent system of high and low (-falling) pitch, in which native words may only have one high-pitched, or accented, syllable. Mianchi pitch accent is a simpler type of word tone than is found in Risiangku Tamang, in which there are four tones, each of which is spread over a phonological word (Mazaudon 1973). On the contrary, in Mianchi a phonological word (usually mono- or disyllabic, although longer forms also occur) may be accented or unaccented, and the accent may occur on any syllable, although there are some restrictions; e.g., only verbs with Low-rising tones occur with accented DIR prefixes. While unaccented and accented syllables account for 95% of the vocabulary, there are contour tones on the remaining five percent:

5 These morphemes also combine to form mo 'without'.

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a Unaccented (L) (ma31) 67.3% (4288 instances) all initials a Accented (H) (ma55) 27.9% (1775 instances) all initials a Low (Falling) Rising (R) (ma 13 - ma213) 3.5% (226 instances) all initials a High-Falling tone (F) (ma51) 1.2% (76 instances) all initials a35 Mid-Rising tone (M) (ma35) 0.01% (4 instances) borrowings and coalesced syllables

Major pitches/tones on native disyllables occur with the following distributions (1213 instances):

Table 4.2. Distribution of major tones in native Mianchi disyllables

o l \ o 2 L j H L 565 416 H 232 0

In accordance with the obligatory contour principle (OCP), only one accented syllable may occur per word. High-Falling and Mid-Rising tones do not co-occur with accented syllables, indicating that they are underlyingly accented (or 'High'). Low-rising may co occur with accented syllables, indicating that it is unaccented. Following Yip (1995) the tones may be diagrammed as follows. Capitals denote register and lower case denotes pitch within register.

Table 43. Autosegmental representation of Mianchi pitch phenomena Toneabbr’s: L R H F M 0 a a a a 1 I I I I L L H H H I A I A A 1 lh h hi lh surface pitch: 31 (2)13 55 51 35

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This notation captures the above-mentioned phonetic generalizations and restric tions. However, it does not reveal the historic fact that Mianchi is essentially a pitch accent language, nor does it predict the wide discrepancies in the distribution of tones. In order to accurately reflect historic and distributional realities, I will continue to refer to Mianchi L and H syllables as (un-)accented, and the other syllables as tonal. As would be expected, accent sandhi occurs on compounds involving more than one accented syllable. However, Mianchi accent sandhi is complex and unpredictable, as shown in the following chart (the last instance in the chart shows interplay between accent and tone):

Table 4.4. Accent sandhi in Mianchi compounds

a. Disyllabic combinations Low + Low: L + L -> L-L bâ + mil = bâ-mii adult (big-person) L + L •> L-L de+bâ = de-bâ expand, inflate (pfx-big) L + L -> L-L dio + bâ = dio-b 3.a front gate, door (door-big) L + L -> L-L lo + bâ = lo-bâ stone, boulder (stone-big) L + L -> L-H 16 + bâ = 16-bâ long month (caique) (month-big) L + L -> L-H zt + bâ = z\-bzji bull ox (bull-big) L + L -> H-L tshe + mu = tsh£-mii wool (goat^-fur) Low + High: L + H -> H-L sii + n 6 = sti-n 6 gums (tooth-red) L + H -> H-L lo + p§! = 16-p§ 1 flint (stone-white) High + Low: H + L -> H-L la + bâ = ld-bâ eagle (eagle-big) H + L -> H-L mfi + khue = mQ-khue warm self by fire (fire-put.near. fire) High + High: H + H -> L-L ti + p§i = ti-p§ i panda (bear-white)

6 It is not clear at this point whether to relate this morpheme to PTB *kye-l (STC 339), or whether it may be cognate to PLB *V-cit (TSR 27).

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b. Trisyllabic combinations:

High 4- High + Low: H + H + L -> H-L-L na + na + ts* = no-no-tsi bright red, glowing (red-red-sfx) H + H + L -> H-L-L mti + phfi + dio = mu-phii-dio tube to blow on fire (fire-blow- door) Low-High + Low: LH + L -> L-L-H Ka mft + pho = Ka mii-pho almond tree (almond-tree) LH + L -> L-L-L be liu + b^a = be liu-b^a bachelor (young.man-big)

Low 4 - Low-High: L + LH -> L-L-H pho + â pid = pho-â pid bark of tree (tree-skin) L + LH -> L-L-R de + bû bî = de-b 3.11 b 3 .I become smaller (pfx-small)

There are a few borrowings from Chinese with more than one accented syllable (tf p i fdg 'analogize', tan kuei 'Chinese angelica'). There is also at least one object-verb close collocation that has two accented syllables: za t§i 'winnow' (grain-winnow); this form is apparently treated by native speakers as two words, otherwise it would be the only native H-H form out of more than 1200 disyllables. Certain kinds of trisyllabic and longer words may have two H syllables, indicating that they contain more than one phonological word:

Chinese borrowings:

tsu c6 n %en 'ancestor* tii] tig rad 'dragonfly'

Phrasal words:

su-ddu-pu-mu qai qa-ki-zue m 6 hide?-ghost-do-AGT before-NOM-speech 'poison cat (kind of witch)' 'story, tale'

Conjoined words: na-sa-gji-a-qd two-ten-and-one-CL 'twenty-one'

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New compounds (caiques from Chinese): z i qe-tsu tongue-small 'uvula'

In the Lobuzhai dialect (Wenchuan county), the major tones 55 and 31 can sometimes be pronounced 51, 33, but the variation is apparently not predictable (Wen and Fu 1943:24).

Other Qiangic languages are similarly capricious in the behavior of their pitches and tones. E.g., Pumi (Ding 1998, 1999, Madsoff 1997) has more tones that occur on poly syllables than on mono-syllables, and tone sandhi cannot be predicted. Likewise, Huang (1991) notes that in Muya, the high tone can alternate with the rising tone in the second syllable of a disyllabic word. Zhaba 55, 33 tones are often pronouced with 53, 31 tones in monosyllables or in word-final position, with no apparent predictability (Dai, et al. 1992 (henceforth TBL), p.644). The Mianchi Mid-Rising tone can be shown to be purely secondary, occurring only in instances of borrowing and coalescence, as in the following exhaustive list of Mianchi MR lexemes found in the data (local Mandarin tones given in parentheses):

Gloss Mianchi Mandarin fieshwater clam paeq 35-kha^ Sichuanese [phaeq 35 kha-31] spine pei 35 tci kii b ei(1 3 )jlg u wild goose qae 35 uo ye (53?) e afternoon m^e 35 tsa (see below)

In addition to the above forms, the initial syllable of it} ph} 'earthen jar' is sometimes pronounced [iq35]. The development of contour on the first syllable is probably related to the devoicing of the rhyme of the second syllable. However, this is not a regular pattern, hence no rule can be written for this change. 'Freshwater clam', 'spine', and 'wild goose' are all borrowings from Sichuanese Mandarin. The first syllable of 'afternoon' is the only

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native Mianchi syllable with Mid-Rising tone; it clearly results from a combination of me - mu — mu 'weather morpheme' with something like *zj& (unattested). In fact, the only other instance of lmz^-1 in Mianchi is also a case of syllabic coalescence involving this ubiquitous

'weather morpheme'7: m ^ i 'rain' (cf. Taoping Qiang ma 3I^iss). While there is no direct

evidence for the reconstructed morpheme *^e in Mianchi. it has an apparent reflex in

Longxi (PSQ 8 > Longxi tzf) and possibly in two other Qiangic time words:

Longxi za mia noon Pumi (Taoba) oe^ra 55 morning Shixing n»i 33ri35 morning

The High-Falling (F) tone in Mianchi is the second-most common minor tone, with 76 instances in the nearly three thousand words that I elicited. F only occurs on the final syllable of a verb or verb phrase; it cannot be followed by another syllable. In many cases

F appears on suffixes such as CAUS (zt ~ z i ~ z t):

knock down (wall) §as d^ua zt eliminate, die out ts st zt cause landslide fia d^ua zt

It may also occur on BOR (tha ~ tha - tha, a suffix meaning 'do' which is appended to borrowed monosyllabic verbs):

cover (v.t.) fia loq tha live yo tha surround fia ui tha

7 This morpheme appears as the initial syllable in many words related to the sky and weather:

sky mfi pia thunder mu g 6 sun me si rainbow me yob light, brightness me ca, mu ca snow mu pa

8 Proto-Southern Qiang.

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F also occurs on the first and second person agreement/future tense marker FUT:1.2 (ua ~ ua ~ ua):

frighten (FUT: 1,2) st ua embrace (FUT:1,2) mi qa ua clear, obvious (FUT: 1,2) st ua

In many instances, High-Falling occurs in free variation with the High level tone:

complete, finish te co ~ te co tingle tshii tshu ~ tshii tshti recall te be d^ou ~ te be d^oti ca

'Recall' demonstrates the fate of High-Falling tone in discourse, as High-Falling tone can only occur on the last syllable of a verb phrase. If a syllable with underlying High-Falling tone is followed by another morpheme, it loses its tone and has only accent (or one could say that it loses its contour and has only High register and high pitch). Because of this fragility, out of more than five hundred sentences elicited in Mianchi, only one sentence contains a High-Falling tone:

fia-i ii-kii *ie. 3-s has.just slept S/He just slept.

The exact origin and meaning of this morphological tone are not clear. Neverthe less, it is clearly of recent origin, given that n[h]allmarks of diachronically young tones

include low lexical frequency and involvement in morphological alternations." (Matisoff

1998:18, emphasis his). The restriction of this tone to the final syllables of verb phrases

indicates that it has arisen secondarily, and that it may come from either the suprasegmental remnant of a bygone suffix, or it may have an intonational origin. The Qiangic languages have a great tendency to innovate and re-order their verbal affixes (cf. Evans 1998b), so

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there is as yet no principled manner to determine what erstwhile morphological component the Mianchi High-Falling tone may reflect.

4.2.4 Suprasegmentals in other dialects In addition to Mianchi, there are other SQ dialects in which tone plays a minimal phonological role. Heihu (Mao county), a SQ dialect that is near the NQ area, uses tone only to distinguish Chinese borrowings from native words and from other borrowings (Liu 1998a). According to Wen Yu, Jiuziying is a pitch accent dialect:

The unpredictability of tones is also noticeable. Only when two or more syllables are in juxtaposition is a pitch-accent definitely required, especially for homo phones... (Wen 1950: 21)

He cites the following Jiuziying minimal pairs, for which I have included cognates from Taoping, Longxi, and Mianchi. I have changed Wen's postvocalic tone marks to be consistent with those used in the Longxi and Mianchi data. There are apparently no monosyllabic minimal pairs. For the forms cited, there is no apparent regular correspon dence among the tones.

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Table 4.5. Jiuziying tonal minimal pairs and Southern Qiang cognates

Gloss Jiuziying { Taoping j Longxi | Mianchi last year n i pf I iu 3Ipa 33 ; no pu ; ne pu i : i two years nvpV i ; j idzu 1 pheasant | i3Idzy241 j y-zo ! friend i dzii j i zii - y zii i dzou | inside ko ko : ko 55ko 33 | ku kfi qo qo elder brother ko ko | ! a ko 1 qoqo uncle papa j pe 33pe 33 I a pa ! 1 (paternal, elder) > i father papa | po 55po 33 , i

Unfortunately, these forms represent the total of the suprasegmental Jiuziying data that are given. Nevertheless, whatever the exact nature of Jiuziying pitch phenomena, it is clear from Wen's remarks that tone is a phonological feature of minimal significance, and that something closer to word tone or pitch accent is at work, rather than the standard syllabic tone of a language like Mandarin. In Hou'ergu (Li county) tones are variable on monosyllables; e.g., t'ie 'eat' occurs

with three different tones, depending on the directional prefix: s) 33 t'ie52, si33 t'ie21, dse5 t'ie33). However, tones are stable on polysyllables, pointing to a word tone system in this dialect. Unfortunately, Wen was not able to perform a comprehensive analysis of the tones of Hou'ergu, and wrote that further analysis is needed to distinguish tone and intonation (Wen 1945:134-7). In contrast to the tonal and semi-tonal systems of Southern Qiang, NQ dialects have lexical stress; Liu has described stress in the Mawo dialect as predominantly occurring on the first syllable of polysyllables (Liu 1998a, 1998b), although there are a few minimal pairs that are distinguished by stress (examples and Mawo data from Liu 1998a: 1):

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Table 4.6. Comparison of Mawo stressed syllables with Southern Qiang forms

Gloss Mawo Taoping Mianchi j Longxi

ear 'naku oi 31kie33 na k£ j u i ka

pillow na ku ko 33 ne ko ; i\,i ku pianniu (yak- 'khci xu khci 55 (old spkr) ' zt (possibly cow hybrid) tchi 55 (young j not cognate) spkr) i paper khci 'xu : cover (v.) 'a xu fiaqhue j qhu a box (CL) a'xu XO XQ

The above table clearly shows that stress in Mawo cannot be correlated in a direct way with any particular tone(s) of SQ dialects. LaPolla describes the stress of the Yadu dialect of Northern Qiang as predominant ly trochaic (LaPolla 1996:19). LaPolla and Liu's descriptions are equivalent for disyllables, which account for most of the polysyllabic lexical items in Qiang. Stress is placed irrespective of the semantics of the given syllable; e.g., prefixes are just as likely to carry stress as are free morphemes. The following examples (from LaPolla 1996: 18-19) show that, despite trochaic tendencies, Yadu tone placement is not predictable (note that in 'short' there are vocalic changes that occur with stress placement):

fia prefix + t§ha 'deep' > fidt§hsz 'cause to be deep' ts prefix + watsi 'short' > tswdtsf 'become short' tea prefix + watsi 'short' > tcawstsi 'still short'

Full verb phrases are subject to the same type of stress placement as lexical items:

fid-ma-tci-xtgdpa-tc fid-xtgap-nike DIR-NEG-yet-dark-GEN DIR-dark-CLP 'before it got dark' 'after it got dark'

Unlike Yadu stress placement, and the placement of tones in Longxi and Taoping, Mianchi

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directional prefixes (DIR) may only be accented before verbs with Low-rising tone, with the lone exception of §e n,u 'come out':

lose, be defeated §€ ti darken Ha na contract illness ts tie to be in surplus di d^u

Before verbs of all other pitches/tones, DIR prefixes in Mianchi are unaccented and toneless.

4.3. Evidence that tone is an innovation in Southern Qiang As discussed above, each of the key dialects has tones that are clearly of secondary origin. The evidence and arguments in the remainder of this section point to the relatively recent beginnings of SQ tone systems themselves.

It has generally been accepted that the non-tonal NQ dialects more accurately reflect the suprasegmental state of Proto-Qiang, and that phonemic tones in Southern Qiang are an innovation. In this case, the burden of proof is upon those who assert that Northern Qiang did have tones and lost them, rather than on those who do not make this claim. Neverthe

less. the following observations are offered to lend further support to the claim that Southern Qiang has introduced tone to an otherwise non-tonal language.

4.3.1. Lack of inherited tone from earlier stages There is at this point no evidence that proto-Qiangic was a tonal language. On the contrary, as mentioned above, the most phonologically conservative languages and dialects (e.g.. rGyalrong, Daofu/Ergong), languages which preserve PTB initials and codas, do not have phonemic tones. rGyalrongic dialects have non-phonemic pitches associated with globalized or non-glottalized syllables, but no evidence for an established system of

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tonemes. Similarly, it is probable that the pitch variations observed in Ergong (e.g, ZYC218) are also secondary effects of a (non-transcribed) glottalic trait. With no evidence for tones at the time depth of proto-Qiangic, the origin of SQ tones cannot reasonally be claimed to pre-date Proto-Qiang. In fact, like rGyalrong and Ergong, Northern Qiang, the phonologically conservative sister to Southern Qiang, bears no evidence of ever having had tones. In NQ dialects, even borrowings from Mandarin are

toneless (e.g., Yadu jatj S9 ’color1). The complete lack of tonal phenomena in Northern Qiang suggests that tones arose after the Northern and Southern dialects had diverged from each other.

4.3.2. Weak role of tone in tonal dialects As mentioned in section I, SQ dialects that border the NQ area (e.g., Heihu) use tone to distinguish Mandarin Chinese borrowings; they are not used to distinguish native words from each other. This minimal degree of functionality runs contrary to expectations for a longstanding tonal system. Similarly, Wen Yu observed that tones are not required on Jiuziying monosyllables, hardly a trait of languages with established tonal systems (Wen

1950). Liu (1998a) claims that as one proceeds from North to South across the SQ dialects, the role played by tone in the phonology increases. Nevertheless, even Mianchi, perhaps the southernmost variety of Qiang, and one located far from the influence of the Northern dialects, has essentially a pitch accent system, with true tones occurring on less than five percent of its syllables. In addition to the dialects in which tones play a minimal role, there is often variation in the tone(s) assigned to a lexeme within dialects that are unequivocally tonal. During at least one elicitation session I recorded the following Longxi 'finger' words:

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finger lia cu ring finger lie-n& index finger li6 cu little finger lie-tsa, lie be middle finger lie-s6

However, during another session the consultant pronounced all five of these forms with high tones on all syllables. These variations indicate that, while tones are phonemic in Longxi, they are much less stable than expected for an established syllabic tone system. As mentioned above, Lobuzhai tones have variation in their pitch patterns. Wen

(1950) cites such examples as so 31 pi3' ~ so 33 p i 33 'thread'. However, not all forms participate in this variation (e.g., "among the mid-falling tones are those that can be pronounced mid-level" (p24, translation mine)). Further evidence for the weak role of tone in SQ dialects comes from the widely

diverging frequency of occurrence of tones in each dialect, as given in sections 1 .1 .1 to 1.1.3. In Longxi and Mianchi, Low tones/pitches are about twice as common as High tones/accented syllables, and minor tones occur on only a few percent of the vocabulary. By contrast, in Lolo-Burmese languages, whose tonality can be traced back to the first

millenium, tones *1 and *2 occur with virtually identical frequency (Matisoff 1998:9).

4.3.3. Correlation of tone with phonological simplicity Liu (1998a) claims that the role of tones in the phonology of a given Qiang dialect is roughly inversely proportional to that dialect's consonantal complexity (e.g., presence and number of CC- initials, presence of codas, etc.). This relationship follows typological expectations, as has been frequently noted (Haudricourt 1954, Matisoff 1972, 1973, 1998, Mazaudon 1977, Thurgood 1997, etc.). Within Qiang, the Northern dialects have the most complex syllable canons, and have no trace of tone systems; that is, they are at one extreme

9 Cf. Lahu Ia?-no=da? 'finger=good'. The second syllable o f the Longxi form also means 'good'.

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end of Liu's spectrum. Northern Qiang, being in other respects phonologically more conservative than the SQ dialects, has apparently maintained a state that typologically does not give rise to tone systems. The SQ dialects on the other hand, which are phonologically more degenerate and which have simpler syllable canons, possess tones. That is, tonelessness appears to be a conservative trait and tonality an innovative trait within Qiang. While this observation may hold for many SQ dialects, Taoping, the most oft-cited SQ dialect, does not fit this pattern. It is phonologically more complex than either Longxi or Mianchi, but has been presented by H. Sun as having a clear-cut six tone system. When Liu and H. Sun gathered data in the 1950's, elderly speakers of Taoping still maintained complex initial clusters, which, according to ZYC, they pronounced with the same tones as did the younger speakers. Following are H. Sun's examples (QYJZ: 10) of the differences between the speech of older and younger Taoping speakers. I have included data from two NQ dialects to show how similar the complexity of Old Taoping was to Northern Qiang,

and data from Longxi and Mianchi to demonstrate the cluster simplification that has occurred in contemporary SQ dialects.

Table 4.7. Fate of initial clusters in Taoping

Gloss Yadu 1 Mawo Older TP 1 Young TP Longxi i Mianchi i sneakers SDeakers new khso i khso khsi55 tshi55 tchi I si

comb (v.) khueJ ' ! kha'la khgua55 | tghua55 Q

In accordance with this principle, note that Longxi has merged the PSQ retroflex

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and dental series (Evans 1998a), and that Longxi is much more tonal than is Mianchi. The merger was apparently recent, as obstruents in this series may be pronounced with either retroflex or dental articulation. In spite of the correlation that has been drawn by Liu, phonological simplicity does not by itself predict the role of tone in a given dialect: otherwise Mianchi, which has only three consonant clusters, would be more tonal than Taoping, with 24 clusters in the speech of its younger speakers. Much like H. Sun’s Old Taoping, the SQ dialect data of the 1940's is much more conservative than either of the dialects that I have transcribed. Wen Yu's dialects all have more initial clusters than do Longxi and Mianchi. As an example, Lobuzhai has 22 initial

clusters: /bj, b^., p'j, k'^, g 2^, am, s\, §p, §t, §k, ^b, ^d, ^g, §p, ?p, ft, jb, jd, §t§, ^d^, fcf, k't§’/ (Wen and Fu 1943). Similar to Mianchi and Longxi, it has two major tones (55, 31) and two minor tones (15, 21/11). Hou'ergu (Li county) has at least 21 initial clusters, alongside four tones; however, because Wen and Fu did not present any monosyllabic minimal pairs, it is not clear how tonal Hou’ergu was at that time, or whether it had word tone rather than syllabic tone.

4.3.4. Correlation of tonality and borrowing

"The function of tones often stands in direct proportion to the amount of borrowing from Chinese [i.e., Sichuanese Mandarin -- jpe]. The greater the proportion of Chinese borrowings in the lexicon, the greater die role of tones in the phonological system." (Liu 1998a:2, translation mine)

The influence of Sichuanese Mandarin on Southern Qiang cannot be overstated. The Qiang villages that are within walking distance of Wenchuan City, the seat of the

county of that same name, are all linguistically Sinicized, and there are no speakers of Qiang within them, with the possible exception of a few elderly semi-speakers. Likewise, there is a high ratio of Chinese borrowings in SQ dialects. Liu (1998a) claims that among

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the dialects that she recorded in the 1950's, about 30% of the words in the lexica of SQ dialects had been borrowed from Chinese (e.g., H. Sun 1988 claims that in Zengtou (in the Taoping dialect) 30.2% of 3406 vocabulary items were borrowed), while the figure for NQ dialects was about 10%. The 30% figure that Liu cites no doubt played a large role in the acquisition of tones by the phonologically conservative Taoping dialect. In the dialects for which I have personally gathered data, the rate is much lower; e.g.. Mianchi has a rate of borrowing of about 16%, and Longxi about 9%, out of over 3,000 lexical items.

Given these arguments for the late origin of tone systems in Southern Qiang, important questions remain regarding the processes by which SQ dialects became tonal. The following section addresses these mechanisms.

4.4. Process of tonogenesis in Southern Qiang

Classic tonogenesis occurs with the loss of segmental information: segmental distinctions (usually in the initial or coda) are lost, and the distinction that these segments carried (e.g.. by voicing) are transphonologized onto the pitch of the vowel. However,

tones in Southern Qiang cannot be traced to the reduction of any particular contrasts; they do not correspond to contrasts in initial voicing in earlier stages of the language, nor to the presence or absence of voiced or voiceless proto-finals. Rather, tones in Southern Qiang apparently arose through a three-stage process: first the dialects became increasingly "tone- prone" (Matisoff 1998), then became tonal (to varying degrees) through the influence of Mandarin, and then developed native tones. SQ dialects have apparently undergone the following six stages in developing tones. Not all dialects appear to have progressed through all six stages; e.g., Heihu has not developed its own tones (the final step).

4.4.1. Lexical stress

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As discussed above, Proto-Qiang did not inherit a system of tones from Proto- Qiangic. NQ dialects have a system of (mostly) trochaic stress on disyllables (Yadu: LaPolla 1996, Mawo: Liu 1998a, b). Although most disyllabic words are stressed on the first syllable, there are a few minimal pairs distinguished by stress (cf. section I). Southern Qiang still bears evidence of stressed syllables in the tone patterns of native disyllables. I maintain that the fact that the pattern LH is 1.8 to 2.8 times more common than HL in Longxi and Mianchi implies that Southern Qiang once had stressed

syllables, apparently with an iambic pattern in disyllabic forms . 10 Of course, this piece of

statistical data is merely suggestive. In spite o f the equivocal statistics, given the fact that the phonologically conservative Northern dialects have word stress and lack tone and pitch accent, it appears that SQ dialects would also have had lexical stress at the time that they separated from Northern Qiang. The lone counterexample is a disyllabic word shared by

Longxi and Taoping that is high on both syllables in both dialects: Taoping qua 5Ste5S, Longxi qu ta 'wrap'.

4.4.2. Development of pitch accent

The second phase in SQ supra-segmental development was the change from lexical stress to pitch accent. It is not clear what factors facilitated this shift. Nevertheless, this phase is directly reflected by the prohibition against two accents in a Mianchi word, by the relative scarcity of HH disyllables in Longxi, by Wen's (1950) reference to Jiuziying as a pitch accent language, and possibly by the tones on native forms in Heihu. In spite of this evidence for a *pitch accent system, establishing exactly which syllables in PSQ were *accented is a non-trivial problem. Within each dialect there is a fair

This stress pattern would not have been as extreme as it is in Jingpho, in which initial syllables are often reduced to Co. SQ initial syllables have all of the tones and vowels that are found in final syllables, with the exception of certain minor tones which only occur finally.

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amount of fluidity in the pitches or tones of certain words, as noted above. This fluidity leads to unpredictable changes, such as the fluctuations in Longxi finger’ terms, and Mianchi accent sandhi. High tone/pitch does not correlate perfectly across dialects, as might be expected for a system of pitch accent turned tone. Dialects of pitch accent languages often differ in their accent rules, as seen by a comparison of the Nagoya and Tokyo dialects of Japanese (Haraguchi 1977:59):

Gloss Nagoya Tokyo bamboo take, take-ga ta ke(-ga) cherry sakura(-ga) sak

To discern which syllables are in the *accented class I selected sets with cognates of Taoping 55 in all three dialects. There were 139 High syllables in Taoping that had

cognates in both Longxi and Mianchi. Of these 139 sets, the following 39 (28%) had High tones/accents in all three dialects (numbers following glosses identify the syllable under

comparison):

Table 4.8. PSQ *High syllables

Gloss ! Longxi Mianchi Taoping PSQ PTB (etc.) 2 bird i i tsha i tshe i31tshie 55 | *tshV Guiqiong tsh]ss i tshy 3 breast, na iyi nil iva tvy55ivyS5 j *n-a *naw (419) milk j i

bury j be (fia) bi be 55 I *be *bip - pip (376) buy pO de po po 55 i * p v ♦par(p35)

cut | tsu tsua tghii t§hu£ tghu 55 i *t§hu(a) ♦t^war (240) (vegetable) !j divide i k o k o s^u33^u 55 j *Cro Muya j i 35n u JS

dry j f i £ , ta ^ ^i55kua55 *ram rGyalrong ka ram

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Gloss Longxi ! Mianchi Taoping PSQ ; PTB (etc.) I

flea 1 tso iv,I ; tsou na i tsu33lu33 j *tso I Ersu ntshoss io 55 | folkdance j tshota-za | sod ta ; tshu 33ta 33 *tsho I Muya tshoiS Ia5S 1 i mu i i \ frog 2 zopia i dzo-pia i dzu | *dzV \ *s-bal (p i5) 1 | 1 a3lpu 55m a33 gall tst I tct Xt§o55 *Xt§3 ; *(m-) kri-t (412) head 2 ! qa ba tst ! qa b^a tst I qa33 po 55 | *pa : ?cf. TP b ^a 33 'big'

i i i t§l33 horn 2 ! raka | ^e ke Zja33 qa55 *ka~ i *r-ki (STEDT) | qs hot 1 i khu khua j khu£ khue khye 55le33 *khye ! house, tee ku j tci tci33ko 33 j *tci ! *k-y(i/u)m (53) home 1 i

ice 2 tsii pa 1 tsue pa tsua31pe 33 ! *pa~ i Queyu p/ 55pa 33 i Pe language, { za mu zue me z^'m a 53 *mV speech 2 lay (egg) fiatsht : t§ht t§hiss *t§ht Ieam, teach so SOU ta3,sy33 | *sy i Mawo sy, Ersu sosssoss name I za mfi me me xma 33 *XmV *r-miq (83) new tchi si tshi 33 ; *khsi i Mawo khsa open (eye) ! ta phe ph» ph^a 55 ; *phrV Ersu paJSS

rooster i yqfi iqou yi3,qu33 *qu \ iGyalrong pkei ko rot, spoil tc^qd tsue q£ tsua33qa 33 ; *qa Mawo fsa qa shoulder 2 liaxa la3,x a 55pi 33 | *Xa i KMR *k(r)oq/k

: ; (STEDT) silver rju ijo Xtju35 : *XQU j *(d-)qul (pi 5) skin ja pia ^a pia ^a33 pa 33 *P(i)a ! *pya~pra (human) 2 i ! (STEDT) , smell, sniff ci ta mi Xtni 33 ! *smi Jinghua Pumi j | X 9 , 3 p fa53 smoke, mii khfi, mti- mu qhue ma31khua 35 j *qhua, *kaw (256) tobacco 2 qhh ! 1 i 1 i *khua sneeze (v.) a tshii-pii & thiao-pii i xa 33 tshye 33 j *xa E. iGy. xa tsbiau I PU33 i j

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Gloss Longxi ! Mianchi Taoping ! p s q PTB (etc.) |

straight j ti j t! i Xta55 *xti j Ergong lth 0 thui | i sun mil ci ; me si | ma33si55 *si ! ? *s-noy (Matisoff i i i 1985) supper, : rati ?ate ; 3.a55xte 55 ♦Xte i dinner 2 i ti weigh tchi tchi ! tch£ ; tche 55 ; *tche *ki:n (369), Lahu i [ i : cht what : na i [ ni le i na 55 ; *nV ■ Mawo nJ ka white phe I ph^i 55 ! *phram PQic *pram : (Matisoff 1997a)

who i st §i le ! si55 1 *§i Ergong sox wild pig 2 I P&xo j pia xa pa 33xa 55 j *Xa Yadu pie xu yellow ; Xa, Xa xa tst xa 55xa 33 *Xa , ? rGy kssr po < WT serpo

Such a low percentage of correlation does not present obvious evidence for a shared *accent feature; it must be compared with the likelihood of chance correspondence of Highs/accents. 35.3% of Longxi syllables and 27.9% of Mianchi syllables are High/ac cented. Thus, the likelihood of High pitch occurring by chance on both Longxi and Mianchi cognates of a Taoping High syllable are 9.8% (035 x 0.28 = .098). The correspondence in the above chart is 28%, or 2.9 times the expected frequency from chance. Given the fact that the correspondence of High tones is about three times better than chance correspondence, it can be inferred that most of these sets reflect a PSQ *High.

Nevertheless, for a given member of this set it is remotely possible that it had a *Low pitch in Proto-Southem Qiang, but then subsequently developed Highs in each dialect.

4.4.3. Phonological reduction of syllable canons and segmental inventories Even a casual perusal of wordlists from NQ and SQ dialects reveals that contempo rary Southern Qiang has a much simpler syllable canon than does Northern (e.g., Table 7).

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The Yadu and Mawo syllable canons are as follows:

Yadu (plain vowels): (C)(Q)V(V) (C) (Cf)

Yadu (long vowels): (Q ) (V) V:

Yadu (rhotacized vowels): (C)(Ci)(V ) (V) VJ (C) (Cf)

Yadu (long rhotacized vowels): (C) (CL) (V) V:' (Cf) n

Ronghong Yadu: (C )(Q )(V ) V (V) (C) (Cf) [fric] [glide] [glide][fric] Mawo (short vowels): (C)(Ci)V (V )0 (C) (Cf)

Mawo (long vowels): (C)Q(V) V:(J/qi2)

Mandarin borrowings in Yadu and Mawo: (Q ) V (V) (V) (N)

Yadu and Mawo syllables with rhotacized vowels all have initial consonants; this is due to

the fact that NQ vowel rhotacization comes from PQ *r-cluster initials, as seen in the following comparison of Mawo rhotacized syllables with cognates in other dialects (Mawo

- j , - 1 are allographs of the same phoneme, as are Yadu - j , -j (Evans 1999, chapter 2)):

Table 4.9. Cognates of Mawo rhotacized syllables

Gloss Mawo Yadu (Ekou) Taoping Mianchi ! Longxi

t brother i ta ba' tu55bâ 31 1 i (elder) 1 ! big : boa boe bâ 33 j bâ tua 1 dragon ! bale 3.ba Xba 2*1 i ! high/tall ! buJ bn | b jJ\

11 According to Dai 1992:636 (henceforth TBL), Yadu has native rhotacized triphthongs with long vowels /iae:aJ, ia:a\ ya:a\ uae:a7; however, these are not attested in the data.

12 There is one instance of a coda following a Mawo long vowel: ti:q 'top1.

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In contrast to NQ syllables with both initial and final clusters, and long and rhotacized vowels, the syllables of Southern Qiang are much simpler. Not only do SQ dialects lack all but nasal codas (which are of secondary origin), they have a significantly reduced inventory of initial clusters, and, aside from Heihu, make no distinctions of vowel quantity. While Mawo has 71 initial clusters and Yadu has 50; Taoping has 24, Mianchi has three, and Longxi has only only two:

Taoping (native): T (C) (Q ) V (V)

Taoping (borrowed): T (Q )V (V ) (V) (N)

Mianchi: T/P (C) (R) (Vj) V (Vf / N)

T = tone P = pitch R = /§, zj V i=/i, y, u/ V can be nasalized or voiceless Vf = /i, u/ in native words, and /a, ae, e, e/ in borrowings. N = /n, q/ Longxi: T (C) (R) (Vj) V (Vf / N) R = /j/ V; =/i, u/ Vf = /a, i, u, e, o/ N = /n, (q)/

All Qiang codas are of secondary origins. NQ final consonants come from initials

of succeeding syllables whose rhymes have been devoiced (Mawo paJ xa, Yadu pa X 9 'claw') and then lost (Mawo a ’one', §a ’month', a§ 'January'). SQ nasalized vowels and final

nasals come in some cases from Chinese borrowings (e.g., Taoping phian 55 tho 33 'cheat, swindle'. Mandarin piari). Origins of other nasals are unclear; however, no final nasals are traceable to PSQ. In the history of Qiang, original PTB *codas were lost, as seen in the

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following cognate sets:

Gloss PTB : Mawo Yadu Taoping ; Longxi Mianchi ! *pwak pie pa33 Pig ! P> i pia i Pia eye : *s-mik ~ mij mi55 | ivi ma toil ! mil tie - *s-myak 1 : me tie stone *rluq ! bIu pi dzua-Kl K O 2 4 1 BO lu lo (millstone)

horse i *s-raq ~ 1 JU JU *u« 1 B O 3pu *m-raq dream *r-maq 1 rmu Be ku^mu /m u 55 i mo ze ! mo high/tall *m-raq | buJ bn, ti wn bu33 j bo b^h

At least two PTB finals were syllabified by the addition of a succeeding vowel before historic codas disappeared (Mawo, Yadu, Longxi ’iron'; Yadu 'black'). In Northern Qiang, these final syllables could be reduced to codas again (Mawo 'black'):

'T----- 111— ...... — U-B=----- Gloss : PTB Mawo ! Yadu 1 Taoping Longxi I Mianchi iron i *Sam suJ mu i su:1 mu i ci55 ca mo ci

black *nak niq ; tux- hj x?J ; iu 55a i 31 0,1 no

The preservation of PTB *finals through the addition of echo vowels is sporadic: the two sets above are the only instances discovered so far. Aside from reattached historic codas, NQ codas are of a completely secondary origin, arising from the devoicing and loss of word-final rhymes, which are often still visible in Southern Qiang. The following table shows that NQ sonorant and obstruent finals alike have this origin. The range of vowels corresponding to Mawo final -tg (head', 'bedbug', 'bone', 'calf) shows that it is Northern Qiang that has lost rhymes, and not Southern Qiang that has acquired them. In 'July', Che final morphemes §/§i33/16/la are all reflexes of PTB *s-la 'moon':

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Table 4.10. Secondary origins of Mawo syllable finals Gloss NO: Mawo SO: Taoping Longxi Mianchi head qa pat§ qa33po55tgi33 qa batst qa b zji tst bedbug dzuxtg dzu24l/tg i31 — — bone J3 paetg — ja ka pa tst calf dzi gputg — ma liatsti qd bo tsti hom jaq 3_a33qa5s jaka ^e k£ July stag ciq3I§133 cf la na la meat pis — pia-tsht pia-tshE flea tsun tsu55lu55 tso n i tsou na

This reattachment of codas in Northern Qiang is the third phase in Benedict's syllabicity cycle (Benedict 1983.113). Looking at cognate sets like those in Table 4.10, Benedict observes that the general trend of TB/ST has been to go from PTB/PST ‘disyllabic (or perhaps "sesquisyllabic") to monosyllabic (e.g., PTB *g-sum = ‘gasum 'three' > Taoping tshi 55), and then from monosyllabic to disyllabic again (e.g., Mianchi si qd three' — all single-digit numbers in Mianchi must be followed by classifiers, making them disyllabic). Northern Qiang, due to its trochaic stress pattern, has proceeded to monosyllabicity again via loss of rhymes in final syllables. Thus, it is fairly evident that early in the history of Qiang, the loss of coda position in the syllable lead to the addition of echo vowels, turning (some) codas into second-syllable initials. At a later time, Northern Qiang trochaic stress patterns lead to the devoicing and apocope of final vowels, re-introducing codas. Aside from some nasals, ‘codas were never attached in Southern Qiang, greatly reducing the number of possible syllables. This shrinkage of the syllable canon has made

Southern Qiang susceptible to the introduction of tones. In addition to the loss of finals, the inventory of initials has also been reduced. This reduction makes finding cognates and establishing sound laws difficult, and may in part account for the low rates of cognacy observed between Qiangic languages (cf. Table 4.12 below). A further indication of how much the SQ dialects have changed since the 1930's and 40's is Wen Yu's statement that "[f]rom the forms of some words, the Ch'iang seems to

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be older than the Classical Tibetan." (Wen 1941:71) Considering the complex initial clusters of Taoping's older speakers and of Wen's Lobuzhai and Hou'ergu data (all of which have tones), it appears that the loss of codas, rather than simplification of initials, has played a greater role in making these dialects tone- prone. In SQ dialects there is no hard-and-fast correlation between simplicity of initials and the role of tones.

4.4.4. Increased borrowing from Chinese According to Qiang oral tradition, their ancestors migrated to the current Qiang areas about 2,000 years ago. During the Shu-Han period (221-263 A.D.) there was a Han Chinese garrison led by General Jiang Wei in Weizhou (modem Wenchuan), indicating that there has been contact between these two groups for at least 1700 to 2000 years. As transportation has improved, and as the influence of Han Chinese culture has increased, more and more borrowings from Sichuanese Mandarin have been introduced into the Qiang language. A major force for change is that beginning in the early years of primary school, all classroom instruction is in Mandarin. This influence often leads to lexical replacement; in the village of Mianchi, my consultant would quiz others on their knowledge of certain native words such as tua lid hammer1. There were no speakers who

had the native form in their active lexicon, they could only produce the borrowed form tghuei t§huei. Similarly, my consultants' children used Mandarin numerals even when they were speaking Qiang. In addition to full borrowings, there are words that are half-borrowed and half

native. Borrowed disyllabic verbs are suffixed by pu (Mianchi, Longxi), pu 33 (Taoping); morphemes meaning 'do'. Monosyllabic borrowed verbs are suffixed by tha — tha

(Mianchi), d a —da (Longxi), or tha 33 (Taoping), a morpheme of unclear semantics. I have labeled these suffixes that are used to mark borrowed verbs 'BOR', h ' indicates morphemes

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borrowed from Chinese . 13

Longxi gii-da Mianchi t§ua-tha b-BOR b-BOR 'estimate' 'dip into water 1

Borrowings can take native affixes (note the introduction into Mianchi of a word with two high/accented syllables):

Mianchi koij st-qa b-LOC 'store, shop'

or be compounded with native lexemes:

Longxi la-phdn ts* Mianchi kai-pha tsi face-wash-b front-b 'wash-basin' 'apron'

as well as being borrowed as full independent lexemes (cf section I, et passim).

4.4.5. Use of Chinese tones on borrowings

The apparent next step in SQ tonogenesis was the use of Chinese tones to distinguish borrowings. According to Liu's (1998a) description, Heihu is currently at this stage of tonogenesis. She presents the following examples in which tones distinguish Mandarin borrowings from each other

Gxnss township c x n 3S elephant x o 3lxo ss box xossxoss cover cxn 55tfanS3 township mayor c xn 3Stfan53 county mayor m in 3ltsj55 name m in 55tsi55 plastering trowel

13 In addition to to f'a affixed to borrowed verbs, Hou’ergu appends no 5 to borrowed nouns (a 21 wts'a5 nas ’one inch', Mandarin cuti), and pi to borrowed adjectives (p'i 53 p i 33 'flat', Mandarin ping). (Wen 1945:137-8)

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Liu claims that tones also distinguish Mandarin borrowings from native vocabulary. From her examples it appears that the native "tones" are actually accented (High) and unaccented (Low) syllables, as in Mianchi, or that there is a two-tone system, as in Longxi. However, more data than the four native forms included in her paper are needed to establish with certainty whether Heihu has pitch accent on native vocabulary :

native gloss borrowed gloss xui 35 above xui 35 meeting tshu 55 cough tshu3S vinegar tchi5S narrow tehi 31 chess pa 31 pa 55 old person pa 31 pa3S handle

The use of tones to distinguish borrowings from each other and from native vocabulary is common among SQ dialects. The following sets of examples from Longxi and Mianchi

show that the reflection of original Mandarin tones in SQ borrowings is not predictable . 14

Although many cases behave like Liu's Heihu examples, where the phonetics of the tone in Qiang approximate the local variety of Mandarin, there are numerous examples in which the SQ phonetics differ from that of the donor language. In the first set of examples below, some tones are those which would be expected, given the local Mandarin tones. A notable exception is the pair 'milk' and 'crowd in', which are the same word in Mandarin. Note that in the pair 'rescueVwring' a tonal distinction is also made on the native BOR suffix:

Longxi take notes I tci da ji (24) milk (v) : tci (da) j ji (42) Longxi rescue, j toou da | jiu (24) • wring ; tcoiid& jiu (31) save j (kerchief) Mianchi | crowd in i i tci th£ ! jl (42) j deposit, 1 i tci tha j j i (13) j 1 I 1 I check

14 Likewise, Wen and Fu observe that in Lobuzhai the borrowed word yo3' 'goose' can be pronounced on any tone (Wen and Fu 1943:24)

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In the following pair, Mandarin tonal distinctions are lost by Longxi:

Longxi | pear j li tst I 1! zi (55) | plum =s=s=ss=^sssss^B B sa^B ^B B aB aB san

For the following two pairs tones are used to make a distinction not made in Mandarin, as the initial syllables of 'make analogy' and 'compete' are the same Mandarin

morpheme, as are 'remember 1 and 'take notes'.

Longxi make j pi da j da bi (42) compete pi da ' bi (42) analogy j fang sal Longxi remember | tci da J ji (42) take notes \ tci da ji (42)

Another verb with the same pronounciation and tone in Mandarin as ’remember' which Longxi has borrowed is tci da, 'avoid as taboo'. Note that the tone on the borrowing is different from that of 'take notes'. In the following Mianchi pair, tone alone is used to distinguish a minima] pair that is both tonally and segmentally distinguished in Mandarin:

i ■ a aasagaagaas^^M aBaaaaaaaaa^— saasse^aaaBaBaBBBa Mianchi : monk ; xo caN ! he shang j fennel, 1 x ° C^N ! hui xiang i | (24) | anise , (55) =sass=ss:^B aB B sa^^aB saB B B B sssarsB SB asB ssB saB aB ass^ss

Liu (1998a) presents borrowings in Taoping that differ in tone from their corre sponding Mandarin words (Some forms differ from the way they are transcribed in ZYC. For these words both forms are given; Liu's form appearing first. It appears that in the printing of Liu 1998a all instances of a were transcribed a.). Tones are taken from Yang 1984:

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Gloss Taoping Putonfhua local tones cupboard gua 33 gui zi (24) character dz *)241 dzi241, dzi33 dzq241 zi (24) wolf la33, la 55 lang (31)15 bean (kind) da 33 doii zi (24) chisel dzo 241 zaozi (44)

For these forms the tones are completely different from those of local Mandarin. To account for this discrepancy, Liu suggests that they were borrowed from Mandarin before Southern Qiang acquired tone. It is also possible that there were tones in Taoping at the time the words were borrowed, but that the tones have since shifted, as Liu (1998a:7) claims that "Qiang tones are in the midst of change."

4.4.6. Development of "home-grown" tones. As the syllable canon continued to simplify, and as the number of Mandarin borrowings increased, the role of tones in SQ dialects increased in significance. In Longxi and Taoping, the high pitch became a high tone, with multiple highs allowed in a single word (although still less common than other combinations). In addition, phonological changes led to the development of new minor tones, aside from those that already existed on borrowings. Taoping 241 tone only occurs with voiced initials, and Longxi Low-rising

only occurs with voiced or 0-initials on native words . 16 This restriction no doubt reflects

the factors that conditioned the genesis of these two tones; hence, their origins must be relatively recent, and they may have arisen via similar processes. The fact that Taoping 241

15 Note the loss of nasal final in borrowings. Borrowed lexemes that preserve nasal codas or have nasalized vowels are presumed to be recent; e.g., Longxi tshuaN'string (of pearls)'.

16 Out of 27 native Longxi words with this tone, there are three exceptions to the voiced- initial rule: la qhua Tioneycomb (incomplete)' (probably from PTB *kwa:y 'bee' (STC 157)), pia 'saliva', qei 'first'. The tone on 'first' is clearly the result of coalescence (cf. Taoping qa3!ass). 'Saliva' was pre-nasalized in Proto-Qiangic (cf. Ersu nphs}ss. Namuyi mp 6/'33 'spit (v.)'), one of the sources of Low-rising tone (see below). The origin of the tone on Tioneycomb' is not clear.

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must occur with voiced initial consonants (more than 90 instances, no borrowings) strongly suggests that the genesis of this tone involved voiced initials. Given the fact that SQ tones are unstable ("in the midst of change" (Liu 1998a:7)) and often unpredictable, it would be expected that if the 241/Low-Rising tone had a phonetic basis, that evidence for this origin would be imperfectly preserved. It appears that TP 241 and Mianchi and Longxi Low- Rising tones share a common origin (for the sake of convenience, I term this the *Contour tone). Although the data are equivocal, they do suggest that these tones come from ♦Low- toned or * unaccented syllables with initial sonorant clusters. As these clusters simplified, their (hitherto segmental) distinction was maintained by a new contour tone. *Low/*unaccented syllables without sonorant pre-initials remained low/unaccented. The hypothesis may be written as follows CR' represents sonorants):

PSQ *R Ci V -> C; V Contour tone rule (CTR) [- accent] [+ contour]

Because application of the rule has removed direct evidence for these *clusters from SQ dialects, support is taken from Northern Qiang, Qiangic. and PTB. Due to the inherent instability of tones in Southern Qiang, there are no examples of this tone that occur in all three dialects. Cross-linguistic comparison with tonogenetic processes in other language families shows that these clusters sometimes function differently than other voiced initials with regard to tonogenesis. Thurgood has observed:

The literature on registers and tones is full of examples in which voiced obstruents have a different tonal effect than do voiced sonorants. Among the Chamic register languages, both the voiced obstruents and the voiced sonorants result in breathy voice in Western Cham, but in Haroi only the voiced obstruents lead to breathy voice — the voiced sonorants retain a clear voice quality; among the Chamic tone systems Phan Rang Cham and Tsat, the voiced obstruents consistently produce a low tone (mediated through a breathy voice stage), while the voiced sonorants consistently have a higher-toned reflex.... In another part of the world, Maddieson (1984:13) notes that in several Chadic languages, the voiced obstruents have different tonal effects than do the voiced sonorants: Podoko (Anderson and Swackhamer 1981), Kera (Ebert 1977), and Lame. (Thurgood 1997:20)

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The similarities between the tonal developments in Chamic and Qiang are striking: not only do both Qiang and Cham have dialects with and without tone, but, like Qiang, tonal Cham dialects have acquired tone under heavy linguistic pressure. The following parallels may be drawn (cf. Matisoff 1998:26):

Table 4.11. Parallels between Cham and Qiang

Western Cham | Hainan Chamic j Northern Qiang j Southern Qiang (Tsat) ! 1 sesquisyllabic 1 mono-syllabic ! rich in consonant | no native codas 1 codas (some nasal codas) phonational I tonal i syllabic stress : tonal (& semi-tonal) Influenced by Influenced by | Influenced by coda- ! Influenced by tonal sesquisyllabic, mono-syllabic, tonal j rich, toneless Chinese (nasals phonational Mon- j languages (Chinese, iGyalrong, Tibetan : codas only) Khmer languages. j Hlai, etc.)

Similarly, it appears that there may be a diffusional relationship between the tone systems of Karenic and Lolo-Burmese (Matisoff 1998:23, 1973:81). The effect of sonorant pre-initial clusters on tones has also been observed in three Hmong-Mien languages (Zongdi, Liangzi, Lanjin), where prenasalized obstruent initials have produced complex pitch contours in Bl toned words (Wang and Mao 1995, cited in Ratliff 1999). In the Hmong-Mien complex contour tones Wang and Mao describe, the contour and the prenasalization that has provoked it still coexist. As in the Hmong-Mien data, most of the * sonorants involved in the genesis of * Low-Rising tone were nasals, and the reflexes of this tone are the only complex contour tones in all three dialects. PSQ *RC clusters may be further broken down into two types of clusters. *NC, with a nasal pre-initial followed by an obstruent, and *RN, with an oral sonorant followed by a nasal. In addition to these *RC clusters, it appears that some Mianchi *CR clusters

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may have undergone a similar tonogenetic process by phonetic analogy with the CTR. Establishing the existence of PSQ *RC clusters is not simple, because in most cases direct evidence for the PSQ *cluster must come from other Qiangic languages. Rates of cognacy between Qiangic languages tend to be in the teens, as shown in the following table from Huang 1991, based on the comparison of 1500 lexical items:

Table 4.12. Rates of cognacy among Qiangic languages

Qiang rGyalrong Ouevu Queyu (Xinlong) 16 15 — Muya 14 15 19 Zhaba 12 14 18 rGyalrong 12 — 15 Pumi (Jiulong) 16 15 22 Daofu 13 13 17 Ersu (Jiulong) 17 14 18 Guiqiong 10 10 12

These rates are so low that for many SQ *low-rising sets, there are no outside supporting forms. In this chapter, only those forms are given where outside support is attested.

*NC- initials PSQ *NC- is the most common *RC cluster, supported by 'bark/yell', 'bear fruit’, ’call/cry’, 'urine', 'dragon', 'break', 'smallpox', 'saliva', 'pile up (earth)', and 'collapse'.

'bark, yell, grunt', etc. Taoping lacks the expected tone on 'cry, weep'. Longxi za bade, bleat, etc. Mianchi ze baric, bleat, etc. Taoping za33 cry, weep Mawo Kd^i baric (v.) rGyalrong ka qn ndzok baric (v.) Namuyi nd^o 55 cry out/yell PQic *nzVk PTB *zuk (STEDT)

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'bear fruit' Mianchi §e dâ Taoping sie 55ma35dâ 241 Longxi a zo Muya ndê 55bu 53 rGyalrong wu J“i ka ndzok The Longxi form may not be cognate: although Longxi IzJ comes from PSQ *d z^, etal., but the tone and vowel do not correspond to the Mianchi and Taoping forms. If it is cognate, its High tone has prevented application of the CTR. Regardless of the status of Longxi, the

Mianchi and Taoping forms are adequate to establish correspondence.

'cry out, call' Longxi Kua also 'cluck' Mianchi Kua

Taoping b u o 3 \ c i 3 3

Mawo k u sua Ergong qgede Muya qGe35 cry / weep Namuyi qgu”dzu55 cry / weep NW rGyalrong ka°qa mbri cry / weep

Although the Qiangic correspondences for this set appear unusual, they are not without

support: Ergong gge tin, Taoping ku o33, 'go through (a hole)'; iGyalrong mbro, Longxi

ho , PTB *m-rai], "horse'. There is no explanation for the tone change in Taoping, although Longxi and Mianchi are consistent with the CTR. In 'urine' Mianchi and Taoping have undergone the Contour Tone Rule: Longxi, because of its High tone, has not. Comparison with other Qiangic languages shows that Proto-Qiangic had an initial cluster, probably *nb, with place assimilation of the pre-initial in Namuyi and Northern rGyalrong, and denasalization in Ergong:

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'urine' Mianchi bie Taoping bie 241 Longxi b! Ergong ltd Ersu nba '55 Namuyi mbe 33 N rGyalrong ta°ra°mbi PQic *nbi (STEDT *C-bi)

'Dragon' had an initial three-consonant cluster, as evidenced by Written Tibetan and Ergong. It is probable that this is an ancient borrowing from Tibetan. Written Tibetan /fi/ in ZYC represents 'a-chung', a Tibetan consonant which probably contained both nasal and glottal components, perhaps /?$-/ or /?5-/ (Matisoff 1972:16n). In this case, it was the loss of the nasal component that initiated the Contour tone rule in Taoping, while the rest of the cluster was maintained. High tone/pitch in Longxi and Mianchi blocked the application of the rale in those dialects:

'dragon ' 17 Longxi bCi Mianchi bu Taoping x ^ 241 Mawo bale Ergong mbû Ersu rj33dze55 Guiqiong ndû 35 Muya ndû 35 Namuyi a'55dâ 33 Taoba Pumi b?o 55 Queyu ndû 53 Shixing nm’Msue 55 rGyalrong ta rmok Written Tibetan fibrug

'Break' is from PTB *N-prat (STEDT project; attested in Burmish, Qiangish, Geman). The difference in voicing between Mianchi and Longxi /ph/ and Taoping lb/ is further evidence that the PTB *nasal prefix and voiceless initial were maintained into PSQ,

17 This may be related to 'snake', below.

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causing voicing of the initial in Taoping (as in Ergong, Muya, Taoba Pumi, rGyalrong), but not in Longxi or Mianchi (as in Namuyi, Jinghua Pumi).

'break (v.i. of rope, etc.)' Mianchi §a pha^ Longxi phu ph& Taoping bê 33 Ergong bê Muya ndûn 53 Namuyi mphsi 35qge33 Jinghua Pumi thaI 3pê 13 Taoba Pumi ta 35bê 35 rGyalrong ka mbret PTB *N-prat (STEDT)

'Smallpox' appears to be a borrowing from Tibetan that entered Southern Qiang before application of the CTR. All three Qiangic cognates support the reconstruction of an initial *nasal and an *r of some sort, rGyalrong is almost identical to the WT form.

'smallpox' Taoping bo 241 Mawo buJ Guiqiong si 55npo 53 Pumi (Jinghua) b^o 13 rGyalrong tn mbrem WT lha fibrum 'get, have'. This set is reflected in Mianchi, and in other Qiangic languages. Mianchi t i tia get, obtain rGyalrong ndo have Ergong ntcho " Muya nd* 0 35 " PQic *nto 'spit, saliva' Longxi pia saliva Ersu nphsq 55 spit (v.) Namuyi mp^i 33 " Pumi (Jinghua) khs 13 ph 3 ui13 " Written Tibetan dbjugs " PQic *nphiu

Mianchi and Taoping do not have cognates for this root. These forms appear to be

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reflexes of PTB *N-pat 'vomit1, although some may be reflexes of PTB *m-ts(y)il (STC 231) or *m-twa (STC p58), with the labial and dental positions metathesizing between the initial and the prefix, while the features of [nasal], [obstruent] remain unmoved. Aside from 16 qhua honeycomb (not yet completed)1, 'saliva' is the only Longxi native monomorphemic syllable with voiceless initial and Low-rising tone. Given the prenasalized cognates, this anomaly lends further support to the argument that the Low- rising tone emanates from the loss of a sonorant pre-initial.

'pile up (earth)' Proto-Qiangic *nbu. SQ evidence comes only from Taoping. Taoping bo 241 Longxi bii Mianchi bo Guiqiong nbu 35 Shixing bu 55

*RN- initials PSQ 'forget' and 'lend' both had *sonorant-nasal cluster initials. For the set 'forget', Taoping has preserved the conditioning environment, and has not undergone CTR. because of its High tone. It is not clear why Longxi lacks Low-rising tone for this form. It may have had a High tone (like Taoping) at the time of cluster simplification, and thus would have been impervious to the tone change.

forget' Mianchi de mu Longxi da mu Taoping x ™ 55 Ergong lmu JinghuaPumi tha 13pi 3 13 rGyalrong kn jmas

There are two other cognate sets in which Ergong /lm/ corresponds to Taoping /xm/: both Taoping forms have high tones, and are thus prevented from undergoing CTR (note that 'name' has High cognates:

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GlOSS Ergong Taoping Longxi Mianchi PTB dream ntshe lma x m u55 mo ze mo *r-maq (STC 82) name lmui x m ®55 ze mu me m£ *r-miq (STC 83)18

In Taoping lend1, which may be a borrowing from Tibetan, the contour tone has shifted to the directional prefix. For reasons not yet clear, Longxi lacks the contour tone.

lend' Taoping da 241rvi33 Mianchi de qe Longxi ni ca Ergong ?.qi PTB *r-qya (STC 190)

For borrowings from Tibetan that occurred after application of the CTR, *RN

clusters are maintained, and tones are unchanged, as in 'stir-fry 1 and 'sunny' (Mianchi 'stir- fry' is of questionable cognacy):

Gloss Tibetan Tapping Longxi Mianchi stir-fry rqod (WT) XH-a33 ci ca (dzi dza) sunny ynam taq (Amdo) x 1^ 33

*RC- initials

'Stone', 'open (door)', 'wheat/barley', 'sing', and 'collapse' are the only instances discovered thus far o f the Contour Tone Rule applying to forms with *r- pre-initial. The Longxi form for 'stone' has an unusual tone. As presented in Section I, Longxi High- falling is extremely rare, with only three instances on lexemes. For reasons not yet clear, the application of the CTR produced a High-falling tone in this instance. This is one of few Longxi forms I have come across to date in which the PSQ *prefix has syllabified (cf. ze mu 'name' (Yadu Mawo rma, PTB *r-miq). It is not clear why the Contour tone rule did not apply to Mianchi, or if it did, why the tone has subsequently changed. Note the

18 Longxi has syllabified the pre-initial.

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occurrence of the rare rising tone on the Lobuzhai form.

'stone' Taoping BO241 Longxi BO lu Mianchi 16 Lobuzhai yo 15 pia- Mawo bIu pi PTB * r - lu q

For 'open (door)' the CTR has applied in Taoping, even though the PSQ *cluster has been retained. For Longxi, either the rule did not apply, or its tone has since changed.

'open (door)' Taoping xgie 241 Longxi ga Yadu ^ge Mawo rga PQ *rga ~ ige

Wheat, barley' (Proto-Qiangic *rlV) may be related to Written Tibetan gro. The differing initials of Taoping and Longxi versus Mianchi are additional indicators of the presence of *rl- in the PSQ form. The Written Tibetan form may be a metathesis of PTB *r-ga (James A. Matisoff, p.c.; cf. Lahu ga'buckwheat').

'wheat, barley 1 Taoping BUO241 wheat Longxi BO wheat, barley Mianchi le wheat, barley Mawo b Io wheat Ergong lau wheat Queyu lai55 barley Among the key dialects 'sing' is supported only by Taoping. However, Ruodazhai

has preserved the PSQ *cluster initial (note that PSQ *%- > * b - / C [+voice]):

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sing' Taoping zo 241 Ruodazhai bzjo Mawo 3 a1 ma tja PSQ *x*°

In 'break/snap' Longxi has syllabified the initial, as in 'stone' (above). Yadu preserves the PQ *cluster.

'break/snap' Longxi K 3 la Mianchi ( te ) lu Taoping B e33 Mawo »e Yadu d a B lia Guiqiong le 35 PSQ *X 1V

The set 'collapse' is an application of the CTR with direct support from Mawo, and additional support from rGyalrong; Longxi has not undergone CTR, or has since reverted to Low tone.

'collapse' Mianchi ha d 3 .ua Longxi (a) dza Mawo Bdza rGyalrong ka mt/nt PSQ Bdza Proto-Qiangic *mtjwat

In addition to the foregoing applications of the Contour Tone Rule, there are at least two instances of contour tone generation on a SQ word with *CR- initial ('snake', ’ashes'). Because these forms have retained their *r coloring, I posit that this rule was applied by analogy with *RC clusters, as there is no loss of conditioning factors to condition the tone.

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'snake' Mianchi bze Jinghua Pumi bn13z a 55 Taoba Pumi be 35re53 Shixing ba 33ro 55 rGyalrong kha brc Ergong mph§i PTB *b^ru*l (STC 447)

It appears that in Southern Qiang, the semantics of 'snake' may have been extended to include 'rope', given the similarity of the forms:

Gloss Longu Mianchi Taoping PTB snake bii tsht b^e bo 31guo 241 *b-ru:l (447) rope bei b^e b^.e S3

'ashes' Taoping ma-^b^i241. Mawo tci ci bu^ Yadu tcu xu bu

Onto the original stock of *Low-Rising forms, Southern Qiang has grafted tones directly from Chinese words, and has added those that have arisen from native words through coalescence, disambiguation strategies, and in Taoping, tone sandhi. It appears that in Mianchi, intonation has also played a role in the expansion of this tone. The degrees to which these three sources of Low-rising tones have exerted influence vary by dialect. In the following discussion, I present these secondary origins for (Low-) Rising forms in Mianchi. Longxi, and Taoping, roughly in decreasing order of impact.

Chinese borrowings. Out of all 228 instances of Low-Rising in the Mianchi data, at least 62 (27.2%) are borrowings or probable borrowings. In most cases of borrowing, the source syllable is in the Mandarin fourth tone, which in Standard Mandarin ( Putonghua ) is High-Falling [a51],

but in local Sichuanese has a low-rising contour [a 13l.

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GlOSS Mianchi Mandarin frame tea tst jia zi song (CL) twan duan again tsai zai file (tool) tsho cud

The tones on these borrowings are stable and are not in variation with major tones, even within utterances. Continued contact with Chinese reinforces the pitch of borrowings, keeping them from being absorbed into other tones. In Longxi, 13 out of forty syllables (33%) with Low-rising tone are borrowings from Sichuanese fourth tone words:

Gloss Longxi Mandarin chisel tsho tst cud zi mole, wart tst zhi vinegar tshu cu weld han da han

Among the Taoping forms with 241 tone, unlike all other Taoping tones (major and minor), and unlike the Low-Rising tone classes in Longxi and Mianchi, there are no borrowings from Mandarin. This lack is no doubt due to the fact that the phonetic shape of this tone is so different from any found in Sichuanese (or standard Putonghua). However, in the Taoping 13 tone 39 out of 41 instances are borrowings from Chinese (95%),

indicating that this tone is a borrowed tone (examples given in 1.1.1).

Coalescence of syllables. The following two Mianchi lexical items show the emergence of Low-Rising tone due to coalescence, which in the second case involved haplology (with the pitch contour changing from H-L to Low-rising). In the case of 'ancient times' the reduction of a full syllable to a mora parallels the apocope of vowels in NQ dialects (cf. 4.4.3)

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ancient times qe 1 s'l si — qal si si soak, immerse fia te ~ fia ti te

In the following Mianchi sentence, the tone on q x 'already' is clearly secondary, resulting from the coalescence of the two syllables qe i into one; these two syllables appear in free variation with q x [— qail in the phrase qe i si si — qal si si 'ancient times'.

u ki qe-bri-tsi tie b^a qae me? 2s POSS child UP big already Q Has your child grown up (already)?

In Longxi, there are also a few instances of Low-Rising that have resulted from the coalescence of two syllables:

without (v.i.) mo (< md fid 'there is not' < m i + i j o NEG + EXIST) speak, tell 9 - (< qa ja)

Coalescence has not been observed in Taoping as a source of 241. This may be due to a lack of recording of variant forms.

Disambiguation strategies. Another function of LR and 241 tones is the disambiguation of native vocabulary. I

have observed this process in Longxi and Taoping, and it may be present in Mianchi also. For the following Longxi verbs (an exhaustive list), the DOWN prefix /fia/ is pronounced with Low-Rising tone to disambiguate the Low-toned verbs to which it is attached from homophonous verbs which take the same directional prefix. This is surprising because directive prefixes are often chosen for their disambiguating properties; viz., homophonous verbs often require different orientational prefixes from each other (Evans 1998b, etal.). It appears that in the case of the following pairs o f Low-toned Longxi verbs, speakers sense that their semantics require all of them to take the DOWN prefix, which causes a shift in

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disambiguating function from prefix selection to prefix tone. These are the only instances in the SQ data of a directive prefix occurring in a minor tone. In fact, the High tone on the prefix of 'penetrate' is also marked, as DIR almost always take the Low tone. It appears

that Longxi speakers are employing both Low-Rising and High tones in this disambiguating function. The verbs are listed with their homophones, which in some cases (penetrate/sink, ripe/aged) appear to be cognate.

complete fiatii reduce fia tilth penetrate fia ti - (fi£) ti t! sink (v) fia ti reduce (swelling) fiagu fall into trap fiagu ripe fia pel aged, elderly (fia) pel

In Taoping, the following pairs of words are disambiguated by the opposition of 241 and a major tone whose register is also Low. As in the Longxi cases, the words in each pair are in the same syntactic class.

back of body de241 hoop de33 b o w l k u 241 g o o s e k u 31 rest xt**241^31 think xb^Xd^u33 right (side) xda24' deer, fat/oil xda33 turbid/muddy Kua241 late Kue33

Tone sandhi

Another source of 241 tone syllables in Taoping, not seen in the other dialects (and not discussed in Liu 1998), is tone sandhi. Taoping, like Mianchi and Longxi, has irregular and unpredictable tone sandhi. However, only Taoping makes regular use of a minor tone as a sandhi tone, as in the following names for months (the final syllable in each form means 'month', and is unchanged from its citation form):

k u o 33 ’five' + §-j33 'month' = Kua 241§i33 May X g u a 33 'nine' + § i33 'month' = xgus 24l§l33 September X a 3Id y 33 ten' + §i33 'month' = x ° 31dy241§l33 October

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Like the tone sandhi phenomena observed in Mianchi, Taoping sandhi is far from regular, as Taoping has many instances of 33 toned syllables in sequence:

mi33tsie33 blunt (< m i33 'not' + tsie33 'sharp') Xgy33Xgy33 round ^ a 33pu 33 cave, hole Xde33le33 fog

Intonation patterns In Mianchi declarative sentences, final unaccented syllables are sometimes pronounced with Low-Rising tone. However, most unaccented morphemes do not have Low-Rising allomorphs, and among those that do there is no way to predict whether a particular sentence will have a Low or Low-Rising final syllable:

fia-qa a-zi djii qe. 3-p 1-POST speak already. They already spoke to me. fia-ji fia tci-tha qe. 3-s DOWN memorize-BOR already S/he memorized (it).

Because this phenomenon is restricted to sentence-final position, I have termed it an intonation pattern, although further study is needed to discern the exact nature of this pitch behavior.

4.5. Some possible tonogenetic influences on PSQ *pitch accent In Table 4.81 have presented evidence for a PSQ category of *High (or *accented) which developed into Longxi and Taoping High tones, and which remained accented in Mianchi. Having thus correlated these Highs/accents with each other, the question remains whether there is some phonetic motivation for the SQ High category. As has been widely noted, in cases where tonogenesis is conditioned by changes in initials, voiceless initials

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almost invariably yield higher tones than do voiced (Haudricourt 1954, Mazaudon 1977, Hombert, Ohala, Ewan 1979, Matisoff 1998, etc.). The present data suggest a similar relationship in the development of the PSQ ^accented or *high category, although it is not the same as syllabic tone. Table 4.8 demonstrates that there is a statistically significant occurrence of voiceless initials on PSQ *high words. Setting aside PSQ clusters *phr

('open', 'white'), *xm ('name'), *sm ('smell'), and *X 0 ('silver1), where there may be a mix of voicing (the voicing status of PSQ pre-initial *x is not yet clear), there are 27 ^voiceless and 7 *voiced initials in the set. This ratio of 3.9:1 is a much greater spread than is found in samples of the major tones of the extant dialects (note that even if the instances of the four excluded clusters are all counted as voiced, the resulting ratio is 27 to 12 or 23:1).

The following chart, based on a sampling of each dialect, gives relative frequencies of voiced and voiceless initials for the major tones. For each tone in each dialect syllables were counted until there were 100 instances of a voicing type. For each major tone, voiceless initials significantly outnumber voiced initials:

Table 4.13. Southern Qiang major tones and voicing of initials

TP 55 ! TP 31 • TP 3 3 LX High LX Low MC High ■ MC Low tone tone tone tone tone tone tone

vl- 1 0 0 ! vl - 100 i v l - 1 00 vl - 1 0 0 vl - 1 0 0 vl - 1 0 0 ' vl - 1 00

vd-51 vd - 95 | vd - 8 3 vd - 66 vd - 78 vd - 76 i vd - 85

The above table shows that for each of the three dialects, voiceless initials are more common than voiced in major tones. The rule does not apply to Longxi Low-Rising and Taoping 241, minor tones that only occur with voiced initials. In each dialect the greatest discrepancy between voiced and voiceless initials occurs in the high tone. Taoping has the greatest difference, with voiceless initials about twice as common as voiced on high-toned syllables. Nevertheless, even this discrepancy is smaller than the ratios of 23:1 or 3.9:1

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observed in the PSQ *High series. Thus it appears that at the time of PSQ, *High syllables occurred with voiceless initials with at least as great a frequency as they do in modem Taoping, although voicing cannot be used to predict pitch. Superficially, this distribution could be used to argue that PSQ developed a phonemic high tone, conditioned by voiceless initials. However, there are at least four arguments against this position. First, Southern Qiang would have undergone a shift away from tone and toward pitch accent in Mianchi and Jiuziying, and a complete disappearance of phonemic tone from native vocabulary in Heihu — all under the tonogenetic conditions of

simplification of the syllable canon and increased borrowing from Mandarin. Second, the proposed SQ *High tone would have been very unstable; e.g., 71.2% of high tone syllables in Taoping do not have highs on both cognates in the other two key dialects. This type of capricious tone change is highly uncharacteristic of syllabic tone systems. Third, there was no systematic loss of syllabic information from Proto-Qiangic that would have conditioned the evolution of this tone. That is, PSQ *High does not correspond to any particular feature of Proto-Qiangic syllables. rGyalrong cognates of SQ *High forms cited above are presented in table 4.14 to substantiate this claim. Note that cognate rGyalrong initials may contain sonorants or voiceless obstruents, single consonants or clusters, and that syllables may be open or checked:

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Table 4.14. rGyalrong cognates of PSQ *High syllables

Gloss ! Longxi | Mianchi | Taoping rGyalrong ]

breast, milk ; nii na ; oa r va ; a.y 55rvy55 ! tanu | cut (vegetable) tsii tsua j t§hii t§hua t§hu55 ; ka ra ntsik divide j ko bo ! ^u3\ u 55 j ka kro dry k i 3 _iS5kua55 ka ram frog 2 zopia dzo-pia dzua3 kha/pa iI ; lpu55ma33 gall ' tst tot ! x t§355 ta md3 a kri

house, home 1 | toe ku ! tci j tci55ko33 : tatjam

name i za mu ' me me j x n i a 5 3 : tarmE rooster ! yqft i qou ! y i31qu55 ! pkniko silver i qfi | tjo j X O U 5 5 : po iji

smoke, tobacco 2 i mu khft, mu- muqhue : mo3Ikhua55 i tekha qhfi

straight ti I ti | Xt355 ka sto

That there is no correlation between these consonant types in rGyalrong and the evolution of PSQ *High is evidenced by the many cases of rGyalrong sonorants and voiceless obstruents that correspond to PSQ *Low, as in the following representative sets:

Gloss Longxi I Mianchi Taoping rGyalrong i O V be/copula i Q U | rjue j qua33 1 qos drum i bo | bu ! xbu 241 i tarbo

Fourth, given the fact that voiceless initials are also the most common phonation type of Low pitch syllables, voicelessness cannot be considered a determining feature for *High

Nevertheless, it does seem that PSQ syllables with voiceless initials had a greater tendency

toward High pitch than did those with voiced initials. The development of *pitch accent in Southern Qiang was apparently influenced by the phonetic properties of tonogenesis.

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4.6. Suggestions for further research

The next step in understanding the genesis of tones in Southern Qiang would be to re-survey the SQ villages where data were collected in the 1930's, 40's and 50’s, and to discover how these dialects have fared under increased linguistic pressure from Mandarin. It is very likely that semi-tonal dialects (e.g., Jiuziying, Heihu) have reduced their inventories of initial clusters in the past few decades as a result of this influence and have moved much closer to developing syllabic tone. Furthermore, in pitch accent dialects like Mianchi, where the speech of younger generations includes an increased number of lexical replacements from Chinese, it would be insightful to survey older, middle-aged, and younger speakers to discover whether younger speakers have begun to allow two high pitches on native words, which would indicate a shift toward syllabic tone. No doubt there are many unexpected results that would come out of such research. Huang Bufan reported at the Workshop on Qiangic Languages and Linguistics (Academia Sinica, Taipei,

November 6 - 7, 1999) that the tones of Taoping are much different now than the way that they were reported in 1950’s. At that same meeting it was reported that while 70% of the Taoping speakers spoke Qiang in the 1950's, only 30% do so now.

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Chapter V. Conclusions and further directions 5.1 Conclusions The data and analysis presented in this dissertation lead to several conclusions. First, it is clear that the traditional generalization that NQ dialects are more conservative than SQ bears revising. It is true that NQ dialects preserve many archaic features, such as complex cluster initials; nevertheless, *r- initials and clusters are often better preserved in SQ dialects, as evidenced by the following sets, taken from the appendix (cf. Table 2.15):

Gloss ! Longxi ! Mianchi Taoping PSQ , Mawo Yadu notes ax I ta 1 te*.i Xta3,3.i55 i sta L ^.i H | sta:J stej < WTsta l i 1 ri, from i j : STC 22 ; ^ i i *s-ta 'knife' tall, bo bija bu 33 j br o/u (H) ! buJ bn, ti i JZY bru. I 1 high 1 j i wn ! *m-rai) i (146). i 1

For 'tall, high' note that Yadu, considered to be less conservative than Mawo, has preserved the initial cluster, while Mawo has transphonologized *br to bVJ. As shown in chapters II and HI, Longxi tends to be the least conservative of the SQ dialects. Nevertheless, in the case of 'iron', it reflects the PTB form more closely than does Mawo, often considered the most conservative NQ dialect: LX ca (mo), MW suJ mu, PTB *syam (228). There are many instances in which NQ has innovated final /-I (also

transcribed - j , 2.1. 1. 1). For the following sets, it is not clear what phonetic motivation may be offered to explain the occurrence of NQ final rhotics:

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Gloss Longxi | Mianchi j Taoping j PSQ j Mawo ' Yadu j notes

That these forms lacked rhotics in Proto-Qiang is suggested by their Qiangic cognates:

home' Muya tce55khu 53 Namuyi jy 55qo 33 Queyu je55ku55 'strength' Pumi (Jinghua) qa 13 Pumi (Taoba) ka35

Not surprisingly, it is much more common that NQ forms retain evidence for a medial *rhotic that has been lost in the SQ data:

Gloss ; Longxi Mianchi Taoping j PSQ j Mawo Yadu notes blue ! phh | phu - j phia wa I Jinghua I i Pumi p 3 ass man : bie pha be lifi ba 33 phe 55 | bE L ph ! baJ 4>u ! Ergong (male | a/e- bziu. 1 ' adult) i ! shave i khua ! khua - j khua 1 khue 1 '■ Muya i i yui53, Pumi i 1 ' (Jinghua) i i J ------! V 55

The data in these two tables show that j in Northern Qiang corresponding to 0 in Southern Qiang is ambiguous. Reconstruction of Proto-Qiang will require case-by-case peeking at outside Qiangic data in order to resolve this ambiguity.

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Another conclusion that should be drawn from the data and discussion in this dissertation is that a second model of tonogenesis is needed. In this model (applicable only to certain languages), external linguistic pressure from a tonal language combines with existing prosodic features and a tone-prone syllable canon to bring about the existence of syllabic tone. While other accounts of the origin of East Asian tone systems do take into consideration the influence of languages such as Chinese, the discussion presented here is the first documented case of which I am aware in which tonogenesis has occurred without any concomitant loss of segmental information.

5.2 Suggestions for further research. The present work is a significant first step toward reconstructing Proto-Qiang. The reconstruction of Proto-Qiang will present a more unified and ancient basis for comparison with other Qiangic languages. It will also make clear what sound changes occurred between PTB and PQ. In order to accurately reconstruct Proto-Qiang phonology and lexicon, extensive data from more dialects are needed. Ideally, lists of 3,000+ words in five to seven SQ dialects and four to five NQ dialects would provide a solid basis for reconstructing PQ etyma, and for teasing out the influences of Mandarin, Tibetan, and rGyalrong. This reconstruction of Proto-Qiang would play a crucial role in determining which other languages should be considered Qiang's nearest relatives. The great discrepancies in the phonologies of H. Sun's and Wen's data on the one hand, and the much simpler Mianchi and Longxi data on the other suggest that SQ dialects are rapidly losing initial consonants and clusters, and perhaps becoming more tonal. In order to resolve this question, I would like to suggest a re-surveying of the dialect locations that were investigated in the 1930's and 50's. A comparison of these two bodies of data should compare phonological features, including tones and clusters, as well as the degree of lexical replacement. Ideally, the samples would include the speech of older, middle-aged,

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and younger people, in order to most accurately ascertain the rate of lexical replacement and phonological change. As an example, a survey of Mianchi would show that i (’moon') is preserved in the speech of older speakers and middle-aged women, but not in the speech of middle-aged men or young speakers. It would also show that young speakers often use the Chinese numeral terms. It is hoped that by compiling the characteristics of the speech of three generations in a village, and by comparing it with the speech of forty to sixty years ago, we will gain some insight into the rate of phonological and lexical change. As mentioned previously, Qiang seems to possess the distinction of increasing in number of speakers at the same time that the language is dying. A longitudinal study like that recommended here would help quantify the rate at which Qiang is disappearing as a language.

The third project that I would like to suggest would be to perform a morphological survey of Northern and Southern dialects, similar to that done by Wen Yu for pronouns (Wen 1941) and by Evans for verbs (Evans 1998b), but on a larger scale. A comparison and reconstruction of PQ morphology could be combined with a lexical and phonological comparison to determine how Qiang should best be divided into dialects and sub-dialects.

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Appendix A Qiang cognate sets with Proto-Southern Qiang reconstructions

Introduction PSQ reconstructions are given with spaces between the ^initials and *rhymes in those cases that have multiple possibilities for one of those elements. Reconstructions that

are unambiguous are written without spaces. *Tones are always preceded by a space, to prevent the interpretation of lA 'H' as finals. For a summary of PSQ correspondences, cf 3.4. No attempt is made in this present work to systematically relate NQ cognates, either to each other, or to SQ forms. There are some sets ('ant1, etc.), which only have NQ support, and for which no PSQ reconstruction is suggested. There are also some sets (height', etc.) for which the reconstructions are semantic, rather than phonological. For these sets, reconstructions are of the form high'-'low1, etc. There are also sets with just one SQ form and a PTB reconstruction (hum 2'). ^Pitches/tones are only reconstructed in cases where

there are at least two dialects showing a tone/pitch, and no counterexamples. If there is one counterexample the tone/pitch is reconstructed in parentheses: '(L)' or '(H)'. If the data are equivocal, the PSQ pitch is represented by a hyphen Reconstructions in the 'notes' field are PTB roots from STC; set numbers and page numbers refer to that work, except as noted. Reconstruction of *vowels is often a non trivial task. There are many sets which are clearly cognate, but in which it is not possible to tell whether to reconstruct *i or *t, e.g. In equivocal cases, the *vowel is reconstructed *i/t. In other cases, the cognates suggest that some type of non-back non-low vowel should be reconstructed, but it is not possible at this time to further refine the vowel to be reconstructed; here I have proposed *1. Similar situations occur for other places of articulation. In instances where it is not at all possible to refine the * vowel, I merely reconstruct *V. There are also sets with strong support for variation, where more than one

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vowel is well supported, but in which the forms are so similar that it seems inappropriate to separate them into separate cognates; e.g.,

Gloss Longxi Mianchi ! Taoping j PSQ Mawo Yadu carry with | tui tui i qa55tua33 tui ~ tua L tv tuo pole ! ! I ;

Naturally, some sets that are missing data from a key dialect are ambiguous — Taoping is the only SQ dialect to preserve the *a/*a distinction; if support only exists in Longxi and Mianchi, then *a is reconstructed. Where applicable, NQ forms are used to disambiguate PSQ ‘ vowels. For many ‘clusters, Jiuziying fortis initials are the only evidence for retention of those clusters into PSQ. ‘Clusters are only reconstructed in those cases with direct evidence for them in SQ, usually from Jiuziying or Taoping.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. - 256 *qhs. PSQ *§ may come from PQ come may PQ from *§ PSQ /q/ of |x)allophone Yadu is probably from 'person'. from probably Both mean 'big person', although although person', 'big mean Both ml 'salt' = Notes different is order morpheme the stu xy stu xy KU tju §II0S ('in to ancient qhsua Yadu qaa' qaaJ times') zdzi ha qhsi ha pa Mawo Ji L L

ko mu (L) mu L c/a § qo/u - PSQ Ka/eH person' 'big L gu - pu qe qe L q i/y - - i/y q d u/ou - d u/ou - dzi 33 33 ma Taoping qy qi33; kc §a KOU Mianchi (tsht) doO dzi j u KO mu mii-mfi Longxi dii AGT suffix alivealone s£ a-qo-tst agree age sii pu a time time a (CL) again thodaqi ache " .0 1 7 before ago, qe i qe de 8 9 Set Gloss 3 (salt) add (tsht) K& 4 adult b& mu b^a mil 2 ______fl 15 I 6

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 ------in in Mianchi correspondsto/n/ SQ SQ forms borrowed from Notes Longxi in Taoping.and At Both NQ and SQ use UPprefix sound changes sound that are common theonly'Also' is form which in present I haveexplanation no for thiswith verb. phonological developmentsphonological in functors. Chinese TPappears to have undergone other palatalization, apparent this to changingfunctors, to/a/. *a ofthe than unpredictability also 'middle' (299)*s-tay InJ - - - gU Yadu he que^he gua la(RH) losa kurci (RH) ta khue takhue ------Mawo tiu ku tcu khu' huja \ tiu yu khua khua f- - f- PSQ le - le na (L) k u V - kue kue - ti ti goL H k (L)u/o L tchi XgyeL 33 33 pho go 33 55 33 no Taoping ko Xgye11 go 6 ti 6 Mianchi l£ kui st ku 16 te te kuotchi Longxi nfi gu& ku& (p&qa) tci go g taqu tchi 1 2 between also, and answer, reply Gloss ant pack's worth among, angry animal 12 18 19 16 14 13 also, and 15 17 ankle Set ______

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 ). ). ?*mu-k(394) 8 6 ?*g-li ~?*g-li (265). *k(a)li ?*mu*k (449) *bla SQ buttocks-hole. hasMC a toneundergone change in ml ♦rhyme is basedon NQ Notes ?*laM (394) NQ *pu JZYji. W Yadu zdzi zdzi xqo ke pe lopu ’hand’ lopu qhga qhga mamo jopo P u u pu % piae piae % U pu U a pu, apu, 3 3 3 3 3 Mawo Yd3a qhgo zu qhgo §qui d d (

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 259 *g/b-lyai) 0 < < *g/b-l* 2 < WT< sta ri, from STC 22 *sta Notes LX.TPml = 'fins' the syllable lost *o and m reduplicated the reduplicated *t syllable. 'knife' cold-m ('season'?) Two syllableetymon. MChas (a Yadu ibly K e i \ £ bu basket (poss stej cognate cognate with m l) suax ’winter’ tcu tcu XU (ke (ke re) do qhuo ful) tsup gua\(o) :1 mu mu gu Mawo bu^ qhuo tci ci ci tci dô H sta z j PSQ br i/e L i/e br s (i)o qe(L) (L) bo- i \ o - sta L (H) qhuo H gu- de - X d e L dô dzjL 33 241 33 33 S5 55 d^y to bî ko lî 31 33 3 33 33 241 ma sio (tchye qo55) Taoping /d e Xta de dô — - - - •—• - — qe 6 6 Mianchi s ti*.! de ItfeN ta de ItfeN d ------Longxi mii-be zt tcie-be soqei gti tsobb daqhuti (to) za zi za (to) d^'t dî ------y > ------1 2 back, back basket ofback body backof body winter slanting behind ax t i i autumn, Gloss ashes ask Set 34 askew, 39 3637 awl 35 32 38 41 40 33

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Gloss Longxi Mianchi Taoping PSQ Mawo Yadu Notes backstrap bia dzi badi b ia/a L di - m2 = 'belt' bad mo mej bamboo po(ti) P» XPU55 XP«(L) _SP“ ____ m ♦g-p(w)a (44) bark (n.) C i (phii) ja se sâ pii, 'tree-skin' pii pho-jî pi& —...... bark (v.) t£ti te Xte33 Xte (L) t a/a te MC tone changes with 'dog1: (H) khwe t£ ti. bat tshi-qii- (i&n lao tshi55xka 'salt- -(P«lj cf.'steal', MW? MC has (animal) mii sue!) ma33 stealAGT' polo) borrowing ("salt mouse") 0 s be/copula qu que qua33 quaL qua qua cf. 'existential/locative' beam qhotfi ta ta- rbYKl bean dapii dei da33 daL " ( b ) — could be an ancient borrowing. Mandarin doD. bear (n.) tqd ti ti33 tiam (H) ti tci ♦d/g-warn (461) bear fruit £z6 §6 dâ sieS5ma5S dô si1 mi ♦contour tone dâ 241 dû beat te, ti tui ted t e/a (H) dze te also other pfxs with LX t£. MC (drum) |pt|. cf. 'hammer', STC 317 ------♦tow, ?^tuk (387) bed 1 F\,i si q i n£ ba ne 55ci33 ne (L) s i/i L bed 2 ne hi b a - b n t a t $ h u a n PN Q has *bu bu

260 csVO

i i i i | I : I i & i j i s ; t i J S ; S :. o * E 2 i ' i T - g ^ ! | i » i w a i s t ) Y a d u

s-. -S i -s ( b e n d a t ! i ! I I i ^ ! § ■ § t h e " § • 4

: I ] i i ! I j ! " c ' o 1 i 3 ! £ 1 X * 1 i i £ i TZ ! * ! ; % 3 \ 3 . c ■ f i j ’ S i C * . 3 ; ; M 1 T 3 ; 3 w j S i i ! * ! i i " O j j j ^ 1 | j i | ; | ! X 1j ; : 3 i j , 1 • t i .O O'. Vi? ^ 3 - j i , ; c CO "re ! £? ! t* 1 ^ I ; S i 3 : ' 3 ' 3 CL X ?< "3 ! o i S.! § : ^3 : o-l "O 1 X

1 i i i i ! ! : : s o : • r~i c , _>%! ; i : ; ’ c l s !1 CN^ 5 1 ’ ^ ! £ ; ; ! I i o * 3 i C " 4 : C 3 1 : 3 * * w 3 ’ r * : 3 ! : -a X ; -3 X ! I " 3 ; ; - 3 1 C . ' : 1

,3 E JZ ■ i * < g j i 9 - : : < o " 2 /O ^ /3 . e ! 12! i i - i ^ JD ‘ f ll 2 1 *0 ! s i

2 * 2 i i o i: ^N 3 Ca>; 1 ■§ •5 i ' S ■ O X i i ' s ✓3 I p» o 3 : 3S i2 ! S £2 ' 3 s *o Q . j " 3 X

i < o so I c sc ! to s o 3 • 3 3 S e vi X) Xi _ i - o ■ a O | *32 i m _ , - o ; € s o l ' S o — I = B O'JS \ 2 i JJ JJ l g SisijB i* La i *

VO r ^ - 90 es «n • n < 2 m m w-i «n I 3 I 3 ! vo ! vo 3 vo 3

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 262 ) 8 ) 8 8 for male dog. (?) .6 *(b)wa (99) (STEDT'water/river/valley') ♦latj ?*wa (424) *wa (424) ♦prefixed? (p *nak Notes MC has dz PQic *nzVk Chapter(cf. IV) LX'bitter, PTB ( *ka salty’. TP'goat' TP 'sparrow' _____ Yadu bje wu tse (of mosqui (a)ro tjan Z'j to) qhox X? Mawo aiq dzi dzidzi kadzo qha PSQ 'goat' - dV'goat' - L phi(a) - iL tshV H ye- wa bro L boa nd- 1 o/u H 1 tgha L tgha dz/zV - Cza/e L qha (L) 55 431 33 55 Si\ 33 5 ltshie 3 rii ma i Taoping b^o qha dzeMlye” ) 16 6 6 Mianchi k (me) phi na tghaki ze tshe dze (fi Longxi i tshti i tshe 16 bja~ ba b*a ih phia za tcha do tcha qha qhi b ------1 2 1 2 bleat, bray, bleat, bray, blame blanket tsha i blend with big bite bite bitter black Gloss bird grass (CL) billy goat billy bird bite bite blade of water (male sfx) grunt, etcgrunt, Set 79 77 78 73 74 75 76 69 70 80 6 8 I72 I71

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 263

suggests 55 a 3 ) ) 2 2 2 *s-mul (pp (pp -16)15 *s-mul *s-hwiy ( (459,460). *(k)ri(y) LBZ ijtsya, JZY htwa. LBZijtsya, tu xsuYD 'be boiling (water)'. Notes YD YD 'blind person'. WS $tya, STC 422 *tsuw PTB *pu (JAM) PQic *pr. Jinghua Pumi p Yadu -xu po so pha bu !»an (pa1 paaJ X‘P m tshuoi Xuo)

(' feather1) xtga SO phY bu hut) pa, hut) hu pa hu qu lu qu

PSQ Mawo L smu so so L -phu - bu phiowa c i (L) p i/e p (L) i c (H) qo/a L Xphu (H) Xphu XtyaL qatja k^ap qu L lu - lu L qu XtgVL so33 pha33 Taoping bu33a'33 pe33 ce55 Xma33 XP°33» Xtcya33 qu3llu55

phh mil Mianchi mi tiu, tua mi tiu, up' sa to^i te tgua ke, tgua te qa tgt 'stop tgt ci pei qa

------

sa phd Longxi tcya fia 'stop up' 'stop tst tst bCt — q6 ci pi •*a-XU qo qo 16 --

blue phO body hair, body feather fur, up/plug boil (n.), boil blind block blood etc.) wind, plank dirt body sore (porridge) Gloss board, Set 83 84 blow (of 85 87 body 88 89 81 82 90 91 boil 86

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 264 *tsyow (275). *braq *braq (135) *qwa (215) *d-liy(462). or= 'arrow' Notes VH VH in MC n.b. n.b. zycnot datain from STE D tJ ml probably is 'paper', borrowed from Mandarin zhi. MW 'underneath (n.)' I WT sdo-ba (STC 267) YD shed (cow)/fence (ox) questionnaire :1 1 1 :1 KU Yadu layz J^a, qua, Kua tffo Kua potg SU KU SU S3 khgu qua sa ^ek a pat§, SU KU SU tea ku tga Mawo qua zstphi li sa sa spi^ ku khcu qu sa gqul; qa gqul; J3 paetg, paetg, J3 ja°pat§ u/o (H) qo/u L K K L bu bu - pa (L) kui ro L kV - quoL tshu - ts/tsh a L S3 - S3 xg y/o (L) y/o xg (L) tch y/o L q a/a t a/o L 33 31 31 33 33 33 suo kie is b) 31 55 2 KU2*1 Taoping PSQ (s ^n qa tshu z-}3lqU33 xgy33 tchy KOU 1)0 KOU (qo) — pi kui pa”kie §s bu §s dzitsha qata Longxi Mianchi Kfi fid ijotnui pa-ku qua dio-quii tshfi (female) Si tgho dzi tsa i ja k& 1 1 1 2 book bom/birth bovine, bow bowl bow), etc. etc. bow), (CL) bracelet bracelet Gloss darebold, bottom q&tb cow bovine, cow door to 1 0 2 103 1 0 0 101 104 Set 92 boil (v) 96 95 bone 94 bolt/lock 93 97 98 99 ..

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. j i | 1 x 1 i : , — 3 i l i x i 8 . i " v « ! | * £ | i i ' S * 9 0 o > * i i ! i . £ i i i a C CL. ! j j J r. [ j * § i ' £ f ' * < i _ ** c I I p ■ f * > , u u . i n : ’ S . F - i ^ c i £ i 0 0 2 ! c * - > i ; £ ^ * : _ c 2 ° t ; : ^ X £ ■ * " 3 ■ i U a j 1 • ’ o ^ i i S ! E r C/5 i 5 S e J 3 ■ Z J* SJS : * | e * * ’ 1 a q . :

1 / - n ; i w . 2 UJ 2 ^ - n •js .* > A U3 — ; U i ‘5 -8- sc ac x - — o A w i a .2 .a « A u) 3 Y a d u r a j i ( R H j i d3* e Qa Qa 3" * *3 "3 ^ 1 - 3 i *§■ !

o £ = : ' f A ro i .2 « s -o : -Z ‘a*! 2 . a c ; ! ' —l i ' - J ; ' i 21 -o -2 ! ' t X ^ "c"- A : " 1 ! _J a ; ! -> ! —3 ! - A | 1 I 1* i J ed eb ; U : 2 c/5 : 4> 1JB § s ,2 ^5 Cl. , 12 ! 5 | S. jSM §5 ' .is ■fi.

t ’ ! ' ; ; m | i

9 0 C 1 2 a _ ; J j i * f* i ' 'EL. ; x ; ^ j 1 r*i 1 m o : w ' / n j m i & 1 i ! o S 3 1 « ! a : « i V n ’ E- ■ 3 * . c l , ^ i 1 M i 1 ;

£ 5 5 'S’ ' - f c - c , o ! ! v-3 >

1 bracelet 2 2 bracelet ! braid 2 break Gloss Gloss | brain bran bran 2 break break (rope, etc.) (rope, etc.) bran bran 1 branch brand, iron break il! O _____ 105 114 115 106 109 1 11 107 108 1 12 Set Set : __ Tl3 1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 266 *dzam STC485 *sak ♦Initial based on LX, YD. *kuw brother-small LXml = 'water* Notes STC 419STC *nuw. JZY jiy py. STC 254 -*be *pe. (255) bro, bro, addr. by sister' cf. ’big’. cf. Yadu ’big’. ms = 'younger Yadu mss ku: stusm do do Klis (brot hers) Mawo pa pa paps tshipa^?K? tshua te gue tsxtga tssp; thu ts ba' dâ L 3 ______PSQ ba/e L (H) ~ ivy > v y tsham (H) tu tsu H thioL ko- i\a(L)iva tu H - tu H - 'big' dzyaL XlVL He cya- 24 31 31 do 241 33 33 bâ 33 33 55 • v y 5 5 * v y 5 5 t shie thio Taoping ('break') tusstsua tu dzya cya 6 lu ne q 6 6 Mianchi m i\a (16) tshft (16) thi tou tsti te b£ be te b£ q cy&, mu ca mu cy&, i\4 la -tsii 6 Longxi K d mfi s(i mfi tshA (to) tshA t tsii ti ?*? tfi ba tfi ako cyd daba 1 2 1 2 milk milk breath bridge barrel broken breast, breast, milk breast, brother (younger) Gloss bright broombrother dûii (ness) (elder) (elder) 119 116 break/snap 118 126 127 bucket/ 117 1 2 0 12 2 123 124 brother 125 121 Set

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. r~- CN : a ! S3 U J= : s i * * /S3 ^ I 2 J* g>j w i f 5 ! 2 j i U w i !t ai1 « J l ! : 2 .S ! « 3 ' Q.f S v . : C'l e^i ! & 3 0 j i i i.i y S 2 1 2 i£ : £ ! cJt I S’ S 1 * i * 1 3 * i I ©v £ O ! <£ 1 vO ; .8 ^ « « i t~- i r- S u * r , "3 *3 ! C'l ; c*"> I si 00 U c c > u y o u ^-33' h , h Z E—P“ ^ fc S Vi :P:P • C/3 ‘ V3

c 1 x «*j - 5. °* s ■a § 3* S3 : N (JL> >* -3 .8 ■ a j- < r a . ,

O ! £ 3- Q. I n 2 -I a 3 -s -3 3*.? 5 i f ! ■ ,

s3 f1 “ ; 0 { 1 -w- j j i | « -J 1 = 1 j • 1 : JSs 3 1 ! , X i : 3 > . 3 3 m > 3 , 3 ; -j 3 3 1 JS : S/1J C ; w 13 i PSQ • S S ; i ; 2 3 I ^ 3-| 2 zi L 3" 3 • * X> : "■ : i i i : : i i i 1 ! 1 ^ .: «*n ___ ! SO § ■ S3 ; & ^ .5:3 i ! P* W CL Q . C : P - < i £ & 1 <0 * 0 3 1 ! 3 b ■ v» \ S3 N ! 5 ^ ' E - ■ " 3 ! I - 8 : ! i i ! § • £ : 2

S3 U X s ’ 1 X) 1 ‘O SU J* jo 1 .-s '3 3 . S 3 i .3 ! '3 .C ; 3 JS < o 3 r j s : - s 2 15 O’ 2Si N i 3 *

. S 3 ^3 I * " w . ; £ 1 & C l ■ 1 1 k . « 2 , « 3 Longxi Longxi zi 15 bit zua zua bu 16 ke, ke, 161 tshii tshii qhii ' n j 5 r w 1 i £ ; ^ . S 3 : j 8 1 2 1 1 2 bunch bunch (of vegetables) bum bum buckwheat buff leather bundle (of bug, insect, worm build build building bury bundle, butterfly Gloss 1 things) 1 t 1 i ! | i i 1 ! j l j i O j — r s * S3- j !/-> v© j r~- j a o Os m «n m «*■> en m j m j c n g 128 129

Set 2 ______

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 ?STC 293 *b-rey published root,PTB but cf. Lahu m£-ni. Notes LX m3,4 = 'do'-AGT STC 26 *ba other sylls cognate?other sylls cf. 'rope' reconstruction. onomatopoeic. There is no * 'feces', multiple MW sources Thisa probable is set, more but This root appears to be data are needed before a positing sta sto, sto pie Mawo Yadu sto so, sta°ba, sta°pa PU gorj dzu gorj bi bie kuatsi tse ke t\ tua PSQ 'leg-small' a/e brL 'wood'- dzi L biaL (L)ma tvu L pu I\,U po/u H tha L ba - tse ~ tsi - q ue/ua L tui ~tui tua L u/i L tgh 13 33 33 33 tsi bo livy5S tua 55 33 31 3 55 33 55 po ba ma Taoping tho siessdzy kua tghi qa 6 Mianchi ('vulva') b^i bia me i\jbu k£ de p dua-bzii tui til quit til de de tghu Longxi bia zabali leb^e ma ryi mii tse tu'i que qa buttocks thabd buy back cane, vine cane, pole carry on calf ofcalfleg duaqa-tsi carpenter ci zr-pii- back (of Gloss cat catch carry in carry lap in canyon animal) carry with cast cast, aside 141 144 145 152 142 146 147 143 151 149 150 Set I148

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o95 V f/it— 5s C*** Z CL * 1? *3 R V 1 >• e^- ■2 a cg & §* : I ■y. us "i. v; , O II ii O ; £ O- in ; Z E S E E— en >

s . » » . 3 >\ ! f a ; * V i 8 . « x ' -3 X "3 ; 3 3C f r ° « i 3 o i n>0£ N C.£f> e J£ c >- ■a ■ a X u s . 2 s i - S E E

o 3 £ E 3 « i a 2 s : 1 i i a ■S.J i us ! ! U S : _j i a £ i ; 3» X ; X i1 >3Q. a ? ‘ S O ; ■8 CL E -3 X ■s.

- n-i 30 C e ! ■£ •E. X , o W“» < *** X". 3 o ‘ I*a w - i E- SO ! ' C L rt ' l i b !

o r-~ I o o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 ...... *b-raij (LaPolla *b-raij 1985) prefixes. otherAll SQ forms for'chisel' b i* *s-bay (STEDT) *C-tsat (GSTC 25) 1 LX has transphonologized the *u Notes m2 = 'skin'. (STEDT), *(t)si *s- are borrowings from Mandarin, j a toform labialized initial. Cf. discussion under *bz (3.3.1.8.1) TPmay reflect both PTB cf. LX bird J. Sun for MW, *(m/s-)ka (470). . . ..

KZU

BZU9, Yadu (V.) WES tjuj mi dzuo tcuy tjuax tjuax dza tcuy gy jaqhua ____ qhua a’: dzo

3 Ka K3J Mawo was (ka t§a) tci: mi tci: tjaqJaq t tci tci wa d ju dza _(b?) KaL PSQ kha/e L H ua/u - tci tci L (H) pia yiL 'chicken' ts - DIM tci - tci bri (L) - dual. Cro/uH qa/e L qhua - Xt§a /t§aL Xt§a 33 -)33 -)33 -)33 dz ls pass bî 33 33 1 3 55 33 33 33 31 Ka tJY ma Taoping yi kha û dua tgi qa Xtgo33 ...... 1 Mianchi i tsats(i X zo tci pi& ke ke bî tst khe dii tgei t§4 qe tA ...... qhua

Longxi V batc& Kei tci piA ko tsii tsu& y y tsa tsA tsa qacl tci bi (n.) 1 Gloss cheek Chinese chick chicken child chin 171 chisel 170 163 166 164 chest 165 chew 167 169 172 chopsticks 173 city 168 Set

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CS

2^ '5 *• O o — £ ci en cs o in , m 5*5 e' c . Q. -—' £ en s 2 s o 2 r 3 >*3 *5 3 >% a '. V y . V. o O y. Z * S •if" S’

' 0 = C ; X! c_ c^.^ so 3 w _ o ”fS 8.! .* w O' JD t : -1------T - ' t i ; : 1 i 1 | : 0 i i c ; #* ! 3 ! i i ! o c .1 £ ►«•”*»« _3 3 C CO ! ^ 1 £ 3 3 3 3 ’ r t w a ll) paxaJ ; s X X (city • s o \ B \ 1 ' £ > ! 1 j * 8 * 1 3 E -J O : ' -J c 3 u 20. ' = £ 2 O' .S;

■ 1 i ■ I ' i i ! ! 1 i ^ ; ; 50 ; = 1 ’EL £ 1 K*. 0 i ! 1 S 1 ! 1 « * V 1 3 : r13 3 4> i : .2 •sj -C « x > ' a . E-* 3 ! ^ ;

Q. 3 vS -CO e a » ! ^ E ; -2J w *3 3 0 ,3 / 3 3 3 7 j ! *3 i ' S O'-* w I « i f •g-i

xSO: : e ; '3 £ .O i —r 1 3 *3 * ! “2 ! 3 .0 •S.:

a .

90 90

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 (STEDT) 2 *glak ~*glak klak (124) Vowel Vowel may have been affected by VH. *m-si(y) (466) onthe and palatalization MW, in MC. *s-min (432). STC form is Notes htu. semantics. reconstructed with same JZY Kua. cf. PL *?b(r)iy The PSQ *vowel is basedon | TP, TPcited in SQD. WS$tu,JZY ____ - — bzoij Yadu liu c r ? ) gqu zdom khueJ xy' khueJ Xo' xueJ, xueJ, Xo' qu su ...... Mawo Kdzo i y gqu zdYm ?w? no ?w? kha'la X« clothes cool (of water) brass cook/boil qo cloud collapse ripe brush (v.) copper, comb(n.) comb, come lo cooked/ 192 185 186 187 cold 190 " 193 Set Gloss — | I 8I 189 8 I 194 1195

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

*quw STC 79 79 STC ♦contour tone? does TP have TP does tone? ♦contour *s-mag *s-mag (STEDT) Kua? Kua? *qaw(79) ?*ka (STC 99-100)pp Notes For discussionFor of înitial, cf. 3.3.1.5. STC 423 *su(w) ~ mu ku 7 Yadu (RH) nu nu zei qu gput, qu gput, kuput kupat SE Mawo KU Kua KU ZY JY ZY I\X1 KU I\X1 si L H b u o PSQ p i/ia H i/ia p u/aq H zaL mo/u H rmu na L qa H raL tga/eL pu pu L si si (H) ^ A.Q q/k i/ou H 33 33 55 JÔ ^(l qo 33 33 33 33 33 55 55 KU3 KU3 na qo si tge Taoping ô5s Mianchi mo Kua na-qt» tshoxuti piti tghii te si 6 Longxi Kua (ta) Kua za za za q q£ ja q£ qi pii pii kofi tshti t£ tshti qho pi Cl 1 2 1 2 call call (out) cryout, bassinet outcall cup tsi t{>ii cry, weep cryout, cry, weep crow (n.) corpse mo cradle, crow (v.) crack (v.) ztz& 196 197 cough 199 198 203 Set Gloss 2 0 0 2 0 2 206 cuckoo 207 205 201 204

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 *ra (458) *ra *lep (351) *lep ♦tsywar (240). ♦tsywar (240). Proofthat the ♦clusterwas preserved into PSQ LX LX ambiguous btwn 2a, b. JZY Itshual. LX, MC 'mow grass' Notes giventhe foitis by is initial in JZY tie down'. 'cut Thisdefinite. set is less JZY tg'o. sever) zumo (veget able) xtge (chop/ (cut/rip qhe' qhe* qhe' qhe* (fir meat, tju tju ewood), qhua' hew, cut open) — ...... Mawo Yadu qha' qheJ qha'qheJ (fir (veget able) tshoti (tree) ewood), qhua' khu kho' — H xtgi PSQ H tia (L)H tshoti tshuo H qhra/ua (L) khu(o) - kuH zu - mo - 55 te (cut 55 55 55 31 55 vegetable) tghu ku tshuo Taoping tshuo qhe 6 li£ Mianchi bone, tree), bone, tghii tghu»i tghii tshuti (cut tshuti st k tshou tia 5&q& 6 6 Longxi Longxi tshu£, tsu tshu£, tsu tahit s't tshu& (cut/gouge scissors) k tsoii tsoii (cut w/ khuti khii z6 m£ qhii qhii qhud tsu& out), ts b a, a, c 1 1 6 2 2 2 cut cut (firewood, vegetable) cut cut cut/gouge cut/gouge chop cut cut Gloss cut 4 cut cut 4 out cypress (unasp) cut cut cut 3 Set 208 216 214 215 217 210 213 211 212

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J 275 III. *mu*k (357), *mu*q (362) (357), *mu*q *mu*k *s-nay (GSTC) (STEDT)*(h/p)a:q *kaq (331) *kak (TIL*kak 70) *krwiy (244) clear I not is whetherIt there was a doesLX not have ♦Vowel based on TP, YD. STC 232 *siy Notes 2d formYD = 'breatheone's last' JZY ci dzu. PSQ ’’‘initial may JZY cidzu. PSQ ’’‘initial have been *gz. cluster initial in PSQ. cf. 'cloud' ze me°ei, Z3t bu ge, mas ge, de ge eu eu xlu xlu qu tgho d z a x Mawo Yadu miirvi xteap xtjop ZY na ku-bu ip k y - zdu zdu m stiaxlu (gqaraq) tgho tsigziu tsu gzu ______(H) ze ze - PSQ mu mu (L) sie L si ’ear' - o/u - b ’ear' L na- Xqa (L) Xqa tc a/e/i La/e/i tc tc/ts V (L) tsidz o/y (L) tsi tghV- ca/e (L) ci 55 33 55 55 qo 33 dzy 33 xua lxuo 33 33 33 3 33 31 55 mu sie na iv'i-bb Taoping na Je Xda33 Xqa tqi tsy Xd^3 . 6 6 ...... st} Mianchi mo zt ts se qa (pii) da tee teez nSnil dze qe dze —• —• 6 6 6 Longxi zana maqei; q rnd tVi-bo bu -tc4 z -tc4 Cl tshl qo z tq ilea 1 2 1 2 inlaw tasty date (time) deepfry deer delicious, Gloss dark daughterdaughter- tea daytime deaf deep dew 230 Set 2 2 0 233 difficult 219 223 day 225 226 227 221 228 229 218 dark 232 die 231 2 2 2 224 _ daytime

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. | 1 276 .... *s-n(y)ek (235) ♦Vowel based on TP, YD. ? ? ♦bra (132) STC *kwiy 159 STC 29 *bal STC 288 *la-y sources TP'brother (younger)', 2 MW | .s 5 khud Yadu Notes dz.e we' dz.e mej?. ♦mat (425) (valley) adJ juju ____ ahput§ .a ^a .a 5 3 Mawo gputg, tci phi dzi d dJ ?*? phi phi ?*? j y j y djQ .a - - ba - .a .yi (L) .yi 5 5 PSQ liall pu pu Lkhus (L) tfa; bal khuD bal tsi - (pitch varies with compound) b u/e - b u/e zi- L L tci tci - tS U/U9 suH 'water'- xu dj Xba Xba L rbo Craq dj ” u xu3: la5S 55 lba5s 31 33 3 31 33J5. 55 33 u khua tU55tSU93' tsi ^. pu tsua d^a qha dzyi bo tsO 55.06

ba X b a 241 q o Mianchi Taoping khufc pii tci sfi be zl ZJ tsue xoii d55.fi ko

ba Lxrngxi tsu lift ma khii bii lift bii ft t y pii tsi k o dazii 1 1 is 'calf)is suffix (example Gloss tired diminutive diminutive dirt zt bO dig dirty disappear mo” melt don't divide do 245 dog 234 difficult, 239 246 247 don't 236 235 242 ditch 240 Set 248 donkey 237238 dippen sfi 243 244 241 dissolve,

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 ’’‘cluster initial. ’’‘cluster MC y /k ?STC .?, 331 *kat) MC is labeled 'b' Notes MC 'decaliter1, TP 'liter1. TP 'liter1. 'decaliter1, MC STC 268 *raw JZY d/t i. Fortis initial suggests -- Yadu (o) t§ pho ^bu c e x <1° (RH) pu (RH ’pint’) jjkue ?w?ji tcye ?w?ji m m ...... Mawo xioq saqe pho tgha rbu pu §kua dzu jotci p sQ zi L phV phV - phu - dzie - ri H (Qdzj pu H khyeL XbuL Xe(L) 55 ,xe 3 s-j --khye33 î55kua55 pu55 dzie33 dî33 Taoping /b u 241 bu fia zi fia §£ d^.i §£ phu dî mukhue phu (dusty, with dust) TiS pfi ('fircroast') covered Xuei phii (ci) xei Longxi Mianchi with dust) go Zi (te> bo ph6 tii tu tu tii ph6 (covered ffr, (z6) q£ zt;q£ zi qhua, khua khul, 1 water) 2 drunk sun 1 water) 3 sun 2 by fire drum Gloss measure dry dry the in dry the in dry, warm dust dry 260 drop (of 264 261 drop (of 262 266 Set 269 265 267 I 263 [268 1270 dwell, live

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J 280 •‘ploij (140) •‘ploij *n/s-tow (STEDT) Notes STC *dza retroflex,SQ cf. 'hundred'. indicates a/e. PQ *kr *t(y)ik=g-)tyik (p84). TPand meaning 'one'. TPMW, 'enclosure' LX also has the forms tie 'eat!1 alsoLX hasthe forms tie 'eat!1 and tchi, which may have been the influenced causative. by *s- SQ initial clustersuggested by Rhotacizationof formsNQ haveMW m2 asfree morphemes n.b. NQ stress rules, vl. vowel ForNQ velar corresponding to tsi. JZY Kmv Jiuziying tgha. Jiuziying tgha. *b-r-gyat (163). Yadu j^me tje j^me KZE KZE wa°s phu dza khe1 he tje Mawo phu udza Kdzi tci tci wa°st e tci ti ti pi etci kha' dza he tci he

___ PSQ phu H ts o/uts - pa L khre/a(L) L fia tci (H) Xma/e- y/i tc/tch H (L) Xdzie dzi L XMH) qho/u - 3.i 55 31 qu55tci55 phu55 Taoping a55tsu33 pa33 Xta dzie241 d tghe33 Xo31tJv13 ite mi tst (It t&) zi fia ti fia di phu dze dzt qho Longxi Mianchi ita ts6 pa zoz6 da pho tsh£ q6 tfihe tch£ measure flee meet Gloss (sheep) encounter/ estimate, escape, enough, be zt egg eight eleventci fia empty enclose eat zi Set 292 287 emperor 291 290 293 284 285 288 283 286 289

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ------*lay reduplicated,(283), *lay no ghost-female doubt to reciprocity. indicate JZY qa. ------...... ) ------h r h Is la Is Yadu Notes le (RH)le we (RH) --- Y ------• • Mawo zi ------...... (H) —- —- m la(H) lo(L) lain PSQ 'day'mV H- z i/i L lie L lie 'one'- qa/e L o/u d mia L jiL .... qa33 lie33 3133 Taoping la31 to55 ye33 3 l33 15 la 15 Mianchi zi zi Is ue dou dou miS 1 V ISIS Longxi i)6 lia dir mia dir £ ci mft qe ci£ mft a se qa mo KUO (transitory, portable referent) witch referent) vable referent) (animate present (contained referent) tial/LOC (immo Gloss tial/LOC evil spirit, evil spirit, exchange exist/be existen- existen- existential/LOC existential/LOC iI 1i li O'S: 294 every day 301 Set 295 298 I296 [299 p o o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282

♦vowel is ♦vowel problematic, MW si = (STEDT).♦kwa Taopingdoes *l(w)aij (STEDT)*l(w)aij STC 374 *mit Notes not havethe sequence *qhua. STC 353 *tsyuk cf. cf. 'price'. head? (402). *myak JZY xpe.JZY ku Yadu Yadu phu phu liu mi: dej mie qua x« je (trap, n.) W lulu Mawo la pha (qan) tshy gua xe quq dalyn PSQ H ph u/e/a L ly ph u/e/a L ly b/ph L u b^a L mVL o/u - I mia (H) (L) tsh o/y (L) guiL qo/aL dua L qa qhua(L) L Xuo Xpe- pha3lly” lu” mi” tshyi” Taoping dua33 duo241 qha31 qha31 Xua33 Xpe”

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Mianchi phi liu b^a phQ ml tshou fi5 pe loii me tie, mil tie, me gl gui \ ti6 qiX^ q^

bO ja bO Longxi mia tsho, fia mi-sfc gu fia ill toil, m£ q4 qhu£ q4 qo

people face 2 fall family of family (CL) fait (fire) extinguish, Gloss out die expensive l(i phfi experience eye 302 307 drop fall 1, Set 309 310 far 312 fast li dii 303 305 306 308 313 1 fat 311 1304

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 *pa=pwa (24) MW 'father-in-law' STC *pwa MW paternal aunt MW paternal Notes STC 272 sa-w JZY pa31 JZY pa” pa31 Yadu -ba:, a pa mer pie SE ather) tsha:' we zdueo1 (grandf ather) (stepf opu tee Mawo apa (fatheri n-law, tsha'wa zdo o pu o tshY, ther) e ni mie, e e grandfa eji - PSQ pV- noH s o/a s L ie - - a - poL ~pi pu - tshi - Xdo Xdo pa” pa33 i31ie55 ather) -pi55 pe33pe33 Taoping ie33 so33 (XOO55) (grandf Xdo33, n$ ia inlaw, f s y y inlaw, s f Kue Kue 4 (grandf brother) a pa ather) pu -Hue (father- Longxi Mianchi ather) (grandf &p& pi qQ (stepf ather) it no it tshl 4 i father's brother's fat, oil oil fat, 1 so l, se oil 2 fat, father2 brother older wife fat fat 2 (direct) father's

! 1 318 father 1 Set Gloss 319 315 314 317 father 320 J ______I316

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 ------*(g/k)rak STC 473 *grok~ *krok STC 271 STC 271 *na-w *ni(y) (316) MW MW also 'father' in LX'feardifficulty',? STC ------—- ...... mie mie Yadu Notes ('mare') (e)ze ju qu, do qus we — ------

Mawo ZY qhj<3 q h p JZY t8'i d^u apa qu ------IV a/a L IV mia L mia PSQ po/u - su su L na H qo/u L d7

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 KY. *m-(t)sin = m-tsyen (74) (290) *mey STC 78 STC 78 *l/b-qa JZY b. ?STC405 *sug. many other 2d MW form is from JS Notes JZYhte. LX, MC ml = 'iron'. forms in MC

lua Yadu ma (Kza) yras baxtge (RH) s^gua X‘8E (RH) ji-sa jugpul ju su XV ju su ------

si thu, « su 3 y Kdza KUO KUO I u Mawo \( l3 9 ma yuamu gy mu d tioq Z.an Z.an dzi dzi so d3arpaK d3arpaK 1 a/u - a/u 1 Kdza- KUO L KUO PSQ - sie qa (H) su su - sye - m u/i (H) u/i m 'fire' - gua - gua - 'fire' (H) qeL Xte- gue- Xtga/e- Xku L ivV Xku L ivV KUO33 lu55 sie55 qa55 sie55 missK031 mi33 dzi33 qa3laJ5S Taoping Xkue3li\j33 s6 s£ l Kuhqo i Mianchi bu t§£ bu tsuE-dz& ci-te ~ ci te gue qei de d£ qu ivd 0,0 kuc Id (phu) Id Ka so ly suely ~ ly Longxi fia cu, fia fia cu, fia k'0 ca-te g u qel ay qu five solid first fist fingernail si lie qa fir firefire tongs mfifireplace gufi (mil mfi secure, finger2 fingerring smelling Gloss 359 356 fish 353 349 350 351 352 355 Set 347 348 358 354 firm, 357 fishy

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 _____ ♦sywar (241) MC bfc showsevidence of vowel MC bfc STC 260 ~*bu *pu ?STC *g-la, ?*k-raij SQ mV = 'person' Notes YD b?is STC ?STC *plei) 138 212 *lyap?STC 340 *per n.b. si deaspirated from "dance, m2 = 'mother'. does MC not ml-bamboo' cf. 'hot (spicy)'. have 'flint' meaning have'flint' harmony jump" 1 Yadu lan pa mie bu «la liu bijxo kue piten Pi(1X tsun ta xtota ('wing') ('ruler') SPU-1 gzijpa tjhas Xtgeji pa to tsa (bloom) §pu yli §pu gzi tjhas qua) ------

----- PSQ Mawo pa - (L)t§ue pia -pia (ylio lo- da la t t u/a - miaL 'bug'-x u/o L Kue tso/u H nV(L) tsun baL ly L tsh a/ue tsh L goL gze (L) --- ba3lxu3J Taoping tu33 tsu55lu55 ba31ly33 dze241 *- • • *------Mianchi pe pe (bloom) pOJlt§U3 ze pi£ pia pi£ la 1 me me Kua (soil no (soil le-be-liii goii tsue mia " " " " pitsii Longxi Hue mu Hue tso iv'i sfi gi> dzuaja ('wing') tsha mia qata (v.) flower fly (n.) fly fly foot 1 flail (for flint) float 1 flow flute fool (measure) Gloss flat piaqo float float 2 ___ 370 368 Set 362 flea 369 371 372 373 foot 360 361 363 steel flint, 366 flour ba 16 367 I364 [365 I 3!4

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 *kwa (STEDT)*kwa (p34). *gwa Rhotacization in *s-pwa(l) (Matisoff 1998b) Notes ?STC 410?STC *b-liy MC mayMC indicate that PSQ VH in TPm-crawl (or STC *s- i31 dû31. i31 bal?) (or STC p41 p(h)rok *u 'toad'?) cf. fertilizer cf. Rounding harmony in LX. JZY harmony. cf. Akha k'av 'animal prefix'. cf. Akha k'av clusterwas *rg-. Yadu Yadu xu ke ke xie zdu xkui LX, NQ ml show vowel JÛE mo x§ mo dzu qu da:'m SW tag dzu pie ____ o qu 3 Mawo zdu gku rgua xtgi (bo no) (to xu) xo1 mo d g v PSQ L i L dû L i L k k u/e - 'tree'-quo - graL qho (L) toH dzo L pia H dzu pi dzV- Xmu(L) rmo da (L)xku ua/ue L Xg X°/u (H) Xpia tho L L Xpia 3 3 3 3 ;55 33 5 5 pu55 ma33 pu55 Taoping Xmi d ji qha33 dzi55 xû33 da31 dzuo31 dzuo31 Xpo31thu33 Xguo XU Xguo qha33 dzbu Mianchi pel thou \ ku tqfi tqfi ku pho-qua ztq6 de mu de mu dz5-pi4 qhct gu» qhct gu» qh& X °tofi u da p6 ~ y zii zii Longxi pia th6 pia \ zopiti z* phii-qu£ diimii qhi gua gua qhil Xo to defi ku defi Gloss foot 2 fragrant frog forget four fox 1 force, forehead forest fox 2 friend frost 2 freeze compel Set 379 375 376 378 383 384 385 386 380 381 382 1377 |387[388 frost 1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ov 9 0 CM i i &- w O - - i u si* 3 ■ .O • ? £ i | A K * S QJ^ I | ! i ! J . ! * ! in o 1 § 3 >^o o i !£ CL. Z : * C / 3 - C / 3 F- : 1 i ! ! 1 ! : /—s ' ' w ! ' a . ■ : . E ; = ; *~ 0.1 '3 ^ . ■O i C : "o I I r t •* i « I —, I ! _£■1 i£> I c*> .a i ! c 1 3 •= ; : >- | ? J ; 3 i ! * j a S i • •O ! to E I i ' 1 ' ' 1 i ; ; 0 ; ; „o.j ! ! i j : i 1 : S ■id(A> 1j i & M ! «, 1 B* I s >. = S i S? ! 2 : X j X | .* 2 j i - 1 j * ; 1 j j i ll* : = ft) !i SC£? j i i ! t = 1 1 1 ^ 1 w- « j S ! [. ■ c PSQ sie (L) m i/u m (L) sie (L) sye L sye & „* ! s j • a ! -8 ! M -§ ' Ik

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 291 *V *V based onTP, MW. *(m)hla? LBZ §ko31 YD sense alsooccurs in MW b? grandchild-small. T P ’grandson’ (TSR 27) grandfather-god.SQ STC Yadu Notes Kuy 8P ta qata tshe STC 339 *kyel,or PLB *V-cit na ('right') (RH) jax : Mawo ku 8P» zatj tsa §q« §qu - L PSQ Io L na L no h o zi (H)tsua ra qa- - gu/o- tsh tsh a/ie (L) khsie (L) khsi qe/a §e- XpaL dô/u - dû Xq o/u (L) Xq 31; ku qan13Ko3 §e33 Z^'tSlia3 tshie55 tshie33 no33 'wild goose' dôMI Taoping Xpa33 xqn33

______Mianchi uo 1616 1616 j lo31 peqe t§h» me t§h» tsu z6 na & tshe tgh't g6u ~ tgh't a pa-s£ a q h gou Longxi ko taq6 gu na z» tsu z» j£q6 foodstuff kernel grain, granary gold Gloss Set 415 go upstuirs 419 gong 422 goose 424 grain, 423 427 grass 1 425 416 goat tcha 426 grandchild 418 421 good 2 420 good 1 417 godj tch bft it

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. *twa(165) Notes vowel vowel in s2 based on NQ. STC 242 *dzywal ?*X ^>LX q. peseveratory assim. ?pref MW has preempt cf. 'that' cf. cf. ’arm', (STEDT)*p/ba cf. ’arm', measuredtip from ofthumb tip ofmiddletip finger. je *coda?) Yadu Yadu ki ki («)ty (from ku 8 KU8 8 a la jo pa Mawo d33 d33 pa tv Kue' gku gtcigku ctcu §ku ta Pa to wo ?«?zdi J3 1/0 i (L)1/0 i pa 1 H i/o 1 PSQ H L kh a/a (L) hue (H) tu- e/i tch H la ku- to L ba H tcaL qh u/o H Xne (H) Xne Xko/u (L) 55 j55 tha55ta55 to33 Taoping (?) tu3J Kue33 Xne Xku” tca31 p& 1 Mianchi fiali kO ~ kii kO ne m & tatxf qhoO koutcii tie Kua tie

la 6 p£ hS (xa) hS l'i l'i Longxi tchi tchi ku th kha - kh£ kha qhfi qoc& ------1 hanuner (v.) 2 he/she Gloss hand span hangdown harvest, reap hate hang (on wall) hatch hard Set 443 hand 449 450 hat 4 5 2 442 451 448 I445 I446 I447 J 1453 1444 hand span

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 s-kok (STEDT).

k *s-koq *s-koq *s-niij ('heart' *s-niij 367) + *mlu(m/q)(?) ('round', STEDT, MW form is from J. Sun. ♦gwa-q ♦gwa-q (STEDT). For an STC 143). STC 143). Note that the *s- Notes if not earlier. not if The second morpheme apparentlyis 'round foot'. prefix of prefix lieait' (367) became an initial, whilethe of 'round' *s- Tones/pitchescorrespond better than vowels, cf.'hairofhead' (143) was lost at thetime of PQ, WT Idft-ba. (95) alternateof analysis, 'sole cf. object', cf. object', cf. 'fruit'. The second kuoj Yadu su qa pa°t§ ctci°mi Mawo a sti: mi, sti: si»Jmi KU(l' qa patg, qa°pa°t§0 dzi dza ......

AGT' i/u i/u (L) 'high-low' PSQ tgiL 'dog- pigherd- noL snie (H) m kuo so/u L goL qa L ab/p H dzi L ...... ji t8133 Kllfl qa33 po55 po55 qa33 ma55 Xtie55 dzi33 Taoping be piatiumii noc£ -khue- piatiii-mii ti6mii dzi Kua te •~khufc- qa b^a tsi b^a qa Longxi Mianchi bo be bo khu-pia- KU& s6 phi6 sa zi goqS sil gou mu ei mi a no a qa b

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 295 . ------...... *ku(w)(l84) Although this appearsto twobe Notes 2 roots(?) *kway (303) STC46 *pwak roots, MC, TP> *ya ua/ (velar) _ conceal, hold back MC ’tu', we Yadu tsu,tsn pie pu Kua1 tcys lo KUO qhue'p taqhue'p pa Mawo Yd^i stei'tci tcu (patja) stua ja /u o tja fssi y/ye L

PSQ L kyaL ze H tch tch ~ L tsV pia- - KO L KUO ye, wa L dawa de (L) qo/u - q a/e L pu q k o/yek L Xt o/u L Xt 33 k u a33 tsf'x e” Taoping ey e33 d a 3Iy e 33 q u 33 ey e33 Xtu £ ue 6 tea le, tc tc le, tea P« z qa k u o me Kua ko (?) toil qo6 pia 6 Longxi Mianchi (’this- ko z place') (h) KU&ca toa-tsha cii qft pit tshe qe pti ~ ta to q d QU m outh 1 hide (object) arm s m outh 1 hold in Gloss here belch hide (self) m ountain hoe tcya kua hold in hit target d&uit de hiccup, hide (v.) hill, hold in hire, em ploy Set 463 465 471 470 473 464 466 468 469 474 467 |472

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 297 is is probably secondary,due to *k-y(i/u)m (53). (53). *k-y(i/u)m cf. 'building'. *s-pa(q/k) ('thirsty', STEDT) *X (p93)*ka *qa(406) I I *kri/e. cf.'eight'. Notes 'home-m-do'. affected LX tee by VH. *r-gya(164). PSQ*vowel stress patterns. supported by Jiuziying tghi. PQ Yadu la x guc fie phu iV£ge khgu qo tcip gZd tci qhu1 (e)khe1 Mawo qhu1 kd qhu1 cipi tcil pa tcil tsd sti d^v: d^e tci, qu:1 khi1 qa (H) 0 qa- su su (L) po H PSQ gz e/igz L khye H a/d H IV n/tva L i\o bol tci (L) (L) la tci pu (H) due - e/i k/q tc H qh/x ; qo 0 (L) tghi 5 5 5 5 qa Taoping speakers) khye55le33 na33tci55 pa55 su55 g z i 241 (older q° t ci55la55pa33 na33 dzi241, tci55ko33 tghi55 Xo55ka33 - ..... - - ...... zl r\a ki (II) q6 (II); n-a su tci 11 pCi tci 11 i\6r\ii (II) c y x o due tci ~tci qo a tghi .. Longxi Mianchi khu4khfi khul khul U naga 6; na na n& (da)pti sit tee pu tee Is qo, kit, te6 qho d6 qa a tshdi I, me I, 2 I, me I, 1 hot hot 2 host hot (spicy) house, home how how many/ much hungry hunt hot 1 Gloss hundred Set 496 497 488 489 490 492 494 495 I J493 §498 |499 I I491

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 298 MC 'inside'. 'inside'. MC 'Initial determined by comparisonby with NQ. Notes si = 'water' LX = mil 'sky'. from PTB 'pu (STEDT) ZT, RDZ pzi,JZY ptsi.'s-pa-y (STEDT), via meta-thesis? LX make sure meaningsalign TP'from on'now Yadu zdzi pieX pia, p ma-x qaa1 to qaa1 (’front’) KU KU tcu xy (RH) tsa po Kun Kun

Mawo rdzi person) ku ku pa-q tioq ku (insane - u / u/o (H) PSQ 'water'-po H tsapi m aL tch/tshi - iL 'fragrant'-1 k u/o(L) k pzi L qe L tsh a/o L - ia/ie p ko dzi dzi - e/i - qa- Xa/eL "" ze241 kos,ko33 pzi33 Taoping tsua31pe55 q33,d ^i33 - l l lidxa tshtme ma3ltfh-|33 ke tshoii ke de qe de tsue pd dzi citeN pte citeN

\ 1- Longxi Mianchi ku kd qoqo (da)tsha pi£ tsu pd tsu (mu t6) (mu qfc XOti td Xou Xei

inside (of inside incorrect ill, sick, ill, room) ice pain interest, usury in (the in front in incense intestines (pfx) into in back in insane daKO sky) Gloss 509 506 504 501 Set 500 510 505 503 507508 (v) inlay j 511 j I512 [502

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CMs

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^ 0 8 ^ i ' S ' S a I a \ 13 ^ £ 2

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2 . , - 3 £> ft . N i c/5 Vi f t 1 3 5* 2*5L i cua : = = 5 * 1 > - CL ^ i e* cS I 3 5 ; ■8 I I j i i ! , ; l , ; ’ 4) i i c i 3 I i | ' 3 i c £ ? J 3 i i 1 § 5 ; x ' « - * X ; a : ~ f t 'OS a '■ 3 a . ' < 2 , ‘ to M a w o ; ^ :&S: y j i 4 > j ! * : i f ■3 z i k a i w i -j ! X ■ 1 c : ; : > ! 3 j > 1 3 ! 1 i i 1 ! S .x 1 1 : 3 ' - 1 h w : = 3 : -j ' 3 i " S ' < § ' 8 ; - c i > ! I CT ' c ! 3 3 1 PSQ a a - 'knee (H) ; X 0 : tsuH X tcaL - ; ^

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 302 *rya-t *rya-t (202) ♦Cluster inferred by NQ, (STEDT)♦n-dzaq Notes elementtake tend tofirst ofLX MCml = 'tree' CC (knee) different initials in SQ. The * rhymes arerhymes perfect not The * correspondences.

ces joke') Yadu su za (' hax gq» su tghu khgu ^.3 wa, ^.3 zam ('song') da Hla dâ Mawo sy kha1 gqe gkua ga d3a Pa dâ,dâ PSQ bzVL ZY s o/y H H (song), tghi H o/us - qakco - L khcaq to(H) dô- «e zue L mua zue mua L (L) dsô tsh i/ai L XloL Bla XqeH t33lsySS tghi55 to33 zi31ma55 tcho55qa dô33 dô241 m £ la nue33 sod ZUE bzia33 zue zue (pho)ca qe tghi td U tshaitshai Longxi Mianchi Taoping s6 (dd) zd 16zd (dd) tkd tshifia za mu s6 tshi bd q5 ma q5 1 learn, late, tartly late, Ka laugh 2 lean (meat) (meat) lean study, lazy qei leaf leak Zi lead the the lead •ay (egg) •ay way Gloss speech teach Set 559 556 550 553 lead (cow) td 549 551 548 language, 558 (meat) lean 555 554 557 j552

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. c * •3o i * U ! £J | ■3 i ^ I 'i. : U | 3 iI V3E- ' U t: >

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 before non- h y j itself, otherQiangic itself, languages STC479 *klup, *gop* kop STC 220 *pwar~*bwar In In this form, odd it is to/n/ see point toa nasal *CC- in PSQ, cominglikely from PTB *m-lyak (STC 211). Although there is no show an CC, initial with a nasal forCi, and has Pumi affricate an which appears cognate: (STEDT) Notes iGvalrong ka na ntsok, Muya, Pumi d£e35. forms, however, verb form is followed by 'do'. pu RH sua 'life'. correspondto high front vowels. This may directevidence Qiang within si makesthese look verblike thi33ndzye55le33, Ergongla, ivyia thi33ndzye55le33, ^.UE Yadu i\ete quatc a na Mawo i\i ta, ni tie qe kua, qhuv ------a/e (L) ta a/e ta (L) i/a (L) p PSQ H 11 ne/a- phu - so H qu (L) \ ci ci H na33 qu3lqu33 Taoping i\£t& n6 tshaqu ci Longxi Mianchi ph6 phti mO ci light (fire) light lick i\iitti cover lid, ta-q6 light lifespanlifetime so(candle) dze sofi lie down lie (n.) zt I ze^a (CL) Gloss

! ! i _ _ i t - » Set 567 566 569 572 568 570 571 i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 'leopard' *m-sin (234). *m-sin cf. *e is reconstructed,*e because of vowel vowel harmony. (328). ?*r-ya:i] TPvowel is 7STC346 *ren Notes the ofresistance TPthe form to aberrant t S E Yadu khgu S Q ° X 0 ctcu zde°ky ci gu' ------_ ...... ka ? k ...... Mawo khcust vdzae si {>azda w Ydw:1, ? rpu - PSQ khcy H tqha- sin (H) phri phri H Xde- qe/a- gzo/u (H) ci - ci daQ - daQ Xd ya/ua (L) Xd 33 lo 33 33 (older speakers) tcha55 tchy55ivy55 sie55 g*y33 Taoping dzy33, Xde Xo33phî55 Xdua K& sou sou na se gjfe gjfe cyq6 tch^ dî 16 du£-â ------Longxi Mianchi tsh6 ci ci qatie dzi to ci daK3K5 dzyit-kti — lightning liquor, beverage 1 lip limestone listen lightweight dz6 z6u end limit, liquor, line up beverage 2 alcoholic alcoholic Gloss alcoholic alcoholic ------575 574 lightning 583 576 578 582 584 liver 579 Set 580 -— 1 L

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. cf. 'pick up'. ?PLB *m-dza-k (167) ♦tsywap (239) ctci *ctca Notes For MC /t§/ correspondingFor /t§/ MC to STC439jrik PQic *C-tsos (STEDT), PTB Its/, TP'young man'. Ergong bzui ' Yadu sta kue (watch) tces-po na xtga ctcax qape ('nod') qtca ____ Mawo titis xtga h Xtci (qoqa) ______K u/o H K PSQ (X)t0 L (X)t0 a/e L bE ph ba'u 1 i/e L i/e 1 tia- mo- tsh o/u (L) tshuq po tshus Xfci- diQ (L) diQ tsiaL tsi tse,tse Xtca- Xtgi (L) Xtgi ba33phe55 Taoping tia33tia55 m o33 tS]31 d^i241 tsia33 tshu35 Xtqa33 Xtgi33 Xtca33 6 k fia (pge)td m i d^.i (ke tge) tshoii tea ted <§» & O Longxi Mianchi k z i (pho) ta rv'i bie phd lid bfe c) iitli tsi cacii

1 1 2 long lower love lung tshii loom mail (a low er seat Gloss (CL) look at tsd (head) (not letter) man (male adult) louse love honored) magpie objects Set 585 587 590 591 592 595 586 596 588 589 |593 [594

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 307 *s-kyu (STEDT) pig-flesh *sya (181)or *tsil Notes tshao is b. mil this? is from more thanone root, cf. MC (p!6) z& te (measure)' te 'ruler z& cf. 'door' JZYte. final morphememay be ------Yadu tji (O) KU (O) qu liu (stsem) da da ----- . . . Mawo pi-ssapn pie-s se pe tcim phaJ qua yli qua yli quot dak d*a PSQ (L) si - tci L L tsho KU - KU tshi(L) phr u/i - te - o/u 1 dio H da- d^iL tun H diH 133 33 3 S]33 Taoping tJV tjhi55 phs^. que55te55 dio241 da33 d^i tsh£>y Mianchi pi'd tsi pia-tshe pgfi the pgfi tou pu dio tu£ ~ tii pH ~tii tu£ ■a di tshou fi tii fi 6 tii 6

Longxi ko tci k pi& tshi pi& (*)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 308 ------— ------= 'stone' u

I h ---

*ma(487). Taoping indicates *0. Notes LX has alternation ta~cy. su ta VH? variation for PSQ. LX, MC are Probable Probable cognate set. 'moon'. STC *s-gla 144 ambiguous,either reflecting *a, just 'bug'morpheme? ------Yadu bam qo zo sue de tshe so KUO tsha ky tuag cu sox LX 'moon'caique? is Yadu dzua-bl u I k si Mawo §a, tfha §a, ('moon') ama mo: kuo dzi ku dza ky d3a o/ua L sa L PSQ ma ~ L ma - ts i/a L kuo 'bug-bug'qazi bap tshie L datsha slaL kh ue H q a/o H (L) tsh a/ou L Xg u/y (H)Xg d z /d i Taoping ba24lba31 ma33; ta31tshie33 8133. ('moon') kha55 mo55moM tsua3ldze55 Xgy33 cy33cya55 Mianchi Mianchi ko sa Kud - la la; la khuei til tshe; ke tshe; ke til tshii tsd atsue qa a ma khuei ke ke tshou dzo lo-qd gii gii Longxi bii bit bit bii Kua sd Kua ldcyd tst qd tc^qd la; la; si ~cyd d md d d i i datsa zuao (millstone) d&tsha Ci Ci Ci Ci mother mix up mosquito (moitar) money mistaken, Gloss wrong mildew, mildew, month; moon mortar mistake mould (v) milk (v) mill Set 615 621 620 617 monkey 616 614 610 619 618 612 611 _____ I I613

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 309 *kuw *kuw (255) *g-maw *g-maw (455) variation mlin vowel are from VH. Notes MC 'mouthful', *m-ka (468) Perhaps from *graw (STEDT) note reflex of *cluster in SQ NQ forms indicate PQ *gra. ?*klu-q Note metathesis. Yadu squ ketje zde zde ky xlie) (me ga Mawo a ku lyem, buj^tga bu jy sinew') qhsap squ ga1 (also (also ga1 'tendon, tcin tsa muy dza kua »L L ^uL - ______ij< \i PSQ mV mV a - a - ku L keLtiL d qhs u/ua - qhuo- Xqa- qa- 241 mo3,^u33 Taoping tshua55, ke31tce33 (older speakers) d^l qhsua” xqa55 zjb Mianchi a a ku su ~ mb tsG me (ditch) (mouthful) (pinq& (6) ke ti ~qhua q6 ~qhue, qhud b^5 qho6> qhua Longxi a ku maty ko dzi dze qhu& ci, qhu& qa qe,qd q4ta brother muscle mountain valley mouth 1 mouth 2 mushroom mountain mud Gloss Set 622 mother's 623 629630 mule 631 628 625 626 624 627 move

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 310

*%-. would be would be J j I be cognatethebe with other forms. be evidence preservationbe for into sense 'called', andthuswould not ('shut, close', #370) ?*t$i:p Notes MW TP, 'roebuck', YD 'river 'given MC name'; 'surname'. *r- (althoughinitial *r the expectedthe reflex). This would ofPSQ separate*r- from 'name'However, LX identical is comethe 'name' may that from VH. cf. 'belly'; Mawo forms from ZYC, J. Sun. mia (VH). JZY ts'i miq (83). LX si may be a syllabificationof the pie-PQ Cf. Cf. French (s')appeler. deer', deer'MC 'female musk le to 'language, speech', suggesting JZY Kza ~ za. JZY Kza ive Yadu mu ku Kue1 khgu pu°t§y Moyu, p» p» sy kadza tshe Mawo Kue' kh§a^ rma jyna pu°§ tjakae gua'ntjaka, gue1 — PSQ i/aH L mu L kie khgi L la L khgi pu t§i - L Xm a/e (H) Xm tcha/e- q/kexz L ------§l3lk ie 33 Taoping kie31^i55 tchi3,la33 tqhe33 X m ass _ _ — _ . — — ---- nio z i, i ...... ------se se la pe t&i tgi pe t&i dza qe qe ..... ----- ..... ------mfi) me m£; mfc - mil k& Longxi Mianchi (za pO tsi q& pO tshi la tchd ------near 2 neck near 1 z iz a nam e Gloss deermusk narrow navel, um bilical mute cord ------~—— Set 638 639 637 635 633 632 636 634 ------

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (271) ?*na-w(271) ?*na’W J LBZ?ge. (469). PTB "'ka WS?dzji,JZYbd?i. Notes Note Note differencethe in tones MC from 'old (ofperson)', cf. AGT sfx having undergone vowel harmony. | theCL used. Cf. 'eleven' The *rhyme basedis on MC tonesthe for numbers vary with | Yadu zdu tsho qu to dotgo a qo469 STC *ka j qe1 ge qe1 Mawo a rga ^ge, se du tsho i\a L phr e/aphr H tatjjo hua - tqi - tqi hua - PSQ 'person'-'old' no no H aL Xdzi- qa- q a/e - te q a/e L - XgieL " ph^a” a3' Xgie241 Mianchi Taoping Hue tqi Hue Kue n6 n6 Kue m-in-law) i\ii iva (m's i\ii iva sister, m- in-law) mu mu p6i (m's sister, ph» q k &q6 dzi q£ te q£ tqi £ rv^ (m's rv^ n6 b's wife) Longxi ku (mother's sister) mil pei mil k k taqa ga taphe a qatei brother's female female relative 1 female female (door) 2 (mouth) wife relative 2 relative (green) (door) 1 Gloss old man older older onion open open on (the table) open (eye) older open one Set 666 667 669 672 674 670 671 675 668 673

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 314 ----- __ ------

------

------is weakenedis form -- - *tsiy (p55)*tsiy MC ’outside (ofroom)’MC ’outside more conservativeMC is initial PSQ *g>TPs/_i well well this in set. *gu~ku (494) Notes MC = m3 ’small’ PSQ m2 is based on LX, YD. zi than NQ. Thedo initials correspond not ----- ' ' ' ' - --- ...... --- — ... Kua la Kua tqhe Yadu Yd^aa la Kuo de xlede — ------._ ------— Mawo tci d ‘ Yd5 Xlo ------... ------. . . rn -1 -1 rn i/a - gi gi L zaL PSQ ke pu - L kop tsa tsa - k/kh k/kh u/oL ma - Bua L L ki Bua khi (H) tgha L tgha deL - ^0SSl355 S’)31 tchi33 Taoping Mianchi za «u5^a 8*- dekhi kuit6q kho tgha 5 5 li (of i& tsa i& tqh

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 315 “ ... *r-mi(y) (pi27). Vowels are *pwa (Matisoff, STC *pwa 122). *s- YDTBL Notes affect suffixes. functors. verb pfx? The ’"initial is unclear. The doubt ’"initial No thisclassifier has undergone phoneticchanges common to cf. ’stone’ JS. other forms also. YDQ, thephonetic thatoften processes JZY guy. different in ’wife1, perhaps due perhaps to different in ’wife1, ...... zdzim liaxlieq, wu wu ru mia (o) qaa'ta te §pe (o)jgu du qu tshue te Mawo Yadu liq ri;§a na pa wari (na) tha 8Pa diu qu gua LIV (H)

PSQ L a/e q L lia 'person' m u/eL (L) ko qo- qe (H) dzi - e/idz/tc L gu ~ gua tshua - Xpa/e L 33 241 la33 241 Taoping ma33 tJl33 ho qa31a'55 g324! XPe 15, pia tch tch pia 15, 16 Mianchi pe mil sdd£ hii q£ i si si g6 qai q£ lid

ho liaqa qe lia lii, lii, Longxi paqo.pd toqo dz£ tsht pu k6 tshud (til)tshud tid tshnd gu, gud Cl patient dzf mil repair pheasant person past, past, thein daqei person mu ml, b^a pants patch, (CL) pestle pair, team pair, peck at peck Gloss mend, 701 Set 700 695 697 penis 698 699 693 691 696 692 694

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. - 316 *rhyme variation*rhyme onbased both *pwak (STC43) MC 'phlegm/saliva' MC with upchopsticks', elsewhere correspondinghastg MC to/ts/. STC136 *broq. cognatesMore toneeded further Notes NQ,SQ forms. MC, YD'pick refine this set. JZY c'i |tchi|. cf. 'supper,dinner'. —

pie ^ba(yak khge khge (female) (male)) (ste) (male), (male), khse mie ------Mawo Yadu Pi pi pi sti sta pie tSh3

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( p e o p l e ) " 1 ; X j \ \ ^ i 1 , ! 1 ! 1 c o * f T 90 - F 2 8 , q u a r r e l ! 1 ; 320 ZYC). *r-wa (433). May be a borrowing from Notes Tibetan dialect, ndon (Amdo Other SQ forms are borrowings. JZY Kjie. _____ Yadu pie msa' Hue/ zda we (RH) pS3 tgaqtga tgaqtga tgaqtga ------Mawo zdY Kd33 zagqo ms He1 tghu su Z3 gkuo Z3 Xu W Xu ---- - L -

z j & u /a - PSQ th ia/io ziL 'sky' - ua L tgh i/u - tgh 'sky' - 'sky' - 'bend' pe H z/dz i/e (L) kua(L) s xdy - tch u/o H X dzV - ( a l 'recite') ziM1 m a 3 l ^ i 5 5 si3ltghi55 zi31kua33 s o 31l a 5 5 Xdy33 Xdy33 Xd*a33 --

K a & ------p£ 1 Mianchi Taoping m z j qhu£ qhu£ thio (t&) (t&) d z f c k u e --- & . k u 9 --- Longxi su thi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. j 321 Notes MC 'correct, right' (pp46,91)*r-ni *vowel may be impossible, due MW MW mi = 'person' RHml= China treefir Precise reconstructionof the tosubsequent vowel harmony. i ; h I quo Sb i lU9-Z, lll- zdzo, zdzo, zdzi (MY) fio-xtga (RH) tfe z (RH) he que he Xo:' cy pu ' ! - .... ------wa ------Mawo Yadu zdi ha kami rgagaz. de tqi detqi quo ci zi ci - ---- PSQ que que L a/e H I baL zu - ke L d^e ke L L - tqi g o/u H xni (H) tchV- a/u- Xg Ja - L Xo XbaL 33 ,oi 3 Taoping da3,ba241 kie3,d^i33 Xg331ka33 xni Xba24,r\j31 pii 16 til b& til n6 g<* (fto) pe pe (fto) tchq kedze gfe g6 gfe (ba) die (ba) ------...... ze Longxi Mianchi qu ijue la (zt)g6 piti zil, pi6 pi6 zil, piti zu bill tqhi tqhi tohA X^ Ja X^ 91 ...... ------return (vt) so. return return a to place rib rememberreporton resin rest 2 tqi” to33 reduce, genuine rest rest 1 decrease Set Gloss 772 774 762 real, 773 763 red 771 retreat 768 770 765 relatives 769 766 764 1“

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rice m a : ! i M LBZ.JZY khri; ZT, RDZqha (u- l ncooked) ! ! I o i ! i ! i i ! i 1 ! 1 i ^ : i L i ! ! ! !, ! : j ; i ; i j < : 1 i : 1 i i i i i f « § i <25. § ; x « ! & 1 ! & ! M : i f j - 2 I i I 2 i O- j Of* i ; 90 rich JZY je py. j - r\ - i i Z I 6 c - j t t c • -r~- r- 90 •§) ) § • j 2 § ■ Sllg l l 'S * * *-J ' : ! C*-** “O — . ■ . i r— — | *» o ! : i ! C ! I - M i s i i « : ^ ! 1 ! - ! 1 y 1 ! i M ■ I ! ! M M j i ; M ' ; i j ! ; i : ; !| ! I * ' 1 * ! i 90 r^i s . . s % <3 1 CO i ! i 3° ■ | % \ i \ i j 1 i 1 i 1 j £ • ! 1 i J i s < * ; 3 ; •*! - I S ! !*- v ; ! ; i ! ! i ■ ! I'S • j 1 i 1 ' i i 1 i : | i 90 ‘ 3 " ‘S ! « i f ! « i i P- i 1 9 090 90 ! 90 : i 1 p — n *! cn c j ! 1

\D r- O B t" r~- « / S ' S USUS ! 1 1 X y i

£> *ka:ij(330). *q>x after 3 e

| stressed syllable. I ! i j 1 323 ^ cf. 'rainbow' , b MC vowel MC aberrant. is indicatestwo *High syllables in Notes LX, LX, MC 'b ra c e le t'■ -ro u n d 1). STC 238 *kywiy b?e, For YD w ~ a single PSQ word. ZT gwa, JZY bgu, RDZbgy. WS, LBZ bre; LBZ bri; ZT, RDZ Thisthe form that is lone -- - -- Yadu ('roll ('roll up') pu we we li sal la ke, ku tgha o squo ------Mawo ba pa tci tqi tci wa (tfsa) wo di kopo bi|a, bi^ tsaqo ------PSQ lu(H) L Kla bu - bu - - bo H KUO - - li - KUO uadio - - 1 caa/e - - 1 kieL dz u/o H bre L tsus (H)qo tghi - tghi - tghi - tghi qV LIV H KlUt qo/u H L Xgui xgy- 33 la55qa55 ua3ldio241 yJ3lqU55 Taoping kie33 b^e33 tsua55qo55 t§hi5Jt§hi55 Xgua33 xgy xgy” i qoui Mianchi In qha la (ph6) ke k6 pfe kui pfe gu) qua Ii6 de dzo ty e Longxi 16 H u 16 b(i b£ b(i ty.iyty teca z6 Zi yqb tshi tshi ca-gii t(#q& tsueqd ruin Kla Gloss rust (n.) rob rot, spoil row of grain (CL) run rod, stick 1 H Kua roll roll (v) 1qo qo lift, roll (v) 2 rooster root p6 kik round p^-kii rod, stick 2 rope bei Set 799 788 793 794 798 789 790 791 801 802 rust (v.) 792 7% 797 800 795

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 324 .E, Yadu khe1. .E, 5 ?STC *ploq 140 *tsa (214) *tsa *hyak 7STC391 *pruk, ?STC 230 JZYdzja,WS bdzje, RDZzja. MC MC water-m. JZY pcie ja. Cf. 'vomit'. m2 based onis Jiuziying kaaa. J ke Notes formss- init. T? from on Initial Qiangiccognates Ergong include cf. cf. 'autumn,' 'spring' cf. MC 'road' ju dzue ...... Yadu (e ) ku tcu khe1, sa khe1, tsa-s, qa:1 dza ■ wu wu wa phosto tiu kua Mawo saqa1, JO tsha tsha takhat tsa so, JU dZE ph o/u (H) -qe- zi/i L PSQ (d)zue - tiu (H) phra- phe - phe e/o- r - kie L jikie L H diu (L) tshi (L) dzu - thoL 31 zi33 Taoping kie3\ i 55 ph^l ph^o” (phe33) tshi33 dy33 dzi241; (-ko33) tcy33 ij. \\ t h l t h o u e Mianchi Mianchi § p h i a , p h u -qfc d i f i ; d i i i ke ke de phii phu tshi §a (digs c rout, a t c h ) d z a (c&) tiCi tsii tsii dzfi Zita d&, pha se (dig ph& scratch) Longxi qa tci - qei tsht Z l l f c tho out, scatter d&ph6 seal, stamp spittle say, speak; scold scratch section (of road, salt tell scald, bum seasonof year Gloss saliva, journey) 809 810 807 Set 808 814 815 see a too 805806 salty saw 804 803 [813 1811 I812

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 *s-nis (5). (5). *s-nis cf. 'two'. MC TP Notes PTB *dzoy (also 'testicle'), cf. (also cf. 'testicle'), PTB *dzoy cognate. may be problematic is initial 'bullet' fix seed words. JZY q a Yadu zuo se tci ivy a q a zuo qa ro ctco ------Mawo aqe i\,u q,u i\,u m sto tJTiaz X ua X ua ------PSQ pia pia H zuo (L) zo zo (L)L zuo L lia mu H sni sni (H) se se (H)qci (H) zui zui - qo - daL __. ------zuo3lzo241 (si55la55) Taoping gig33 Mianchi zuei-za (seed- food) lia mD ui no fiada seq£ qo n$ zui ('yourself) (kie k£) qG Longxi pid piti da Cl qfi Cl qti tsh6 q& to sun) 1 sun) 2 seed dzuei select stone, pit self seven seek lia m(i sentence Gloss seed, (CL) Set 826 set (of 822 send 816 817 820 827 823 824825 separate set (of 821 sell I819 I818

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; : X ! ^ i ! X ‘ f ! ' i i ; c i . -a ' w i *2 ! ££ "* 1 £ , = j =, £ £ :§; e • 3 M =?; i , ^7: o’

: : o j ! ; ; ! : O : i S 1 1 ! • 1 I i ; * § i i i :^ , ■ J2 ; ® i 3 i a - _£ ! ! 3. ' «2,! S : E j ss i S : 3 ! j ^ : o'

! | : 1 i ! ! ; -J i ; J i I 1 ! i S3 i , I N* ! ! «J j 8 1 1 | j i j i T3 ■ C ry '= v T C ; i j j -J ; ; o cfl : 1 i is ! .SJ i g j j§ i j= 1 - I ® a. 2 3;i£;5 ! 3 ,2 j 8 j .2 i t ! -!•

50 Cm : 1 I ' m Cl : CO t < "■ > O a i tt 3 8 3 ; -C t— ; ; *5: : O

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 327 i de. i *(s)pa(q/k) (STEDT) *(s)pa(q/k) Notes -The presence oftwo forms in coupledLongxi, the -a with form in Mawo show that variation in PSQ and PQ. (STEDT). ?*kyeq (162) cf'arm'. KMR*k(r)oq/k J 'iron-knife'. old compound. JZY the proto-vowel goes back to JZY qua. 9 1 su su 1 1* bi tse bi low) tse que xulu patg kue SE (sifter) (shal (CL) qa’gv (a) g Mawo Yadu qua tsi qua (ZYC), (MWQ), n.d.) sad set d3*x« d3a°bla (J. Sun (zi ka) pie na d3«xu d^u xu PSQ - qua ba ~ba Lbe ba lia (L)x«H s/§ ie (H) s/§ la (L) L Kue sia - sia xgu- - sa rgu 'iron' - 'iron' pia - H pia - pu - 'iron'- de 'iron'- (H) d^a qhuH - - ...... Kue33xto 33 la31xo55 pi33 pa33pu33 sia3'xgy33 sie33la33 Taoping ci33ds241 ------— - ...... ------...... Mianchi be be’1 KUE tcht §6 tcht~la §6 tcht 14 ge ci-piti ci d£ ------— Longxi li$X^ Kue be, be, ba se se lit pi& p6 pi& z4qh(i khy ci ci catei ------silk, silk, satin short 1, low short 2 shovel capUi sift (v) shoulder side 1 shy sickle Set Gloss 851 841 845 844 shout 850 846 849 sieve I843 I847 \ m I842

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 328 ♦rhyme correspondences,♦rhyme cf. 'pig' *X- pre-initial in 'six' PQ *X- *p(w)ak (Matisoff). TP.MC, *(d-)ijul (pp*(d-)ijul 15, 173)). Forthe STC411 *d-ruk YD 'skin, hide,' cf. 'hole' 1. For indicated by contourindicated by and "‘cluster Mandarin jieMandarin 'eldersister'. STC271 *na,w, orsister-two? becomesaspiration 'sixteen'. in cognates semantic Notes PSQ vowel, cf. Table 3.3 Additional support from RDZ sister-big. LX is 3d person semanticsof Yadu suggests that this is not a borrowing from bzjo, JZY zjo, ZT zjo. tone L is pie, qua (wife of brother) ho tghua ju e tshuo tCC E dzua elder Mawo Yadu qua zi sabaJ najapi 5^0* mo mo 5^0* hotg #83 tja so H so H -'big' PSQ 'sister-two' 'big'-'smair ra (L)pia H tse - tsij (L) tghu tshuo - dz u/oH dzu tee tee - (H) Xt§u XOU H XOU X*°L so5Sb^o31 zo241 7

(elder) 2 (elder) (elder) 1 (elder) (human) 1 (human) sister sister sister sing sing 1 sixsixteen tsfi tsti fiii Gloss 3 (elder) size 855 Set 852 silver q6 856 853 859 sit fia 863 skin 857 854 sing 2 858 sisters 860 861 862 n. n. .

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I J 1 *m/s-nam (464) STC 342 *r-kwak. LX also has *r-muw (488) ?STC 351 ?STC 351 *lep Notes prefix. prefix. 'flcsh-skin'? JZY na. JZYphaji. VH in MC. JZYji. pha JZY k'o k'o. JZY bio. qhua, which may reflect *s-

je na mu tupmu emdze deJ qe, deJ qe ju qu Mawo Yadu xcust cete loqu mu tupmu a kha a kha kha buJ qaqa *Xt§i PSQ ph a/u L § ph a/u L § i - i pha pha L kha - bro - na- nY e/aL tcha II qe qa - - phia - z/?eL Xrnam H Xrnam Xmu (L) Xmu

Taoping i55Xdio33 ness tjhi3lpa33 qe33 tcha55 tcha53 bo241 Xmi53 da24'pa33 \ q* il Mianchi mi mfi piamfi Xma33 6 phe tshe pia tshe a kh& tsi kh& a b Longxi miitd ph& liph& (phu i phe n> jaqd ii& ci ta,ci da

smell, smell, sniff skin skin, flay, skin, peel slowly 1tcha tchd a Gloss 2 (human) slandersleep 1 phia2 sleep z ma (lia) sleeve 1 phi me sleeve 2 sleeve 3 slowly 2 rubsmear, ph&sfc phii^a slice sky

i i I1 90 ! i Set 864 868 871 867 870 874 875 866 869 872 873 877 876 smallpox

I ■bBH

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33 je \ i Shixing Shixing cf. ?STC 447*b-ru-l ?STC 8.0) (JAM-LITB *p-wal YD 'year of the snake', STC 27? 27? STC snake', the of 'year YD to due vowels iregular fire-smoke STC 256 *kuw. 256 *kuw. STC fire-smoke For sleep-snore(-do) *s-na. STC 101 TP'snot-water' reconstruction, alternate an For uvular initial, initial, uvular cf. Tiee!'. cf. Notes onomatopoeia. onomatopoeia. s3'do' army'. 'soldier, TP qhut?55. bos Yadu hiege, StY°XU’ pie sto gue’ la: la la: U) bos stetc^i Mawo xumu xy mu StY XU’ StY t$a mo matga (sac til (sac 1 tci qo’ pu qo’ tci la la la PSQ la L la a H thiV L thiV L H a L pu bru/eL - ('do') - L ma mu L kh/qh kh/qh L mu H uo 'sleep'- qhuo qhuo 'sleep'- e/a (L) p guaLgroL gua’ X«Vi (H) X«Vi L d/^ye XtaL ------33 55 241 khuo tshye lguoMI 33 31 33 55 3 mo m a 31la 33 m a 3,la 33 pu bo m o3,po55 Taoping Xa d^ue XHi55tsua33 Xta , , 6

tt- Mianchi mu qhu mu khu§, mil ('smoke ('smoke meat') thiafr-pii & me me n£ pa mil zala dzye pa goii qhoii qhoii qhu£-pii te ci, gua 6 Longxi mu khO, khO, mu mama mCi-qhCi gua-(x^) gj Cl ti qhua to 1 2 1 2 immerse sneeze (v.)sneeze tshii-pii a smoke, soldier soldier of sole foot snoresnot maze- soft soft soldier smooth snake tshi bit b^e Gloss snowsoak/ pei tobacco 890 Set 881 882 879 891 887 88 8 884 880 883 885 8 8 6 ______1889

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 331 , , 3 za3S, Queyu Queyu za3S, ra*5, Muya, ra*5, 55 33 qa 35 kaMra33) mH 35 35 *ma-k (324) *ma-k *tsu (Matisoff 1974, #36) #36) (Matisoff 1974, *tsu Mandarin tang. Mandarin g^ gs^D (Ergong, *kr- PQic Notes kaErsu, bu from a borrowing be May nian. Mandarin cf. "male", STC 59 *za 59 *za STC "male", cf. Could be an old borrowing from from old borrowing an be Could JZY ts'e. JZY ji ------Yadu lia tsa se se tsa (RH) tji mie XS3 tghag tji (RH) — « thu 3 Mawo ty iy tghag tqi khsi tjaqe L - se sa - sa PSQ li L li 'son' - mia L mia - 'son' tqi L tqi so/u H tghi (L) tghi tghi tghi (L) khsie - khsie th o/u H o/u th d qu H tsuV 31 31 tghi 33 ma 55 S5 33 55 33 li tghi tJl suss tfi tshie thu Mianchi Taoping sa phu phu s& (tSi) ts* mia ts* (tgha gi) (tgha li qO tsul 6 6 s£ Longxi n s tqi tqi tqi mia tshi tsh) tsi q(i 1 (cf. 1 (rope) splash, sprinkle son (CL)song s& son-in-law spider spin Gloss soul/spirit 2 soup th (yam), twist 'god') soul/spirit report (CL) sour tsua Set 902 892 893 900 901 8 9 6 897 sound, 898 899 [894 1895 I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 332 "za Before offering an etymon, data data etymon, an offering Before Notes cf. Tread', cf. preserve evidence of '"clusters. evidence preserve are needed from a dialect(s) tha tha dialect(s) a from needed are Yadu za tsex gô yn/ MW. with cognate is TPm2 khgi khge da dzta jetQye jetQye ?*sre|ol(pl7l) A? noqog Mawo t o ) Kivits Kiys tsa mo Ydû Z3ZO 2 P S Q H p h V L P(h)a- zaL tghaL tshu L tshu «a/e L qe (L) tsie qoL gr e/igr L dâ- ~ Taoping tsie55qo33 Xgya33qo33 d3i241 Xdzo31 ------

f o j i He Mianchi -ciqeleki (tsue) phe, (tsue) se phu p& ('iron- ge ds^l ds^l ge tghil Ii6 tshu spoon') mfi tse-qe C1-Z& dze dze dze

& j Longxi (V.) zi tsii kd phii phh za tsha qi q£-t& (zu£) tciiqei qo tshi qo (hi (zo) za (zo) (hi

unfold sprout(n) caq^, sa squirrel spread, of spring water summer (cf. square ’four’) splash, 2 sprinkle spleen split 1 spoon, scoop spring, Gloss 2 split spread (manure) 904 909 910 912 914 907 913 905 908 906 A Set A |903

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. *g-ryap (246) Notes cf. 'bat' cf. JZY cie. JZY qu, disyllabic k u q Yadu Ktlâ, Kre ke tse ke squ (steamer for food) gquax tshu (RH) ( a ) tjet — ... . ------tsa Kttya Mawo kuo gkua gqa ------tc/tsa PSQ 'have' L kuo - ^.i L ^.i tse L tc a/i H - a/i tc - H tghi H dzaL qu- Xtke L tceL Xku- Xqa- KU(l33tS033 qu55 Xdê33pe55 Xq»33 Xka” — ------Mianchi Taoping piidza tci qa (te) 0(te) , te tghi §e kii, qu kii, (’thief) (d£)tea dê tsid£ kfi pu ~kfi ------— v35 3 X '-'''S' '■ g 'g Longxi (so)q6 tqi(i]6) ts i si tshi z i ba z 6 kii (fii) tci tq£ — . . — - 1 still, yet still, stick out stick (one's sticky zi star steam (v.) start its& Gloss stand step across steal head) steam (v.) 2 steel stem/stalk over/ Set 926 915 917 924 925 916 919 922 923 921 920 t l 8

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 336 ...... )krul )krul (STEDT) 0 MW js. zyc, *s-krwal« s- PTB PTB (STEDT)?*k-lyak 2d MW PLB *khyaw (p60) ♦s-bwam (172) n.b. redup. 1st Notes ml (STEDT, *swa-p attested in Dafang Qiang).Yi, m2 from form from J. Sun. ( cf. ’pig slop1 cf. ’pig syll syll primary?is ______je Yadu xtgua pie sta pie sayzy (pig dû dû tshax (o) ru si kue Vowel based on TPand NQ. taph pho te qtce te qe te feed) ji xtga, pi sti pi sti xtgwa (pig feed), sta d /t d Y ^ o riu su ka, su kuae (graze) PSQ Mawo *Xtgu(a)(L) H L s ya/ye (L) ph u/o (H) phypt'a ra xt(L) i/e tsh u/y (H) sua (L) kie ti ti L ra/e- dû L dz/zui L sairza suo55kie33 Taoping ô55xte55 ta55 pho33 ta55 kb Mianchi i t i su£ mesu£ sya33ma33 tshG tqhy33 §£ zui§£ dzua33 si31 su& 3.ate tghii Xtgua55 te te ph6 dôii dû31 Longxi tshfi phfi phfi, ph£ Kuaj& sua k& (q6tgy) eye t6 eye (swelling) ja ti tatl kii &

sweep 2 sweet sweep 1 supper, swing (tail) liangtael, z6 swallow (v.i.) sweat tsii swell up support 1, prop up support 2, Gloss raise dinner r r Set 957 958 956 951 962 tail 961 955 959 952 960 953 ______

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 337 Notes PSQ *iu>TP/y/. because LX may be a borrowing. Vowel in MC s2 (PST *k/m-lay) iGvalrong, Shixing pro, k« pa” re33 cf.'ask'. Reduplicated root. may from be harmony.vowel Cannot reconstruct PSQ tone, JZY bru. *m-raq (146). Yadu infl. ofinfl. stress) phn plus Namuyi Ergong p§i, mphgi35, Klax baa1 WJI (shows hodzu Kuan Mawo (b?) phi1 phi1 phi1 Klaq ha diu ha PSQ H q a/e H L ho diu L (H) b» - bro/u (H) bu' hn, ti phri (L) 'eye' + *xW d^V dî H thaL tha: the: xgya- Xu- e - tq/tg 33) ko bu33 phî33 (mi55 xgya33 tha33 XU33 X03ldy33 qe i ua Mianchi Taoping ph» b^ti phii gfe did (qo) fiii k mil 1 1 mil ds^ dî (b?) & ku bo ph£ phfj n tiliq ^ b» tc6 X<* tha from in between) above or thousand (clothing) (from rip ten fuid?6 take out out take tear (v.), teardown zazi testicle tears Set Gloss Longxi 963off take 970 ten 968 964 966 967 969 971 972 that 1965 high tall,

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~~w : e o ! MO O' V : r" r - i r - r-~ 00 I Os Os i O' Os~~

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*naQ (407) *naQ MW MW form. It mayalso be the from PTB, andthat the NQ form is borrowed. *g-sum (409) *Rhyme is based onin part NQ LX ml 'bird'. = Notes Notes LX, MC also'snare' vowels. YD'pour/throw out water1 This could be a borrowing firom Thiscould be a borrowing firom especially giventhe Tibetan stoq, casethe that retainedSQform is

» e f»> 5 1 - — mu wu (RH) Yadu bu bu sual ko tha B ^' ?u (RH)?u 10 ...... Hue* kua stuq tsu gqu ma, gqu mati Bue1 zdzu tshu §qu tshu §qu khsi mu - uo/o L K PSQno- L u Mawo khu(e) - K U O - kuo- sia L Ii sia (H)L Ii su^. khsi - Xt u/o H Xt qu- Xd*ya- lu55mo55 kuo55 do241 sia33li55 Taoping tshi55 Xt*3i3' ...... ko no o (DO)ii no55 ((a)tshe) /to 55 ll SE ii Longxi Mianchi sa i\,i tsha KuifeN th6 qii qii mil si d*y& 16 tsh& si q6 throat throat 2 thou 1 throw, tossJ& BU& thou 3 threshold dzu khu thousand thrush throw/ discard thou 2 thread throat 1 qii mil Gloss three Set 995 987 989 993 990 988 991 994 992 |996 [997 [998

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 340 no asp. no w/ vl. V.? LX, apparentlyYDLX, have 421 ?STC ~ *du-t *tu-t *ts(y)i-p Notes palatalized. ZT, RDZ pzi da. n.b. LX qi 'loose', STC 370 (o) t§y (o) t§y MC 'time (kickone) (CL)', YD Mawo wa (b) ma rgu jâivi (sa pa) (sa dû dû PSQ pzi (L)da - pu- mu H g u/o H sie H xgya- Xtqi (H) d z ill di L tq i/i H L t{»hu dâ - ts u/o L 33 33 pzi3lda33 Taoping maS5go33 Xgya33 XtJl dâ Mianchi iit, guiia iit, p) d& (tile mil maker) mu g6 s6 tqi dzi d) tsod^ti tghii ts6 tqi Longxi m6 gti m6 P6 pid (BUi)(b?) Zi tqi dzi tsii tshii ci barley into a a into (firewood) bundle tile tin tsi tinder thunder tie (belt) tie tie (cattle) tiger tight 1 one)(CL) Tibetan tight 2 tqi ~tq) (hit time tie up 02 06 o o 1004 1005 1008 1000 1009 1010 Set Gloss 999 ______llOOl |7 |l003 |T 11007

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 . 2 *s-wa (437) *s-wa MChas Notes J. ZYC, Sun. from forms Mawo LX has palatalized the initial of initial the palatalized has LX m JZY q'uY. JZY is in q'uY. JZY Aspiration feces-pit monophthongized. evidence for *cluster in PSQ. in for *cluster evidence vowels for *vl evidence JZY JZY Kzaqe. X* 3 Yadu ma

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 343 yua. yua. ku *ki-n (369) *ki-n MC s2 is sfx. sfx. is s2 MC (182) *syey * boq *po(q/k) Notes RH has variant forms, according according forms, variant has RH IV). Chapter (cf. *nbi FQic first the whether clear not is It cognate. are syllables stem; ta appears to be the basic basic the to be appears ta stem; form. to the rhyme of the following the following of rhyme the to JZY ' — ... —

kuo Yadu gku mo ephe IVU IVU ta(RH) bi, bi bi, qal ------...... kq ---- li Mawo (qhso) bi ?*? t^ag ?*? ---- - PSQ kuo pha - pha ra L- pha taL si L ye- si (L) (H) o/ui g bie (L) bie tch i/e H i/e tch Xku- XqoL qa gqul; Xpho H Xpho 33 lla 3 xpoM 241 31 13 55 55 31 ^ti ta pa ye si qho 6 Mianchi Taoping io siio q£ Si u4 Si bie pho (14, (14, pho bie po til bie bie bie gui ~gui tfc- qilta tch 6 l v Longxi po po si ~ po ue t i - ~ t i Kua rvb pho rvb do go do daph4j4 qhfi tchi upside upward untie under qat of unit kilos ugly tsa khu, urinary urine bi use (n) use understand Si useful weight weight 5 to equal (pfx) urge, bladder down hasten Gloss 1033 1038 1039 1037 1034 1036 1043 1035 1040 1041 1042 1044 Set

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'A I n 3 j X I 'O X p v c60 * B .§ I '« ^ — ■ 'A 1 ^ * 2 i ■a 5 . 1 2 (of 1 2 warm warm water) fire by Gloss self warm wash, bathe water (dual) we we we watery, (inclusive) dilute [ we [ j 6S0I cs s 1058 1063 1064 1065 Set ______fl 1060 fl 11061

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 346 *gwa-n ~kwa-n (160) MC, TP si = wood *ti(y)(55) influencedthe by vowel oftha33 'that'. Sichuanese diaoSichuanese ling zi. cf. Notes squirrel. More cognatesSQ arc neededreconstruction. for LX vowel aberrant is water-pit unusual. TPmay have been The correspondencesvowel are .... —- se ye ...... Yadu (RH) khua ive tsa ky tsa (ses) (RH) tjuqu, tgoqu qe qe tjhatjha de ~ ...... - Mawo phiaq gua gua iy ka tsa kua tsa tjhatfha ...... - phray L phray PSQ no/i H ba tsua L ku L ku L tsua L i/e t tsu tsu L guaL tgheH de - gu/o- sasa‘ 7'aoping ph^e31 phs^e” na55 gua33 (sie33 tghy33) tghe55 Mianchi (te) gu (te) ni le (s6)c6 bd-die tsue-kii tete te te tsu tghe

>>> Longxi ph& fiiti (zi) n$1 tsu gu tea qo, tea Hqdtghy ba i ('moisten') tghi tghi de 1 wet, wet, moist wet, moist wear weasel (shoes) wear clothes wedge week 2 what Gloss (bracelet, turban) weigh 1070 10741075 well (n.) tsu kii 1076 1077 1068 1071 1069 1072 1073 1 Set 1 1 10671 wear

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 347 'female-pcrson', with onVH first *r-mi(y)(pl27). may be from PTB (STC *qa-n P -9 9 ). Notes ml Tibetan from WT pa, m2 qaq JZYsati. syllable. Second syllable from cf. cf. 'stone', ?STC *mruw 150 cf. 'outward(pfx)' JZY a nY ko. JZY a nY tSEI Yadu la K>3 phjig S3 g£ gtsem tea: ------o I Mawo phi S3 k khu' khu' iU ka iU khu-rlu luJt§y to nu to nu ------L

ko L la la (H) - qa PSQ k u o i/e ni- phram H gt H a/e m L tc to - tua H ti- XloL a - na - qan13ho31 la33 KU9241 tciS5me31 si55 na55ti33 ph^i55 Taoping a 55rvj31 \b e Mianchi a” qae” uo mei I ni le tsi -Kua to£ (tsi)to£ (which P8* §i a t4 (le) a t4 one) pi~t4 tu4 6 k 14 14 Longxi KU^-boi ('whip- tee tee mi rope') ph6 K3 tu4 2 2 broad wife wheel wide, while (CL) who St wild goose qaM where 1 where which 1 which whip wheat, barley white Gloss 1088 1089 1080 1079 1083 1078 1081 1084 1085 1086 1087 1082 Set ______11090 1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 348 *g- *g- . . ju LX.TPVH. PQ *gzi. JZYji (t)s(y)3w-k (STEDT) Notes High syllablesHigh in more thanone Thistheonly is form with two TPon based Chang's citation bu. dialect. JZY ci mie. JZY se. (233) *siq KU3 S3 Yadu piexu gzijpa tshua dzabsl tsi ku Mawo m u pin x u (young w om an) si gzi guaJ Pa toqu tsam , tss de J3 tqi d a q e ; H

ku L - L - Xa H - ______PSQ 'sky' KUO - KUO sie sie L W - uK /o - L 'do' dzyae k/q L tqi (L) tqi to/e L q u/uo t H a/e H q o/o (L) dzi/i Xa ~ Xa mci33KU55 (young w om an) firew ood') KU p a a 33x ” m a55 m a55 sie33 d ze24,q e 33 (' te 33 ta 3lq a ss; d a 3lq e 33 T aoping q u o M S5te t3 3lx a 55 tqi33, tsh a31 z.a z a k e M ianchi (m6 m e) p ia x ^ Koii z.a ~ Koii tqfc libtqfc mil d z.i ph q& 6 k ~ KO 6 mil Longxi pi& x6 k fiax& c i t o ts q b qfi tti to&tii d z i pii c i to s& 2 w ood, worship KUtica wing 1 dzuiiii wind (n.) 1 w rap w om an w ood, tim ber w ork (v.) w ild pig w illing w in w ither tim ber 1 1094 1098 1099 1091 1092 1102 1101 10% 1100 1095 1097 1093 Set G lo ss

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. «r»5 ! C/3 r : e ; * £ i s s60 % I • >» ! ^ i .>* i 5 *u I !I o !*u i ^ ' 2 i £H 22 « Jo1 o S3 iai M1 i >• I 2 ; 33 b JS ; ^ - 8 1 i j 2 « O >* C | | x> i it * y S3 SB ! ! > • : o IE r * i N , > I 'p * Z £ C/3 s s *- I cm i : «. 1 j i i i I i j I 3° « ; i 1 =s . x a : ! ! i ‘9! a > Q. 1 3 ,■ -l w i ! | -o 1-0 | C ; ID w; % Is j i i l l ; ! j a | ! \$t\ j _

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~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 00~~

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 351 Appendix B: Longxi and Mianchi Lexicon~~

1st earthly branch (rat) (LX) z i ku caique a few years ago (LX) qai a tci pu 1144. 1104. a little (CL) (LX) n J 1352. 1st earthly branch (rat) (MC) dze kue ~ dze a little (CL) (MC) die b? cf. part 1352. kue caique 1104. a time (CL) (MC) dou 1345. 2d earthly branch (cow) (LX) ma / ca iq u e abacus (MC) suaN phaN b 794. 1105. abandon (LX) da c i 1883. 2d earthly branch (cow) (LX) s i caiq u e 1105. abdomen (LX) c i ba 122. 2d earthly branch (cow) (MC) ij o ca iq u e abdomen (MC) pe tou 122. 1105. a b le (LX) qa 2195. 3d earthly branch (tiger) (LX) pid caique a b le (MC) k e zJ l 2195. 1106. abundant (LX) dzti 1540. 3d earthly branch (tiger) (LX) tea h e a r 1 1106. abundant (MC) did 1540. 3d earthly branch (tiger) (MC) p i da c a iq u e abundant (methods) (LX) q u e i - que 1540. 1106. accord with (LX) tue 1889. 4th earthly branch (rabbit) (LX) zu [zu] once a c c u m u late (LX) da tshu 2016. 1107. accumulate (MC) fia tshen tha b? 2016. 4th earthly branch (rabbit) (MC) d i 1107. accurate (measure) (LX) z i 1442. 5th earthly branch (dragon) (LX) go 1108. accustomed (LX) a tso 2458. 5th earthly branch (dragon) (MC) bti ca iq u e 1108. accustomed (MC) u tsu qe 2458. 6 th earthly branch (snake) (LX) bii (tse) ache (head) (LX) sue 2391. caique 1109. ache (head) (LX) id 2391. 6th earthly branch (snake) (MC) b^e caique ache (head) (MC) d z i tone change after DO 1109. 2391. 7th earthly branch (horse) (LX) fro caique across the way, opposite (LX) da u s i 1058. 1110. across the way, opposite (LX) da d zi s i 1058. 7th earthly branch (horse) (MC) z ^ o u caique across the way, opposite (MC) de ti 1058. 1110. a d d (LX) ha lu 2556. 8th earthly branch (sheep) (LX) tcha caique a d d (LX) td p i 2556. m i. add (MC) fa? §a 2556. 8th earthly branch (sheep) (MC) tshi caique add (salt) (LX) (tshi) xd STC 214 *tsa 1881 . m i. add (salt) (MC) (tshi) ue STC 214 *tsa 1881 . 9th earthly branch (monkey) (LX) m a sa add up to (amt of money) (LX) ts i 1965. caique 1112. add up to (amt of money) (MC) na n o -nii 9th earthly branch (monkey) (MC) m a sa how.much-add.up.to 1965. caiq u e 1112. adjacent (M C) qe z i "n e x t to" 1417. 10th earthly branch (chicken) (LX) y caique admire, envy (LX) iaen 35 tch) b? 2484. 1113. a d m ire , e n v y (MC) ia tc h i 2484. 10th earthly branch (chicken) (MC) i caique admit (LX) te Ii 1720. 1113. adm it (LX) ts lid 1720. 11 th earthly branch (dog) (LX) khu caique admit (MC) te tai pu 1720. 1114. adult (LX) m u ba 209. 11th earthly branch (dog) (MC) k h u e caique adult (MC) b ^ a m u 209. 1114. advance, move forward (MC) i n u should 12 earthly branches (LX) d zy b 1116. this be glossed 'enter'? 1 6 6 1. 12 earthly branches (MC) na i dzii b 1116. afraid (LX) qo ? STC *(g/k)rak 1958. 12th earthly branch (pig) (LX) pia c a iq u e a fra id (MC) qou zjk 1958. 1115. after (LX) sua xd 1153. 12th e a rth ly branch (pig) (M C) pia c a iq u e after (MC) m i tsh tq a 1153. 1115. after, henceforth (MC) m i tshi sou di 1153. a fe w (LX) a x e ? 1353- (CL) afternoon (LX) m d n i y u d i ioo. a fe w (CL) (MC) cd 1353. afternoon (MC) m ^ e tsa l ioo.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 352 again, once more (LX) te a 2634. am ong, between (MC) g d t i 1042. again, once more (LX) t h o d a c i 2634. am ount to, add up to (LX) a s o 1956. again, once more (MC) t s a l b 2634. am ount to, add up to (LX) a n d m i 1956. a g e (LX) p u s u looo. am ount to, add up to (MC) k e n a a i u 1956. a g e (MC) § u iooo. analogize (MC) ta p i f a g b 1780. a g e d , e ld e rly (LX) ( H a ) p e l 1510. analogize (MC) ta p i b 1780. aged, elderly (MC) a p e l 1510. ancestor (LX) m a - k a person-root 272. a g e d , e ld e rly (MC) § u l e q e 1510. a n c e s to r (M C) tsu cen % en b 272. agent/subject suffix (LX) l e follows subject, a n c e s to r (MC) t c i q u s e 272. if DO is fronted 2645. a n c ie n t tim e s (LX) da q ei da qei 1148. agitated, confused (LX) x ° & 1365. a n c ie n t tim e s (MC) q e i s i s i ~ q a i s i s i agitated, confused (MC) ml=b 1148. m 2 ? = b 1565. a n d (LX) n a 2643. ago, before (LX) q e / 1152. a n d (M C) g a 2643. ago, before (LX) d a q e i 1152. anger (someone) (LX) q u t c h i 2244. ago, before (MC) d e q e 1152. anger (someone) (MC) m e-kuo tchi-zi ago, before (MC) f i a - d o u 1152. person-b?-CAUS 2244. agree on, arrange (LX) t s u 2547. anger (someone) (MC) k u o t c h i b? 2244. agree on, arrange (LX) i d d a b ? 2547. angry (LX) t c h i tc h a 2245. agree on, arrange (LX) t s d 2547. angry (LX) ta q u t c h i fia... "make him angry" agree on, arrange (MC) Ha tiq tha se p ,b ,s ,s 2245. (agr?) 2547. angry (MC) te kuo tchi 2245. agree, consent (LX) fro 2114. anim al herder (LX) khu pia cii m u s2 c a n b e

~~agree, consent (MC) k o u 2114. [p jo ] 235. agree, permit (LX) d a i b ? 2551. anim al herder (MC) khue-pia-tiu-m u - khue-~~

agree, permit (MC) t e k o u 2551. p i a - t i u - m u dog-pig-v-AGT 235. air out (clothes) (LX) p h a 2147. animal pack ( L X ) z a q o 831. air out (clothes) (MC) cte/ 2147. a n im a l p a c k (MC) t u d t s i b 8 3 1. alarm , frighten (LX) m a c a 2078. anim al pack's worth (LX) k u a 1293. alarm, frighten (MC) s i u a 2078. anim al pack's worth (MC) k u i 1293. alarm, frighten (MC) s i z i 2078. anim al pack's worth (MC) t o b 1293. alert (LX) t s u / b 1574. anim al shed (MC) f m a l e 696. aliv e (L X )se 1501. ankle (LX) p a q a 130. alive (LX) x o d a b ? 1546. ankle (MC) l o s i k u e 130. a liv e (MC) § a 1501. anklet (LX) d u a - k u leg-round 666. alive (MC) xd-tha-ki-le b-m-BOR-NOM-m answ er (LX) d a i b 1761. 1546. answ er (MC) t a i p i i tone var. w/ tense 1761. alk a li (LX) t c e N b. 72. answer, reply (MC) t a i p u 1993. alkali (MC) tc ie b 72. answ er, reply (v) (LX) g u a 1993. all (LX) a n d m e i 2630. a n t (LX) m a n i b 451. all (MC) q e n a STC #397 *(m-)kul 2630. a n t (M C) m a i t s i b 451. alm ond (LX) x$n tsi ci m i 498. antim ony (MC) t h i t h i e b 67. alm ond (MC) s a m u 498. antim ony (MC) t h i t h i b 67. alm ond tree (LX) x$n tsi-phii b ? 4 8 1. a n u s (LX) tsha qa-(za pu) buttocks-hole 143. alm ond tree (MC) fra m u - p h o 4 8 1. a n u s (LX) q h a - i u feces-m 143. alone (LX) i d m o s o b ? 1594. a n u s (M C) tche zo-^e pu buttocks-hole. tone a lo n e (MC) a - q o - t s i 1-CL-m 1594. c h a n g e in m l 143. a ls o (LX) n a 2633. appear (LX) H a t c y 1738.

a ls o (MC) l e 2633. appear (LX) ( s i ) z i I d 1738. alter, change (v.L) (LX) t h u n u 1670. appear (LX) fia la 1738. alter, change (v.L) (MC) d e g o u 1670. appear (LX) s i t c y 1738. a m b le o u t an d b a c k (M C) s u 2274. appear (MC) § e t c i 1738. among, between (LX) t c i g d 1042. appearance, shape (LX) q a b u 1027.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 353 appearance, shape (MC) bu 1027. asparagus lettuce (LX) k o sa n b 543. apple (LX) Ka m i 501. asparagus lettuce (MC) u o s iN b 543. apple (MC) p h iq g o b 501. assem ble (a team) (LX) z u z u 2008. a p p ly a c o a t (LX) m ti m a 1898. assem ble (a team) (MC) ge-Ka-ci ua p -team - apply a coat (MC) m a 1898. arrange 2008. apply suction cup (Ch medicine) (LX) tsh u assem ble, rally (MC) m e-b% a-ts6 person-big- 1632. m 2 0 1 7 . apply suction cup (Ch medicine) (M C) tsa assem ble, rally (MC) m e -ts d person-m 2017. toy tsi-tu tya DO (b ) -V 1632. astringent, puckery (LX) s i b 1532. appoint (LX) na g a 2280. astringent, puckery (LX) n a 1532. appreciate (LX) k u p h e 1911. astringent, puckery (LX) n ,i 1532. appreciate, be thankful (MC) la u i s o u astringent, puckery (MC) q e ca 1532. ml ,2=b? exact gloss? 1911. at ease, assured (LX) c i to 1887. April (LX) z a la c a iq u e 1126. at ease, assured (LX) c i m i- a s i h e a rt-m April (MC) z i la c a iq u e 1126. 1887. apron (MC) kai-pha tsi front-b 646. at ease, assured (MC) tie d e le m l= h e a r t a re a (LX) Kua q u d 1034. 1887. area (MC) zu e p e -n a -n o -b ^ a place-have- a t th a t tim e (LX) th a d kq e 1148. how-big 1034. A ugust (LX) tsha la c a iq u e 1130. argue, debate (LX) ci c / 1671. A ugust (MC) tchi la c a iq u e 1130. argue, debate (LX) p b u p h a 1671. a u tu m n , w in te r (LX) so q e i cold-m 1168. argîe, debate (MC) q u a p u 1671. autum n, winter (MC) so qe cold-m 1168. arise (of sun) (LX) ua 1735. avoid as taboo (LX) tc i dik b 2023. arise (of sun) (LX) s i ?STC 295 *m-sow avoid certain food (LX) qa tche 2024. 1735. aw l (LX) n o 814. arise (of sun) (MC) § £tio [tcoj 1735. a w l (M C) tghue tghue b ? 814. arise (of sun) (MC) ge tc i 1735. a w n o f w h e a t (LX) u a % 6 525. arm (LX) lie m i ?STC 8 6 *lak. ?STC 394 aw n o f wheat (LX) Ka y e 525. * m u -k 131. aw n o f wheat (MC) le m ia 525. a rm (MC) id z e 131. a x (LX ) ta i< WT sta t i fro m STC 22 *s-ta arm spread (MC) p h a i 1320. knife' 850. arm pit (LX) za ka m y also [learn]. ?STC 265 a x (M C ) te % i < WT sta r i fro m STC 22 *s- *g-li ~ *k(a)li. ?STC 394 *mu-k 1 19. ta knife' 850. armpit (MC) / d z e 119. b a b y (LX) m a & ts u 2 1 1. armpit (MC) d za k e ?STC 265 * g -li ~ b a b y (LX) ma a- ku tsu 2 1 1. *k(a)li 119. baby (MC) ce q u z i ki (ke bî) 211. a ro u n d , a b o u t (LX) th a n tsu d n b ? 1054. bachelor (LX) c i s o (m y) 312. a ro u n d , a b o u t (MC) q e z i 1054. b a c h e lo r (MC) be liu-bâ young.m an-big arrange (LX) s i 1636. 312. arrange (MC) i p a i th k b 1636. b a c h e lo r (MC) aqotsi 312. arrange (MC) i t i 1636. b a c k ( o f b o d y ) (LX) ts o b o 118 . a rriv e , g e t to (LX) p a g a 1806. back (of body) (MC) de 118 . a rriv e , g e t to (MC) (d e ) p h i 1806. back basket (LX) g u 875. arrogant (LX) qa [qa^5] head-dry 1577. back basket (MC) d % 6 875. arrogant (MC) kh u a go 1577. back o f knife blade (LX) tea pia tso 763. arrow (MC) la STC 449 * b la 903. backbasket-full (LX) qua 1286. a s k (LX) (ta) za z i 2 451. backbasket-full ( I X ) g u 1286. a s k ( M o d ^ i d ^ t 2451. backbasket-fiill (MC) d% 6 1286. ask for, demand (LX) a t s i 2371. backstrap (LX) bia d z i 793. ask for, demand (MC) m e k i k h iu 2371. b a c k s tr a p (MC) b a d i 793. ask for, demand (MC) lo u th y 2371. bacon (MC) p ia -k h u e pig-smoke(?) 584.2. askew, awry (LX) da q h u k 2449. b a d (LX ) K ei ruined 1505. askew, awry (MC) te phian tha b 2449. b a d (M C) de (ba) 1505.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 354 bad (of character) (LX) m i ia note semantics batch (of things) (MC) b o 1274. o f s2 (1521, et al) 1505. b a th e ( L X ) x o /a 2461. bald, bare (LX) q a p u to n e s v a ry 1436. bathe (MC) ci pe-vua la body-bathe 2461. bald, bare (MC) q e d z a 1436. be (LX) 2329. ball (LX) p h i t c h o u b 944. b e (MC) q u e 2329. ball (MC) m a o t a n b 944. be at a place (LX) / 2554. bamboo (LX) p o ( t i ) bamboo-straight. STC b e at a p la c e (MC) z i 2554. 44 *g-p(w)a. 491. b e a m (LX) q h o ta 715. bamboo (MC) p u STC 44 *g-p(w)a. 491. beam (MC) ta 715. bamboo hat (LX) t s o s a 681. bean, soybean (LX) d a p i a STC 253 *be 552. bamboo hat (LX) ta b o 681. bean, soybean (MC) d e i 552. bamboo hat (MC) t o i l p h o q b ? 6 8 1. b e a r (LX) te a 384. bamboo shoot (LX) p o t i t s i 492. bear(MC) r/384. bamboo shoot (MC) p u l e 492. b ea rd (MC) k h e - m u c h in -h a ir 112. bamboo sieve (LX) zua pha s i sa ?stea m er b eat (d ru m ) (LX) f i a - t i 1938. 886 . beat (drum) (LX) t e ?STC 387 * tu k 1938. bamboo sieve (MC) I d t i 886. beat (drum) (LX) fia - to n e v a rie s 1938. b am b o o s te a m e r (LX) loN -dzuieN b-m 760. beat (drum) (MC) b ii 1938. b am b o o s te a m e r (MC) l o g t § u a q b 760. b ea t, p o u n d (LX) s u t i caus? b? 1750. b am b o o s te a m e r (M C) t s e 760. beat, pound (LX) z a t i sim p 1750. b a rk (LX) c i ( p h i i ) J a p i i 469. b ea t, p o u n d (M C) t u a te a [pt]. cf. 'hammer', baric (v) (LX) t e ta 2048. STC 317 * to w 1750. baric (v) (LX) e i 2048. beat, thum p (MC) t e g i e l STC 387 *tuk 1623. baric (v) (MC) t e ta tone changes with 'dog': become bigger (LX) t a i i 1672. khwe te ta 2048. become sm aller (LX) fia ts a 1673. baric of firewood (MC) s e % a p i a 469. become smaller (MC) de b^ii b ^i 1673. baric o f tree (M C) p h o - ^ a p i a tree-skin 469. become someone's turn (L X ) % o a t s i 2159. barnyard grass (LX) t s a i ts 563. become som eone's turn (LX) a fs* 2159. barnyard grass (LX) p i 563. become someone's turn (MC) f i a p h e q i 2159. barnyard grass (MC) p a i t s i b? also refers to become someone's turn (MC) ii k i pa qi sth useless, like naughty kid 563. 2159. barrel (bamboo) (MC) pii-thbq thoq b am b o o - become visible (LX) s i z i l o fia- 2485. b 789. become visible, rise (sun) (MC) q i %a-§e-tcd barrel (of water) (LX) z i 1258. also i too 2485. barrel (of water) (MC) t h i d 1258. become, turn into (MC) t e p a o x 1716. basic, ftindamental (LX) k a p i 1014. b e d (LX) u i s i q a 725. basis, grounds (LX) t c a x & 1015. b e d (MC) t§ h u a 725. basket (MC) t o i l t u 790. b e d (MC) n e b a 725. basket (flat) (LX) tchi tou tsi 790. bedbug (LX) ba tchi-ba lo m -bug 438. basket (large) (LX) t o q o 790. bedbug (MC) b it t § i 438. basket (of vegetables) (LX) to O b ? 1285. bedbug (MC) tchou tchoq b 438. basket (of vegetables) (LX) k h u i N b 1285. bee barrel/hive (LX) bu iii-tchu qua bee- basket (of vegetables) (MC) l o k h u i q b 1285. barrel.shape 455. basket (of vegetables) (MC) d % 6 = o n e b e e f (LX) si pia tshi 585. backbasket-full 1285. b e e f (LX) ma i pia tshi 585. bat (animal) (LX) tshf-qii-m ii salt-steal?- b e e f (MC) q o t s h e 585. AGT 416. b e e s w a x (LX) l e t s h i 455. bat (animal) (MC) iaen lad suei b ("sa lt b e g fo r fo o d (LX) ca 2388. mouse") 416. beg for food (MC) t c h o c i m u 2388. batch (of m atters) (MC) t c h i 1270. beg for food (MC) t c h o x u a m u 2388. batch (of matters) (MC) m e STC 280 *mow beg, request (LX) m i a c a 2258. 1270. beg, request (MC) m e k h i u a 2258. batch (of things) (LX) x e i 1274. beggar (LX) k h a c a m y 249.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 355 b e g g a r (MC) t§ho xua mil 249. bird (CL) (LX) za 1239. beginning of m onth (LX) laqe 1136. bird (CL) (LX) Rb 1239. beginning of month (LX) 1$ too 1136. bird (CL) (LX) z i 1239. behind (LX) (tso) ta td 1060. bird (CL) (MC) qo 1239. behind (MC) de Ix N ta 1060. birthday (LX) i m y 996. behind (MC) (de) me tsi 1060. birthday (LX) d a -tse-m y m-birth-day 996. b e liev e (LX) dza 2496. birthday (LX) d a -i-m y m-birth-day 996. believe (MC) dza foa) 2496. birthday (MC) §e zi 996. b ell (MC) kh e-n iN n i neck?-b 955. bit (horse) (LX) ko q ii 830. bell (MC) t§du 948. bit (horse) (MC) ^oii-due horse-mouth? 830. bell (any land) (LX) kha UN n e c k -b 955. bite (MC) Ka ?STC 424 * w a 2521. belly (LX) tsha-ta qhud feces-stomach *kwa bite into (MC) Ra Ka ?STC 424 *wa (but cf. 185. ’chew cud' in LX) 2522. belly (MC) tche-pe tod fe c e s-sto m a c h 185. bite, bite into (LX) ze bite into takes fia, da b elly b en d (LX) k o d z i horse-belt 828. 2521. below (LX) qa td x e i 1075. bitten (LX) Ra ze (zi) 2520. b elt (LX) d zi ?STC 421 *du-t ~ *tu-t 649. bitten (MC) §eKa 2520. belt (MC) di ?STC 421 *du-t ~ *tu-t 649. bitter (MC) qha STC *ka 1527. bend over (LX) ku STC 307 * k o y o r STC bitter, salty (LX) qha STC *ka 1527. *ku[*]m 1901. Mack (LX) a / STC *nak 1452. bend over (LX) i ku takes fia- 2438. black (MC) na STC *nak 1452. b e n d o v e r (MC) / m b k o 2438. black pepper (MC) fu tcad b 599. bend over (MC) Ra k o 2438. black soybean (LX) d a p ie u i STC 253 *be. bend over (in place) (MC) pha tha b ? 1901. V. harmony 554. bend over (while walking) (MC) t> tsi 1901. M ack soybean (MC) d e i-n a -k i bean-black- bend, curve (v) (MC) te udn tha z i p ,b ,s ,s NOM 554. 2439. blacksmith (LX) ca-d zu -m ii iron-beat-AGT bend, curve (v) (MC) te khue lia z i ?STC 237. *ku[-]m 2439. blacksmith (MC) the dza 237. bend, curve (vt) (LX) ku Kua z i 2439. blacksmith (MC) c i dio m u 237. benefit, advantage (LX) na s i 1030. blade of grass (CL) (LX) ^ 1243. benefit, advantage (LX) na i ?s2=b 1030. blade of grass (CL) (LX) z i 1243. benefit, advantage (MC) §e ki 1030. blade of grass (CL) (LX) zue 1243. b et (LX) qho 1776. blade of grass (CL) (M C) d % 1 1243. bet (MC) ta tu pu s i ,2=b 1776. blame someone (LX) pbia 1944. big (LX) ha 1404. blame someone (LX) kuaiiS-da b -s 1944. b ig (LX) baa 1404. blame someone (MC) (m e) p h i 1944. big (MC) h^a 1404. bland (LX) tcha 1531. big enough (LX) (Ra Ka) gd 2607. U a n d (MC) tshi-mi-dzii salt-NEG- big enough (MC) R a k u ik e 2607. enough(?) 1531. big enough to hold (LX) gd 1719. b la n k e t (LX) tsha i 672. big enough to hold (MC) Ra k u i qe 1719. blanket (MC) t§ha k i sl=spread 672. billy goat (LX) tcha cy 345. M e a t (LX) z a 2050. b illy g o at (LX) tcha do "b?" 345. b le a t (MC) ze 2050. billy goat (MC) tshe dze 345. b le n d (CAUS) (MC) tie x ° && z * ~~ X ° bind, hoop (v) (LX) ci c i 1937. tha z i b 2000. bind, hoop (v) (MC) x u ^ 1937. blend with water (LX) l u 1698. bind, hoop, make barrel (MC) Ra khti tha b blend with water (LX) tsu lu 1698. 1937. M end with water (MC) (Ra) lb 1698. bind, hoop, make barrel (MC) thio-khii b lin d (LX) Ra tcua 2465. sh a p e -b 1937. blind (MC) m i tiu cant see 2465. bird (LX) i tshd 404. blind (MC) tua 2465. bird (MC) i tshe 404. blind person (LX) m i tcua mil 259.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 356 blind person (MC) m u tie-m i-tiii-m u e y e s - boil (v.i.) (LX) t s h o STC 275 *tsyow 2093. not-see-AGT 259. boil (v.i.) (MC) q a 2093. blind person (MC) m e tie-m i-tiii-m u e y e s - boil, decoct (medicine) (LX) t s h t i STC 275 not-see-AGT 259. *tsyow 1629. blink (LX) ( fia ) te a ~ t e a t i can redup., but boil, decoct (medicine) (MC) y e - g a o - t h i tones? 2563. medicine-b-s 1629. blink (MC) t s h u t s h u i 2563. boil, decoct (medicine) (MC) g a z i ~ g a z i block (wind) (LX) q u e 1801. 1629. block (wind) (LX) qa cu -q a cy 1801 . boil, decoct (small amounts) (MC) z 6 ?STC block (wind) (MC) l i u 1801. 275 *tsyow 1629. block up (v.i.) (LX) k h a d a b 2090. boiled water (LX ) ta-tsho-tsu DIR-boil-water block up (v.i.) (MC) ta e t§ u a 2090. 609. block up (v.t.) (LX) si kha da (zi) b ? 2091. boiled water (M C ) t c h a 609. block up (v.t.) (MC) t e t§ u a k i 2091. bold, dare to (LX ) ko 1916. blood (LX) s a STC 222 * s-h w iy 160. bold, dare to (LX ) t e h d 1916. blood (MC) s a STC 222 *s-hwiy 160. bold, dare to (M C ) e o ( x . i ) WT sdo-ba (STC blow (dust) (LX) d a p h u 1749. 267) 1916. blow (dust) (LX) pha t e 1749. bone (LX) j a k a 165. blow (dust) (MC) p h i 1749. bone (LX) ja ka pa tsi c f. hom 165. blow (instrument) (LX) p h u 1748. bone (M C) % x s o u 165. blow (instrument) (MC) p h u 1748. book (LX) s u p a n b 921. blow (of wind) (IJC) d a u a 1941. book (LX) d z i t s a i 921. blow (of wind) (LX) p h u ta 1941. book (MC) d z i t s h a older form 921. blow (of wind) (MC) m e m e p h u 1941. book (M C) § u b 9 2 1. blow (of wind) (M C) m e m e-tx-b^a m-p-V book (CL) (LX) p o u 1249. 1941. book (CL) (M C) p e b? 1249. blow (of wind) (M C) m e me-te-a- m-p-V boot (LX) c u e t s i b 654. 1941. boot (M C) b e t s i 654. blow nose (LX) t i t s h o snot-m 2497. bore (hole) (LX) t e i 2 6 18. blow nose (MC) t§ a 2497. bore (hole) (LX) t s i 2 6 18. blow up (LX) q a t s h i 2564. bore (hole) (M C) d x . u a 2618. blow up (LX) q a t i e 2564. bore with drill (LX ) t s i 2619. blow up, explode (vt) (MC) t§ a b 2564. bore with drill (LX ) t c i 2619. blow up, explode (vt) (MC) p h o l e 2564. bore with drill (M C ) t h e 2619. b lu e (LX) p h u 1457. bore with needle (LX) t s i 1744. b lu e (MC ) x u e 1457. bore w ith needle (M C) d e t s i 1744. b o a r (LX) p i a c y 355. bore with pile driver (LX) t s h a 2 6 18. b o a r (LX) p i a d o 355. borrow (LX) z i n , i c i STC 190 *r-qya - b o a r (MC) p i a k i 355. STC 312 *kroy 2071. b o d y (LX) c i p i cf. 'fem ale'? 97. borrow (MC) ( t e ) g e c i STC 190 *r-qya - b o d y (MC) c i p e i 97. STC 312 *kroy 2071. body dirt (LX) t s h a q h u i 196. borrow, lend (money) (LX) n i & STC 190 body dirt (MC) t o ^ i STC 459 * ri(y ) (?460 *r-qya -STC 312 *kroy 2068. * k riy ) 196. borrow, lend (money) (MC) g e c i STC 190 body hair (LX) J a - x u s k in -h a ir 152. *r-qya -STC 312 *kroy 2068. body hair (MC) m u 152. borrow, lend (tool) (LX) n i c a STC 190 *r- body hair (MC) khu-m ad tsi sweat-bCbody qya -STC 312 *kroy 2069. h a ir1), ca iq u e 152. borrow, lend (tool) (MC) g e c i STC 190 *r- b o il (LX) q o 2596. qya -STC 312 *kroy 2069. b o il (MC) q a 2596. bottle (LX) p h i g t s i b 775. boil (porridge) (LX) q o 1630. bottle (MC) p h i g t s i b 775. boil (porridge) (MC) g a d - t h a b -s 1630. bottle of (CL) (LX ) p h i N b 1306. boil (porridge) (MC) q a 1630. bottle of (CL) (M C ) p h i g b 1306.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 357 bottom (LX) qa to 1062. bray (donkey) (MC) z e 2045. bottom (MC) ^ i le 1062. break (bowl) (CAUS) (MC) ge tghe (tgha) bottom (MC) qa ta 1062. ?STC 185 *tsat 2233. bouquet (of flowers) (LX) ts i 1265. break (bowl) (CAUS.) (LX) da Ke 2233. bouquet (of flowers) (MC) tu 1265. break (bowl) (CAUS.) (LX) qa tsh i STC bouquet (of flowers) (MC) tgua 1265. 185 *tsat 2233. bow (n) (MC) I s STC 462 *d-liy. or = break (bowl) (SIMP) (MC) kou ge tghe STC 'arrow' 902. 185 *t£at 2232. bow l (LX) KU 771. break (bowl) (SIMP) (MC) qha la 2232. b o w l (MC) kou also "teacup" 771. break (bowl) (SIMP.) (LX) da Ke 2232. b o w l (CL) (LX) f i d 1231. break (branch) (v.i.) (LX) Kd la takes da pfx b o w l (CL) (MC) qo 1231. 1849. bowl (of noodles) (LX) ku 1262. break (branch) (v.i.) (MC) te lu lia 1849. bowl (of noodles) (MC) kou =bowl 1262. break (branch) (v.i.) (MC) t i lu 1849. bowl (of rice) (LX) k u cf. 'bowl' 1259. break (branch) (v.L) (LX) (td)x$ Id 1850. bowl (of rice) (MC) kou 1259. break (branch) (v.L) (MC) te lu lia z i 1850. b o x (L X ) c a c t i b 729. break (thread) (v.i.) (LX) (da) ba STC 254 b o x (MC) X<> x ° b 729. *be — *pe 1847. box (MC) ca ca b 729. break (thread) (v.i.) (MC) gd ph& STC 254 box (of medicine) ( L X ) x o 1307. *be ~ *pe 1847. box (of medicine) (MC) x ° b 1307. break (thread) (v.t.) (LX) phu pha STC 254 b ra c e le t (LX) pa-ku hand-round 665. *be — *pe 1848. bracelet (MC) pe k u i 665. break (thread) (v.t.) (MC) gd ph& z i STC brag about, show off (MC) ta xud 2121. 254 * b e — *pe 1848. braid (LX) qd-qu hair-silver (refers to break by poking (LX) da t d p -v 1754. decorations in braid) 101. break by poking (LX) da bia p -v . STC 254 braid (MC) qe tou (ge qe pia) 101. * b e — * p e 1754. braid (MC) ge qe pia 101. break by poking (MC) ce lid ph] 1754. braid (hair) (LX) ka 1667. break by poking (MC) tshou-na-ge-qha-Ia braid (hair) (MC) ke pia 1667. m-m-p-break-ASP 1754. brain (LX) qd na 164. break law (LX) da tsa ?STC 185 *t£at 1876. brain (MC) qe na 164. break law (MC) dî te tshe ?STC 185 * tsat bran (wheat) (LX) zua-ja wheat-skin 615. 1876. bran (wheat) (MC) (le)-fii-^d w h e a t-b ra n b r e a k o p e n (LX) qa 1635. (b)-skin 615. b r e a k o p e n (LX) qs tcha 1635. branch (LX) ci kd ma STC 327 * k a -k 467. b r e a k o p e n (MC) ga pdn tha b 1635. branch (MC) pho kh& STC 327 * k a -k 467. b r e a k o p e n (MC) te tghe STC 185 *tsat 1635. brand, iron (LX) pia 2133. b r e a k o p e n (MC) ge Ke 1635. brand, iron (LX) Kd 2 133. break out (with pox) (LX) (te) c i d i f f fro m brand, iron (LX) qo 2133. "treat illness" only in pfx 1733. brand, iron (MC) pia cook, as pancake 2133. b r e a k out (with p o x ) (MC) d ei tsoii ? < Ch. brandish, wave (LX) Ii la cf. 1985 1994. d o u 1733. brandish, wave (MC) tai iad tha m2=b n.b break out (with pox) (MC) dei tsou ge 1733. VH 1994. break out (with pox) (MC) ge tio 1733. brandish, wave (MC) zâo tha b ? 1994. break to bits (LX) da Ke 2367. brandish, wave (MC) ta du da 1994. break to bits (LX) qd tsh i STC 185 *t£ at brass (LX)xa6i. 2367. brass (M C)dou6l. break to bits (LX) a ba d zy STC 254 * b e — brave (MC) tan tst-bâ b(gall bladder)-'big' * p e 2367. (caique) 1579. b r e a k to b its (MC) ha tchd-na-te bi be b re a k - brave (a little) (LX) tcho 1579. and-broken to bits 2367. brave (extreme, as in battle) (LX) tc i ted 1579. break to bits (MC) ha tchd-na-ga qa Ia b re a k - bray (donkey) (LX) qu STC 261 *u 2045. and-dam age 2367.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 358 break up (meeting) (LX) da san da b 2292. broom (LX) t c u e - l a m-wash(?) 735. break up (meeting) (MC) de phu phu sim p lex broom (MC) d % u a 735. 2292. b ro o m (CL) (LX) c a 1245. break up (meeting) (MC) de le qe 2292. b ro o m (CL) (MC) d^a 1245. breakfast (LX) tsha 576. broom (CL) (M C) p a b 1245. breakfast (MC) tsua tcho 576. b ro o m (CL) (MC) q o 1245. breast (LX) n a n a STC 419 * n u w 121. brothers (LX) t i i n i preferred form. STC 271 breast (MC) na na STC 419 * n u w 121. *n a-w 292. breath (LX) mu su STC 485 * sa k 189. brothers (LX) t u t s u =yo. b ro 292. breath (MC) tchi-the b-breathe 199. brothers (MC) p i m u said by sis 292. breed, reproduce (LX) da ia 1875. brothers (MC) t o u t s u said by b ro 292. breed, reproduce (LX) da 1 fia 16 n o te s 1875. brush (LX) s u a t s i b 734. breed, reproduce (MC) te §a 1875. brush (MC) § u a t s i b 734. breeding yak, stud (LX) tcha tcha m i do 321. brush teeth (LX) qa-xo la face-wash 2348. breeding yak, stud (MC) zi-§a bull-breed brush teeth (MC) q e x ^ a la 2348. 321. brush, comb (v) (LX) c y STC 466 *m-si(y) brick (LX) tsuaN b 7 0 1. (could be borr) 2339. brick (MC) t§uan b 701. brush, com b (v) (MC) q a t o s u i STC 466 bridge (LX) tsha (to) 94. *m -si(y) 2339. bridge (MC) (Id) tsh£ sl=stone 94. bucket, barrel (LX) t s u t i 782. bridge (CL) (LX) ca 1253. bucket, barrel (MC) t h i o 782. bridge (CL) (MC) to 1253. buckwheat (LX) z u a n a ?STC 150 * m ru w bright (LX) cua 1551. 523. bright (LX) cua 1460. buckwheat (MC) d z u a n a g lo s s ? ?STC 150 bright (MC) cya 1460. * m ru w 523. bright (MC) (ke ke) cya ml,2=emphatic 1551. bud (LX)pa tsu (qo) le y - pa ts* 477. bright (sky) (LX) m u cua 2398. b u d (MC) tia tia A ll. bright (sky) (MC) fia cya (qe) 2398. buff leather (LX) ha l b z u a 2188. bright red, glowing (LX) c i ts) ts i v d /v l buff leather (MC) be liu t§hi 2188. 1603. b u g (L X ) b u l b 4 3 1 . bright red, glowing (MC) na na ts i 1603. b u g (MC) b o l b 437. bright yellow, golden (LX)xa tsh i tsh i 1604. build (frame) (LX) lia 1760. bright yellow, golden (LX)^a bo bo 1604. build (frame) (MC) t§ h u 1760. bright yellow, golden (MC) y(a xa ts i 1604. build (house) (LX) q e i 1906. brightness (LX) cua 3. build (house) (LX) q h i i 1906. broad bean (LX) fit tou — fu tou b 555. build (house) (LX) t s h i i 1906. broken (MC) ge qa la (z i) 2161. build (house) (MC) q h u e 1906. broken (bamboo) (LX) da ne 2231. b u ild in g (LX) l o k e 692. broken (bamboo) (LX) da qa tsh i 2 2 3 1. building (LX) k e m ulti-story 692. broken (bamboo) (LX) da ba STC 254 *be ~ building (MC) l o i i f a i j b 692. * p e 2231. building ( multi-story) (MC) l o u - k e b - broken (bamboo) (LX) da tcha 2231. pillar(?) 692. broken (bamboo) (MC) se pe STC 254 *b e ~ bulb o f fritillary (LX) q o p t i 572. *pe 2231. bulb o f fritillary (MC) p e l m u b 572. broken (bamboo) (M C) qha la 2231. b u ll (LX) m a i d o 326. broken (bamboo) (MC) (pu) § e d ^ i 2 2 3 1. b u ll (LX) m a i z i 326. broken to bits (LX) day d z f 2366. b u ll (MC) z i 326. broken to bits (LX) fia dza 2366. b u lle t (LX) t s i b ? 899. broken to bits (LX) fia dzue dzf 2366. bullet (MC) z u i PTB *dzay. cf. pit/stone, broken to bits (MC) t e b i be STC 254 *be - testicles 899. *pe 2366. bully (v.t) (LX) qa tc i 2231. bronze (LX) y a - c i b ra s s-re d 62. bully (v.t.) (MC) t c h i t h a b? 2237. bronze (MC) dou 62. bundle (of rags) (LX) z o 1287.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 359 bundle ( o f rags) (LX) t c h o u 1287. call (person) (LX) m a i960. bundle ( o f rags) (MC) k h u e 1287. call (person) (MC) m a i960. bundle ( o f things) (LX) q u e 1305. call (person) (MC) ( m e ) m a i960. bundle ( o f things) (MC) ta p 6 1305. call dog (LX) m a 1986. bundle ( o f things) (MC) q u a 1305. call dog (MC) m a a - [irwai] 1986. bundle wrapped in cloth (LX) c i z i 845. call to mind, recollect (LX) b a 16 1992. bundle wrapped in cloth (MC) q h u a STC call to mind, recollect (MC) b i d % o i 1992. 479 *klup 845. c a lle d (n a m e ) (LX) m a 1960, 1986 2054. bundle, bunch (of vegetables (LX) t s u a 1254. called (name) (MC) m a 2054. bundle, bunch (of vegetables) (MC) t§ u a b ? , ca n d le (LX) la t s o b 743. ?*?handspan 1254. candle (MC) l e t § u i 743. b u rn (LX) a t s u STC 275 *tsyow 2575. cane, vine (LX) z a b a I t 493. burn (LX) p i t c a bii for older speakers 2575. cane, vine (MC) l e b % e 493. b u rn (LX) d a u a 2575. cannon (MC) p h o b ? 901. b u m (LX) t a x & 2575- canter, trot (LX) t s a 2215. b u m (MC) t e t i 2575. canter, trot (LX) t s h i t s h i 2 2 15. b u m (MC) ( m i ) d e u e 2575. canter, trot (MC) § i d % t 2215. bum (n.) (MC) §i the thou 154. ca p e, c lo a k (LX) lia k u 648. bum grass in field (LX) z u m i l c it 2310. cape, cloak (MC) tshad m i tsi m l=b? 648. bum grass in field (MC) s i / / p u tia 23 io. care for orphan (MC) /e^u e 2123. bum grass in field (MC) s i I i le 2310. careful (LX) ci m i - t c i heart-small (semantic b u ry (LX) b i STC 376 *bip — *pip 2172. b) 2493. bury (MC) ( h a ) b i STC 376 *bip - *pip careful (LX) c i m i - t s a heart-small (semantic 2172. b ) 2493. businessman (LX) ta ci-pu-m u m-do-AGT careful (MC) a q h a t s i "slowly" 2493. 224. careful (MC) t x N c i b "dan xin" 2493. businessman (MC) pa na-po-m i thing-sell- careful, attentive (LX) p a c i 1574. AGT 224. careless, slipshod (LX) x u H X ^ ta 1613. b u sy (LX) t c h i 1537. careless, slipshod (MC) tie-qi-m i-ta h e a rt-m - b u sy (MC) b a 1537. not-put 1613. b u sy (MC) d ^ tk o u 1537. carpenter (LX) ci zi-pu-m u w o o d -d o - AGT butter (MC) s u i o i i b 594. 236. b u tter la m p (M C) ta q - t§ a b -m 738. ca rp en te r (MC) m i d z a 236. butterfly (MC) t s h e b i b i 459. carry (MC) t § h d 1658. buttocks (LX) t s h t - q a fe c e s -m 125. carry (books) on back (LX) s o 1658. buttocks (MC) t§he-zo fe c e s -m 125. c a rry (b o o k s ) o n b a c k (MC) b ia STC 26 * b a button (LX) n u t s i b 634. 1658. button (MC) l i u t s i b 634. cany (child) on back (LX) b ia STC 26 * b a button (v) (LX) k h o u - d a b - s 2 1 17. 1656. button (v) (MC) k h o u - t h a b -s 2117. cany (child) on back (MC) b ia STC 26 * b a buttonhole (LX) nu phan tsi b ? 635. 1656. buttonhole (LX) n u m i a b -m o th e r? 635. carry (money) (LX) H 1793. buttonhole (MC) l i u t s i b 635. carry (money) (LX) t c p 1793. Buwa village (on hill above Wenchuan) (LX) carry (money) (LX) d i 1793. b ii n a . carry (money) (LX) t s h o u 1793. b u y (LX) p i ?STC 293 *b-rey 2173. carry (money) (MC) z y a 1793. bu y (MC) d i p d ?STC 293 *b-rey 2173. c a rry in la p (LX) q u e 1840. cadre (MC) q i q e 225. carry in lap (MC) ta q u a 1840. c a lf (LX) m a li a t s i 325. carry off (LX) t a t h e q a 2377. ca lf (MC) q o b o t s i 325. carry off (MC) t i t u i q i 2377. calf of leg (LX) d u a q a - t s i leg-small 128. carry on back (of animal) (LX) q a 2435. calf o f leg (LX) d u a q a b i 128. carry on back (of animal) (MC) k i 2435. calf of leg (MC) dua b$u bz^i 128. carry on shoulder (LX) t h e 2376.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 360 carry on shoulder (MC) t u i 2376. 614. carry with pole (LX) m i 2403. chain (LX) c a t s u 821. carry with pole (MC) t u i 2403. chain (MC) i\J e n t s i b 821. carve (LX) k h e d a b 2113. chair (LX ) b e d e 723. carve (MC) t h i d 2113. chair (LX) b a d e 723. cast aside, skim off (LX) s a takes zt, da 2224. chair (M C) i t s i 723. cast aside, skim off (MC) d e t § h u 2224. change into (LX) ta z u 1979. cast aside, skim off (MC) d e n i g t o b 2224. chapter (CL) (LX) z u e 1237. castrate (LX) k a i d a b 2509. chapter (CL) (MC) t s h i 1237. castrate (MC) / § a n t h a b ? 2509. charcoal (LX) m u d z i 69. castrate (MC) k h u i 2509. charcoal (M C) m e d z i 69. c a t (LX) m a n ,ii 363. chase after (LX) y u y u STC 354 *s-nuij c a t (MC) m e n o u 363. 2608. c a tc h c o ld (LX) ta li a g d a b 2577. chase after ( L X ) y 6 r i u STC 354 *s-nui) c a tc h c o ld (LX) t h o c i 2577. 2608. catch cold (LX) t h o c i 1910. chase after (MC) t § h t t § h e 2608. c a tc h c o ld (MC) te t o u 2577. c h a t (LX) (m u) to za m u 2148. catch cold (MC) te t o u 1910. ch at (M C) d a t § ) 2148. catch hold of (LX) t s e 2600. check account (LX) t s h a d a tones? b ? 1692. c a tc h h o ld o f (MC) z i ta also steal? 2600. check account (LX) ts a 1692. c a tc h o n fire (LX) u a 1816. cheek (LX) t c i p i d 109. catch on fire (LX)^u ta 1816. cheek (LX ) q d t c h e 109. catch on fire (MC) d e u e 1816. cheek (MC) d u e p i a 109. caterpillar (LX) d a - 460. cheek (M C) t c i p i a preferred form 109. caterpillar (MC) b o I d "bug" 460. chess (LX) t c h i t c h i b 945. c a tty (500 grams) (MC) k i 1309. chess (LX) t c h i t s i b 945. catty (of meat) (LX) t c i 1294. chest (LX) ts o q h u a 120. c a tty ( o f meat) (MC) Are 1294. chest (M C) t i e m u z e 120. catty and a half (LX) a t c i ts u e z o 1312. chest (M C) si qe baN ba 120. catty and a half (MC) a kena tsua d^ou 1312. chew cud (LX) tshi ta qhud-ja qu sto m ac h - catty, half-kilo (LX) t c i b ? 1309. retum 1874. CAUS (LX) Z t 2330. chew cud (LX) i j a q u 1874. CAUS (MC) -z# tone varies 2330. chew, m unch (LX) t s a t s d 2 0 4 1. cause landslide (LX) k u l y 1660. chew, m unch (MC) t § e i t§ a 20 41. cause landslide (LX) fro ts u a 1660. c h i (1/3 meter) (LX) t s h i 1321. cause landslide (MC) h a d % u a z i 1660. chi (1/3 meter) (MC) t s h i 1321. celebrate (new year) (LX) d z a 1953. chick (LX) y m i a q h u d zy = iy 368. celebrate (new year) (MC) d i d d id 1953. c h ic k (LX ) y - t s u a ts u chicken-m-small 368. center, hub (LX) t c i g o ?STC 299 *s-tay. c h ic k (M C) i t s a t s u 368. 1043. chicken (LX) y 365. center, hub (MC) t i i t i STC 299 *s-tay (ml chicken (M C) i 365. = heart') 1043. chicken shed (LX) y k u 700. center, hub (MC) t i e q d STC 299 *s-tay 1043. chicken shed (LX) y iua ku ioo. centipede (LX) d d o r /d a a t / 446. chicken shed (LX) y t c i 700. centipede (MC) luei-koij t§hdq b ("lightning- chicken shed (MC) j b u s2=nest 700. bug") 446. child (LX ) t c i b i 210. chaff, b ra n (LX) z u a p u STC#170 * p w a -y ch ild (M C) k e b% i t s i sometimes q i 210. 614. chili pepper (LX) % o t s h o b ? 539. chaff, bran (MC) le p u p u wheat-bran-bran chili pepper (MC) % a i t c h o b ("sea(=foreign) STC #170 *pwa*y6l4. pepper") 539. chaff, bran (MC) / m e - p u p u — / m e - p 6 p u b c h in (LX) t c i p i d 114. (maize)-m 614. chin (M C) k h e STC 470 * (m /s-)k a 114. chaff, bran (MC) d z u e p u STC#170 *pwa*y china fir (LX) l a ( p h u ) 484.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 361 c h in a fir (MC) p e s e p h o fir? 484. clear, distinct (MC) u a lo o k a t a g a in 1552. Chinese angelica (MC) t a n k u e i b 570. clear, obvious (LX) s i 2184. Chinese caterpillar fungus (LX) ya q i b o l b clear, obvious (LX) t s h a ts h a 2184. 571. clear, obvious (LX) q i du 2184. Chinese caterpillar fungus (MC) tchorj tshad clear, obvious (MC) s i u a he knows (perf?) b tone varies on 1.571. 2184. Chinese chestnut (MC) p a N t\J&- b variation. clear, obvious (MC) s i z^a 2184. 504. clear, obvious (MC) yue 2184. Chinese chives (LX) k a t c i 534. clever (LX) ts h a t s h a 15 7 1. Chinese New Year (MC) d i d 1141. clever (MC) fseya 1571. Chinese toon, tree of heaven (LX) tc h u d n ia cliff (MC) zja Oo) ?STC 329 *r-ka[-]m 28. t s i ( p h u ) 489. climb (hill) (LX) p d c a 2207. Chinese toon, tree of heaven (MC) b it s e p h o climb (hill) (MC) t s i q a 2207. 489. clim b (tree) (LX) p a c a 2208. Chinese toon, tree of heaven (MC) b u s e p h o climb (tree) (MC) t s i q a 2208. 489. close (book) (LX) q u e i 1968. chisel (LX) t s h o t s i b 852. close (book) (LX) z i q u a 1968. chisel (MC) z o b ? 852. close (book) (MC) q u a 1968. chisel (v) (LX) t s i 2558. close (door) (LX) q u a 1945. chisel (v) (LX) t s h a 2558. close (door) (MC) § e q u a 1945. chisel (v) (MC) z o 2558. close (eyes) (MC) fia s e 1665. chop meat (LX) t s h u a d a STC 240 *tsywar close (mouth) (LX) tc u a 1665. 1856. close (mouth) (LX) q u 1665. chop meat (MC) l i d 1856. close (mouth) (MC) fia p i a 1665. chopsticks (LX) b s te a 774. c lo s e e y e (LX) te a 2 179. chopsticks (MC) d u 774. close eyes (MC) s e cf. cover 2179. cicada (MC) t s h i cy cy 450. close to (LX) z i z a 1622. (LX) s u i q o circle, linger ?STC *349 *kor close to (LX) a z i z a 1622. 2212. close to (MC) i dza 1622. circle, linger (MC) z i z i 2212. close up (v) (LX) t c h $ takes a, i 1947. cistern (LX) t s u t s h o u water-b? 880. close up (v) (LX) q u c u 1947. cistern (LX) t s u - t i water-m 880. close up (v) (LX) q u a (?related to qu) 1947. cistern (MC) t s u i t s h o u 880. close up! (MC) / k h u i 1947. c ity (LX) q i c i 77. close, near(LX) p i i p u 1417. c ity (MC) q i ta 77. close, near (LX) se 1417. claw (LX) ca q u s2=pointy 380. close, near (MC) f- z i road-close 14 11 . c la w (MC) i - g o u - g u bird-foot-m 380. cloth (LX) bu mia 620. clay idol (LX) bu zp-a bu tch) mud-god 970. cloth (MC) b ^ u m i d 620. clay idol (LX) yd b u 970. clothing (LX) p h d 625. clay idol (MC) a p a s e "god" 970. c lo th in g (LX.) g u i s i [g n is j STC 160 * g w a ~ (MC) t § h u - k u a clay wine warmer liquor- * k w a 625. mud/clay 761. clothing (MC) p h u 625. c le a n (LX) c d c f 1544. STC p53 * t(s)y aq (LX) p e . 1541. clothing (CL) 1268 c lo th in g (CL) (LX) Ii 1268 . clean (MC) cd t e STC p53 *t(s)yaq 1541. clothing (CL) (MC) Ii 1268. clear (LX) cd STC p53 *t(s)yarj 1470. cloud (LX) d d m y som etimes [dam51] 7. clear (MC) t s h i 1470. cloud (MC) d a m b 1. clear (sky) (LX) m u q a 2397. cluck (chicken) (LX) m i a 2043. clear (sky) (MC) m u s e sky-good? 2397. cluck (chicken) (MC) z e 2043. c le a r u p (LX) t i 1721. clump of trees (CL) (MC) t s u a N t s u d N 1250. c le a r u p (LX) t o 1721. c lu tc h , g ra sp (LX) t s i =2600 2609. c le a r u p (MC) fia t s h i 1721. clutch, grasp (MC) z o p a 2609- clear, distinct (LX) p a t c i cf. speech 1552. coal (LX)ya-n,/ earth-black. ?STC *r-ka

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 362 'earth' 68 . c o m m it c rim e (LX) zuei-da-tsa b-s-m 1877. coal (MC) m ei t h a N b 68. c o m m it c rim e (MC) d z u i lie 1877. c o c k sc o m b (LX) y z o 369. commoner (LX) tshu a qii m u 221. c o c k sc o m b (MC) t e / k u d n t s i b 369. commoner (MC) p e s e t b ? 221- coffin (LX) s u b b o 682. companion (LX)yzu 271. cogongrass (for bedding) (LX) y o 564. ctxnpanion (MC) i d ^ b u 271. cogongrass (for bedding) (LX) y a q a 564. compensate (LX) p b & ( z i ) b ? 2217. cogongrass (for bedding) (MC) m a o t s h a o b compensate (MC) b a 2217. 564. compete (LX) p i d £ b 1663. coil up (snake) (LX) su /i 2213. complete (LX) t a p e a 1716. coil up (snake) (MC) fia tehuan tha b 2213. complete (LX) tc h i d a b ? 2269. coil up (snake) (MC) s u 2213. complete (LX) fia t u 2269. collapse, landslide (LX) n o e u a 1659. complete (MC) q a n a m 2=sfx? 2269. collapse, landslide (LX) ( a ) d z a 1659. complete (MC) d z t q e 2269. collapse, landslide (MC) fia d ^ u a 1659. complete, all (LX) a s o 1403. collar (LX) m b q a 626. complete, all (MC) q e n a 1403. collar (MC) n i g b 626. complete, finish (LX) d a i 1717. collect capital (LX) t s h u 2015. complete, finish (LX) s a q o b. 1717. collect capital (MC) t s h e n th a b 2015. complete, finish (MC) t e § a q o b ? 1717. collect capital (MC) f i a t s u a 2015. complete, finish (MC) te co ~ te co 1717. collide (LX) t s h t t s h a ta - 2220. conceal, hold back (LX) a l i a 2529. collide (MC) i x b 2220. conceal, hold back (MC) t u 2529. collide (MC) te phot) tha b 2220. conceal, hold back (MC) m i e n t h a b 2529. c o lo r (LX) J iq u t re a lly /q /? 1032. l. conceal, hold back, keep secret (LX) m a c d c o lo r (MC) i a e N s e b 1032. l. 2529. colorful (LX) p a t s y = flo w e r 1567. conditions (LX) t h i a o t e e n b 1008. colorful (MC) tia tia 1567. confused (LX) qa la qa tchua tones vary? colorful cloth worn on head (LX) p h a t s i b . 1615. 642. confused (MC) te qe te tm a 1615. colt, foal (LX) ttb m il tsu 336. connect, join (MC) i k h o i i 2060. colt, foal (MC) £du b o t s f i 336. conquer (LX) d a ia 2 6 13. comb (n) (LX) qa-Gp hair-comb(v). STC 466 conquer (LX) d a i 2613. *m-si(y) 655. c o n q u e r (MC) fia % u a 2613. comb (n) (MC) qe s u i e ~ e. STC 466 *m- construct (dam) (LX) i u 2598. si(y ) 655. construct (dam) (MC) t § h u cf. repair, c o m e (LX) l b 2130. caique? 2598. c o m e (LX) t c y 2 130. construct a wall (LX) d z i 1778. c o m e (MC) n ,u used for rain 2130. construct a wall (LX) z a ta 1778. com e out (LX) s i l o 1736. construct a wall (MC) l o z u - t c h u stone.wall- com e out (MC) § i n i l 1736. m 1778. come to, wake up (MC) s i ?STC 275 * m - construct a wall (MC) be zi-t§o tha d irt-b ? -s

S O W 2498. 1778. com e to, wake up (v.i.) (LX) ta m a z e a d d - z t c o n te n d f o r (LX) b u b a 2586. f o r CAUS 2498. c o n te n d f o r (MC) z i ta 2586. com e to, wake up (v.t.) (LX) ta m a z e z i contented, satisfied (LX) a p a 2169. 2498. contented, satisfied (LX) z t b e 2169. com fort (LX) i d 1972. contented, satisfied (LX) t a s u a 2169. comfort, console (LX) i o N 1627. contented, satisfied (MC) d ^ t q e 2169. comfort, console (LX) t e h a 1627. contented, satisfied (MC) d ^ t z i CAUS? comfort, console (MC) s u d z i 1627. 2169. comfort, console (MC) t e b u d n th a b 1627. continue (MC) io t i n u c i 2026. comfortable (LX) n a 1591. contract illness (LX) ( a ) t o 1747. comfortable (MC) z i - n a life-good 1591. contract illness (LX) t s k 1747.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 363 contract illness (MC) te tie 1747. cotton wadding (MC) m iieN xua-(phu k i) convene (LX) (da) sud ta 2578. b(cotton)-fabric(?) 673. convene (MC) eve 2578. cotton-padded m attress (LX) tsha i 674. convince (LX) id 2531. cotton-padded mattress (MC) %o ts i b 674. convince (LX) da so a lso a 25 3 1. cough (LX) tshu td ? STC 423 * s u (w ) 2111. convince (LX) da so sa 2531. cough (MC) tsho x u d ? STC 423 * su (w ) convince (MC) su dza 2531. 2111. convince (MC) me-tou-tha person-b-s 2531. count (v) (LX) sd b 2347. convince, deceive (MC) ge ge 2 5 3 1. c o u n t (v ) (LX) su-da takes da. b-s 2347. cook (n .) (LX) ma ma-pu-mu food-do-AGT count (v) (MC) sd sua b ? 2347. 241. country, nation (MC) ze qa 76. cook (n.) (LX) td qhua-pu-mu food-do-AGT courtyard (LX) iuaeN bd b 688. 241. courtyard (MC) qho 688. cook (n .) (MC) tchd t'l-pQ-mu — tehou ti-pu- courtyard (MC) yaen tsi-qa b -m 688. mii vegetable-do-AGT. According to courtyard (MC) y ie N p a b 688. consultant, monophthong is archaic. 241. c o v e r (LX) ta qho u * o . STC 479 * k lu p cooked (LX) (Ra) mu STC 432 *s-m in 2344. 916. cooked (MC) (Ra) mu STC 432 *s-m in 2344. cover (LX) qhu ta STC 479 *klup 916. cooking spatula (LX) ce p i 767. c o v e r (n .) (MC) tsha qu fo r p o t. STC 479 cooking spatula (MC) tghuan ts i b 767. * k lu p 916. c o o l (LX) (Ra) to 1519. c o v e r (n .) (MC) qa qu fo r c u p . STC 479 c o o l (MC) liar) khue b 1519. * k lu p 9 l6 . cool (of water) (LX) to 1516. cover (v.t.) (LX) qhu STC 479 *klup 2178. cool (of water) (MC) tod 1516. cover (v.t) (LX) quei STC 479 *klup 2178. cool (of weather) (LX) m u pd 1515. cover (v.t.) (MC) Ra tshui 2178. cool (of weather) (MC) tod 1515. cover (v.L) (MC) Ra qhue STC 479 * k lu p cool (v.) (LX) to various pfxs 2145. 2178. cool (v.) (MC) Ra tod z i 2145. cover (v.L) (MC) Ra loq tha p,b,s 2178. cooled off (rice) (LX) to 2144. cover (with blanket) (LX) qei STC 479 cooled off (rice) (MC) (tchd) Ra tod verb=s3 * k lu p 1905. 2144. cover (with blanket) (LX) qhu STC 479 copulate (LX) qhe 1624. ♦ k lu p 1905. coral (MC) sudN fii b ? 661. cover (with blanket) (MC) qhue STC 479 coriander, cilantro (LX) X°-qo tsu frag ran t- * k lu p 1905. m. caique? 535. cover (with earth) (LX) be 1904. com , maize (LX) i ma b 526. cover (with earth) (LX) qhu STC 479 * k lu p com, maize (MC) i me b 526. 1904. c o m e r (LX) ku ko 1051. cover (unth earth) (MC) qhue cf. quilt. STC com er (MC) d % o d ^ o 1051. 479 *klup 1904. corpse (LX) m o 202. cover up, shade (LX) qhu STC 479 * k lu p corpse (MC) m o 202. 2584. correct, right (LX) na 'good' 1497. cover up, shade (LX) qu cu STC 479 * k lu p correct, right (LX)^ei also ?=good 1497. 2584. correct, right (LX) ia 1497. cover up, shade (LX) qu ta 2584. correct, right (MC) tie pa m 1 =pfx 1497. cover up, shade (MC) qua STC 479 * k lu p correct, right (MC) que 1497. 2584. c o rrid o r (LX) haN hdN 689. cover, muffle (MC) due t§i 2454. cotton (MC) m i a e N x u a b 528. cover, muffle (MC) due moq tha b 2454. cotton overcoat (LX) qo ts i 630. cover, muffle (w ith hand) (LX) qd STC 479 c o tto n o v e rc o a t (LX) miaN-qo b -? 630. *klup 2454. cotton overcoat (MC) qao ts i b ? 630. cover, muffle (w ith sth.) (LX) qhu STC 479 cotton wadding (LX) qe i 673. *klup 2454. cotton wadding (LX) m iaeN xud b 673. covered (with dust) (LX) da lia 2168.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 364 covered (with dust) (MC) h a s u e z i 2168. cross (bridge) (MC) t s h a - k e - g u bridge-go- covet, desire (food) (LX) d e d e 1701. retum(?) 1954. covet, desire (food) (MC) k e m i a 1701. cross (river) (LX) da c i 1844. cow (fem ale) (LX) m a / m i a 327. cross (river) (LX) da h u 1844. cow (female) (LX) i j d m i a STC 215 *qwa, cross (river) (MC) ts u e t § h u e 1844. STC *ma (fem ale sfx) 327. cross feet (LX) b u U 19 17. cow (female) (MC) g d m i a STC 215 *qwa, cross feet (MC) gou tsi tea 1917. STC *ma (fem ale sfx) 327. cross legs (MC) g o u t u i 1917. cow milk (LX) m a i n a n a 328. cross, surm ount (LX) da B u a 2548. cow milk (M C) g d n a a a STC 215 *qwa cross, surm ount (LX) d a q h u a 2548. 328. cross, surm ount (MC) d e Id 2548. cow shed (LX) s i - i u a k i t m-b(tone changes crotch o f pants (LX) te a q d 639. in compounds with "shed") 696. crotch o f pants (MC) z^e ti-qhua td p a n ts- cow shed (MC) g o % e 696. crotch 639. cow, bovine (LX) s i 316. crow (LX)/a BO 418. cow, bovine (LX) m a i 316. c ro w (MC) n d -g a black-m 418. cow, bovine (MC) g o STC 215 * q w a 316. crow (rooster) (LX) c i 2042. cowherd (MC) g d t i u m u - k x b z ( i c o w h e rd - crow (rooster) (MC) i s i at m idnight 2042. child 235. crow (rooster) (MC) t e s i 2042. cowhide rope (LX) za b i 841. crowd in (LX) c i c i 2012. cowhide rope (MC) (gd) %a pia b%e 841. crowd in (M C) i t c i th a b 2012. cradle, bassinet (LX) q h o p i 791. crowd in (MC) i t s i th a 2012. cradle, bassinet (MC) t§ h a p i a 791. crowded (LX) t c i t c i 2011. crafty (LX) q d t s h t 1573. crowded (MC) qe qe tci tha b 2011. crafty (MC) %e ue 1573. crowded (MC) r / 2 0 1 1. crafty (MC) t c a o % u a b 1573. c ry (b ird ) (LX) z a 2180. crawl (human) (LX) p a ca 2204. cry (bird) (L X )c/2180. crawl (human) (MC) i p a t h a b 2204. cry (bird) (M C) z e 2180. crawl (human) (MC) t s i q a 2204. c ry o u t (LX) B u a t a 1961. crawl (insect) (LX) p a c a 2205. cry out ( L X ) q a j a 1961. crawl (insect) (MC) t e p h a t h a b. tones odd cry out (MC) Bua 1961. 2205. cry, weep (LX) g u STC 79 *quw 2118. crawl (insect) (MC) t s i q a 2205. cry, weep (LX)za2i 18. crazy (LX) d a b o 1897. cry, weep (M C) z a 2118 . crazy (MC) fu th a b 1897. cubit (LX) I ik ii 1327. create (LX) t s h a o - d a b -s 2590. cuckoo (LX) q i p i t 424. create (MC) p i i also 'do'? 2590. cuckoo (MC) k o u p u b? 424. crev ice, c r a c k (LX) ( d a ) t c h a verb? 1022. c u c u m b e r (LX) x ^ d g k u d b 550. crev ice, c r a c k (LX) z t za verb? 1022. cucumber (MC) x u ^ 0 k u a b 550. crevice, crack (MC) M d j^ i verb? rise in s2 c u p (LX) p e t t s i b 779. fro m m issin g sy ll? 1022. c u p (LX) p e t p e t b 779. crev ice, c r a c k (M C) hadn't dz(d v e rb ? 1022. c u p (MC) t§a t s i 779. crick et (LX) t c h a t s h o 450. cupboard (LX) t s h d 728. crime, sin (LX) z u e b 978. cupboard (LX) x ° k e 728. crime, sin (MC) d z u i b 978. cupboard (MC) g u i b 728. criticize, accuse (LX) qd c i 2559. curious (LX) s e - t a p d good-like, caique? criticize, accuse (MC) t e d i 2559. 2463.1. c ro p s (LX) j a q d 510. curious (MC) C l - t c h l b 2463.1. crops (MC) t § u a n te a b 510. curved, crooked (LX) s u e 1451. cross (bridge) (LX) kd 1954. curved, crooked (LX) Bua 2437. cross (bridge) (LX) B u a 1954. curved, crooked (MC) k h u e li a STC 307 cross (bridge) (LX) ke 1954. *k o y o r STC *ku[-]m 2437. cross (bridge) (MC) (tsha) t§hue 1954. curved, crooked (MC) k h u e l i a STC 307

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 365 *koy or STC *ku[-]m 1451. dark (sky) (LX) ha mu mu 2399. custom, habit (LX) fsd 999. dark Csky) (LX) ha mu 2399. custom, habit (MC) ci kuan b 999. dark Csky) (MC) ha m o 2399. custom, habit (MC) ma %a 999. dark sugar (LX) X uah thaN b. "yellow cut (bone) (LX) zue 2100. sugar" 603. cut (bone) (LX) tshua STC 240 *tsywar d a r k s u g a r (M C) x uar; thaN b N ~ o 603. 2100. darken (LX) ha n,i 1674. cut (bone) (MC) tshua tia STC 240 *tsywar darken (LX) ha m a so 1674. 2100. darken (MC) ha no p,black 1674. c u t (ro p e) (LX) ca 1922. d a te (LX) m o n>i c f. su n 1117. cut (rope) (MC) lia ?STC 351 * le p 1922. d a te (M C) z its e u 17. cut (with scissors) (LX) fsd gloss as 'clip'? daughter (LX) tea ?STC 244 *krwiy 279. 2033. daughter (MC) t e e 2 1 9 . cut (with scissors) (MC) (fia) p e i 2033. daughter-in-law (LX) te a zd 278. cut down (tree) (LX) tshua STC 240 *tsywar daughter-in-law (M C) toe z d 278. 2099. day (CL) (LX) c i 1337. cut down (tree) (MC) tshua STC 240 day (CL) (MC) se 1337. *tsywar 2099. day (of traveling) (LX) ci 1277. cut into parts (LX) ph/a 1685. day (of traveling) (MC) s e cf. 'clear1 1277. cut into parts (MC) 1685. (§e) tshe day after tomorrow (LX) so d z i c ) 1090. cut off (meat) (LX) khu khud r e d u p 1921. day after tomorrow (MC) sou d i 1090. cut o ff (meat) (LX) ha cd 1921. day and night (CL) (LX) ja STC 203 * ry ak cut open (LX) s i tcha 2234. 1339. cut open (MC) %d qa STC 458 *ra 2234. day and night (CL) (MC) a se tvd a %a 1339. cut, slice (vegetable) (LX) tsu tsud re d u p day b e fo re yesterday (LX) z i c j 1087. (a sp ? ) STC 240 *tsywar 2255. day b e fo re yesterday (MC) d ie se 1087. cut, slice (vegetable) (LX) qhu qhua red u p daytime (LX) cua-xe bright-m 1095. 2255. d a y tim e (MC) no na 1095. cut, slice (vegetable) (MC) t§hu t§hua d e a d (LX) ca 1547. redupSTC 240 *tsywar 2255. d e a d (MC) te si ki le 1547. cut/gouge out (LX) fsou 2442. d e a f (LX) n i b o 2160. cut/gouge out (MC) lid ?STC 351 *lep 2442. d e a f (M C) bu 2160. (LX) cymbals mdN laN IdN nasal'n spreads deaf person (LX) n i - b d ear-deaf 261. /V 950. over deaf person (MC) m i no-mu 2 6 1. cymbals (MC) caeN tchi 950. deaf person (MC) no kie bu ear-deaf 261. cypress (LX) zu ma 486. death (LX) ca 202. l. cypress (MC) x o u pho 486. d e b t (LX) son dze 809. cun (3.3 c m ) (MC) tshui 1330. d e b t (M C) tu 809. dam, embankment (LX) bd b ? 40. d e c a lite r (d ry m e a s u re ) (LX) k o 1316. dam, embankment (MC) da t§ h i-si 40. decaliter (dry m easure) (MC) pu 1316. dam, embankment (MC) da t§hi-ba m -b 40. deceive (LX) (m o) id 2238. damage (v) (LX) da K e 2370. d e c e iv e (MC) ge ge 1972. damage (v) (MC) §a qa la z i 2370. December (LX) ha no Id caique 1134. dance (LX) tshd ta 2405. December (MC) ha no Id caique 1134. dance (MC) 2405. sou ta decide (LX) tcue tiN b 2089. dance (n) (MC) sou ta 9 4 1. decide (MC) sua k h f 2089. danger (LX) m o qd cf. 'fear1. STC 473 *grok deep (LX) tsh t ?STC 356 *tu-k 1424. ~ * k ro k 1009. deep (M C) n a 1424. danger (MC) c y k N thd b,s 1009. deep firy (LX) qo takes all p fx ? STC 331 danger (MC) cyn thd b,s 1009 . *kai) 2560. (LX) 1461. dark mu STC 357 *mu-k d e e p firy (LX) tsa 35 da b 2560. dark (MC) mo STC 357 *mu*k 1461. d e e p firy (MC) t§ha tha b 2560. (LX) 2399. dark (sky) m u mou d e e r (LX) Id ts i 386.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 366 d e e r (MC) d a 386. difficult (LX) b a 1563. defeated (LX) fi a d z i 2326. d iffic u lt (LX) q d 1563. defeated (LX) t a ts a 2326. d iffic u lt (M C) b a =tired. gloss? 1563. d efeated (M C) § e t i 2326. difficult (MC) ( p u ) - q a do-hard 1520. defecate (LX ) q h & c a p a 2127. dig out, scratch (LX) pha se ?STC 391 * p m k defecate (MC) d u d 2127. 2116. degree of fatness (LX)^ua ts h i 1618 . dig out, scratch (MC) p h i i § a ?STC 391 degree of fatness (LX) tsh i x u d 1618. ♦ p ru k 2116. delay (v) (LX) fi a c i 1799. dig well (LX) b u l i d STC 288 *la-y 2088. delay (v) (LX) (fia) tan g d b 2 4 3 1. dig well (MC) d%_ * d % a 2088. delay (v) (LX) fi a s i 1799. digest (LX) s i n,u ?STC p54 *zya-w. Kuki- delay (v) (MC) q a t o d 1799. Naga *su 2486. delay (v ) (M C) q a t o d 2 4 3 1. d ig e s t (MC) c a d x u ^ b 2486. d en (LX) bu 403. dike, embankment (LX) q h a t s u 39. d en (MC) % e pit 403. dike, embankment (across a ditch) (MC) Id dense (of fataic) (LX) t c i 1482. zii te tchd stone.wall-constructed 39. dense (of fabric) (MC) U a 1482. dike, embankment (along fields) (MC) d ^ i 16 deposit, check (LX) a s i 2020. 39. deposit, check (MC) i t c i t h a b 2020. d ilig e n t (LX) t a t s i te d 1585. deposit, check (MC) s u s u e 2020. dip into w ater (LX) ci 2356. descend (LX) fia Id m2?=come 2466. d ip in to w a te r (M C) t§ u a - th a b - s 2356. descend (MC) fi a t c o u 2466. d ip in to w a te r (M C) tc h u a 2356. d estin y , f a t e , fortune, luck (MC) m i su 976. d ip p e n (LX) s d 2570. destroyed (of a house) (LX) i n i e u a 1696. d ip p e n (MC) ts a e n - th a b -s 2570. destroyed (of a house) (LX) ( a ) t s h o 1696. d ip p e n (MC) s d 2570. destroyed (of a house) (MC) f i a d % u a 1696. dipper (LX) q u a l i 785. detailed (LX) a ga tchi tchi 1549. dipper (MC) q u a l a 785. d etailed (LX) a ga tcha tcha 1549. direction (LX) b i d q h u a 1035. develop (a sore) (LX) ( t a ) c i n a tu ra l direction (LX) iru 1035. developmt 2319. direction (MC) t s h u e s u 1035. develop (a sore) (LX) a t o from injury, other d iit(M C ) b e z t 5 1 . person 2319. dirty (LX) a ii,i STC #235 *s-n(y)ek 1542. develop (a sore) (MC) § e % u e ~ § e x u e 2319. dirty (LX) m a s o cf. poison 1542. develop (v.i.) (LX) t a d a d 1861. dirty (MC) t s d q b 1542. develop (v.t.) (LX) fia l u 1862. dirty (MC) l o u s d 1542. d ew (LX) m e i q a 17. disappear (LX) da 2487. d ew (LX) t s u - q a w a te r-d e w 17. d is a p p e a r (LX) ( f i a ) s i 2487. dew (LX) z i q a 17. d is a p p e a r (LX) m o 35 ?STC 425 *ma-t 2487. d ew (MC) (mia) dze qe ~ dz6qe 17. disappear (MC) t a e x u d 2487. dew (v ) (LX) u a 17. discuss (LX) z t z d 2305. dice (LX) cd 946. discuss (LX) p a i d a b 2035. dioe (MC) s e t s i 946. discuss (LX) de da 2305. die (LX) (da) ha 1846. discuss (MC) ca l y a 2305. die(L X ) ( a ) i 1846. discuss, tell (story) (MC) d i d 2035. die (LX) a ca no other pfx. STC 232 *siy discuss, tell (story) (MC) b a i t h d b ? 2035. 2363. dislocate (joint) (LX) k i i 2434. die (MC) tchi-m i-n,u-ua b(breath)-NEG-m- dislocate (joint) (LX) t s o u b ? 2434. rn 1846. dislocate (joint) (MC) § e d ^ u e 2434. die (MC) t e s * STC 232 *siy 2363. dislocate (joint) (MC) § a q h a 2434. difference (LX) m i m i d 1011. disordered, confused (LX) m i a 1496. difference (LX) q d t s h e 1011. disordered, confused (LX) p h a I d 1496. difference (M C) k i e k d 1011. disordered, confused (MC) la t a 1496. difficult (LX) m a q e i 1520. dispatch som eone (LX) m a c i m l= p e r s o n

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 367 2211. (caique?) 2392. dispatch someone. (MC) m e p h e m e §e phe = dote on (child) (LX) qa tc i 2392. CMD 2211. dote on (child) (MC) qua 2392. disposition, temperament (LX) p h i t c h i b dote on (child) (MC) ge 2392. 992. double-edged fine-tooth comb (LX) p i ts i b disposition, temperament (MC) d e b a 9 9 2 . 656. dissolve (v.i.) (LX) zd zd 2282. double-edged fine-toothed comb (MC) d ^ i t dissolve (v.i.) (LX) d a z u 2282. su i STC 466 *m-si(y) 656. dissolve (v.i.) (MC) d ^ u 2282. doubt (LX) rjan da b? 1982. dissolve (v.t.) (LX) to zu zu (zi) a ls o ta k e s doubt (MC) qan-tha-%a b-s-m 1982. d d . tone on pfx?? 2283. dove, pigeon (LX) y git bird-b/STC 495 dissolve (v.L) (MC) § e d % 6 z i 2283. * k u w 374. disturb, trouble (LX) Kua l i 178 1 . dove, pigeon (MC) ko ts i b 374. disturb, trouble (MC) s i ^ o 1781. downward (pfx) (LX) ha - 1081. disturb, trouble (MC) ta tc o u 1781. downward (pfx) (MC) ha -1081. ditch (LX) q h u a 36. dragon (LX) bu 379. ditch (MC) q h d & [qho'13] 36. dragon (MC) bd 379. ditch (MC) t s u e x o u 36. Dragon King (LX) cu do 964. ditch (large) (MC) q h u a t s u e 36. Dragon King (LX) cit p i 964. divide (grain) (LX) k o ts o 1892. Dragon King (MC) bu-ze dragon-king. divide (grain) (MC) %i %od m l? i? 1892. claque 964. d iv id e fa m ily (LX) ( k e ) k o k o 1893. dragonfly (LX) bit la 458. d iv id e fa m ily (MC) t ^ i ^ o u 1893. dragonfly (MC) tig tig m& b (but de dizzy (LX) qo (pa tsi)-sue (qd) h e a d -d iz z y aspirated) 458. 2550. draw out (LX) p h i phia c f. redup with /u/wa dizzy (MC) q e g i i 2550. 2386. d o (LX) p u 2622. draw out (LX) tchi tcha 2386. d o (MC) p i t 2622. draw out (MC) th i the 2386. do business (LX) t o c i p i t 2623. d r a w e r (LX) tshod tshou b 727. do business (MC) t e s e p i t 2623. d r a w e r (MC) tchou tchou b 727. d o n o t (+V) (LX) t s i 2640. dream (n ) (LX) m o ze STC 82 (s/r)- d o n o t (+V) (MC) t c i ( d z e ) 2640. ma((ij/k)) (revised) 1029. do one's best (LX) q u t o tc h a 1838. dream (n) (MC) m o STC 82 (s/r)-ma((o/k)) d o c to r (LX) ia t s a m y 228. (revised) 1029. doctor (MC) d z i s i m i l 228. dream (v) (LX) m b (ze) STC 82 (s/r> d o g (MC) k h u e STC 159 * k w iy 358. ma((q/k)) (revised) 2171. dog (female) (LX) k h i t m i a STC 159 *kwiy dream (v) (MC) m b STC 82 (s/r)-ma((n/k)) 360. (revised) 2171. dog (female) (MC) k h u e m i a 360. dredge up (LX) sd 2131. dog (male) (LX) k h i t c y also HH 359. dredge up (MC) lad tha b 2131. dog (male) (LX) k h i t d o 359. dredge up(M C)z£2i3i. dog (male) (MC) k h u e d ^ u 359. dregs, sediment (LX) tsa ts i b 1025. dog, hound (LX) k h i t 358. dregs, sediment (MC) ba ba 1025. donkey (LX) l y l y & b 352. dregs, sediment, trash (MC) t§a t§a b 1025. door (MC) d i d 709. dress up (LX) Kd 2606. door bolt (LX) d z i i - t s h u a door-catch (b?) 711. dress up (MC) k u i 2606. door bolt (MC) did phie tsi 711. dress up, beautify (LX) tsho tch i 1779. door bolt (MC) did phie phii 7 11. dress up, beautify (MC) td pan b 1779. door, doorframe (LX) d z i t ~ d z u 709. dried sticky rice "ba ba" (LX) qha liu 5 8 1. doorframe (MC) d i d b u 710. dried sticky rice "ba ba" (MC) ts i b a 581. dose (of medicine) (LX) f u b 1280. drill, auger (LX) r i d 854. dose (of medicine) (MC) f u b 1280. d rill, auger (MC) tsudeN ts i b 854. dote on (child) (LX) ci m i - i d h e a rt-a c h e drink (LX) tchi 1964.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 368 drink (LX) q u u 1964. dry, vt (grain) (LX) t s h o 1657. drink (LX) q o 1964. dry, warm by fire (LX) q h u a ?STC 331 *kai) drink, suck, smoke (tobacco) (MC) t h i e ~ 1971. th i e 1964. dry, warm by fire (MC) k h u e ?STC 331 d rip (LX) t s i i - p u p u water-do(?) 1811. ♦karj 1971. d rip (L X ) p u 1811. dry,bake over fire (LX) c i c a 1657. d rip (LX) z i 1811. d u c k (LX) ia t s i b 372. d rip (MC) t s u e t e 1811. d u c k (MC) i a t s i ~ ia t s i b 372. drip, drench (LX) fia q d t h d o r strain , filte r d u ll (LX) g U 1469. (difft tone) 2150. d u ll (MC) m i t s e 1469. drive (anim al) (LX) s u s u a 2264. d u s k (LX) m u x a j a l i o i . drive (anim al) (MC) (§e) t§hi t§he 2264. d u s k (MC) d e - m o - u a — h a m b u a p -d a rk en - drive (screw ) (LX) t c o u d a h 2190. ASP 1101. drive (screw ) (MC) d % u d x . u a 2190. d u s t (LX) p a p a 49. drive a nail (MC) t u 2619. d u s t (MC) m e g o 49. drive anim al (LX) ( s u ) s u a 1913. dustcloth (LX) ta q d 736. d riv e a n im a l (MC) t§ h e 1913. dustcloth (MC) t § h u e - t s i ta b le -m 736. d ro p (CAUS) (MC) h a t s h o i i z /2 0 3 7 . dustcloth (MC) t s h a d x a na pot(?>m 736. drop (of oil) (LX) z i 1300. dustcloth (MC) tshi tha-ki-pha tsi c o v e r- drop (of oil) (LX) t s i 1300. ptcl-b(towel) 736. drop (of oil) (LX) f/aATb 1300. dusty, covered with dust (LX) p h u t u ti i 1601. drop (of oil) (MC) te 1300. dusty, covered with dust (MC) xuei phu phu drop (of w ater) (LX) k a t c i 1056. b 1601. drop (of w ater) (MC) k e k e 1056. dusty, covered with dust (MC) be z i qe liu drop down (LX) t s h o STC 353 *tsyuk 1822. 1601. drop down (MC) h a t s h o i i STC 353 * ts y u k dye (v)(LX )c12271. 1822. dye (v) (MC) d e m a 2271. drop, descend, land (LX) h a s i 2036. e a c h o n e (LX) a d z i m i 1356. drop, descend, land (MC) h a t s h o i i 2036. e a c h o n e (MC) a q o m b q a 1356. d ru m (LX) b d 947. each, respective (LX) i d m b ( s d ) 1401. d ru m (MC) b u 947. each, respective (MC) k £ z i 1401. drunk (LX) ( c i ) fa x e i 2620. eagle, vulture (LX)x° cf. TP 408. drunk (MC) § e x e 2620. eagle, vulture (MC) la b x a k i STC 333 *laq d ry (LX) h& STC 268 * ra w 1476. 408. dry (MC) / STC 268 * ra w 1476. eagle, vulture (MC) la ( t x ^ a ) STC 333 *laq dry (of w eather) (LX) £ ta- 1963. 408. d ry (of w eather) (LX) q a ta -. ?STC 331 * k a q ear(L X ) n , i k £ STC 453 * g -n a 107. 1963. ear (MC) na k e STC 453 * g -n a 107. dry (of w eather) (MC) x / 1963. ear lobe (LX) n i m a 107 107.1. dry (of w eather) (MC) m u x i 1963. ear o f grain, spike (LX) ca qa 516. d ry (v .i.) (LX) fa £ 1907. ear o f grain, spike (MC) l e t i 516. dry (v.i.) (MC) x /1907. e a r w a x (LX) i \ , i - q h u 193.1. dry (v.L) (grain) (MC) § e d x i 1657. earlier generation (LX) q e c i 314 314. dry (v.t) (grain) (MC) k h a n th $ b 1657. e a rly (MC) t c i t o 1466. dry field (LX) z u field-dry 46. ea rly (MC) t s u e 1466. dry field (MC) s i i - z u e m o u n ta in -fie ld 46. e a rly (MC) t s u e 1466. dry field (MC) z u e x i field' + 'dry' 46. early (in die day) (LX) t s u a 1466. dry in sun (LX) z e 1908. early m ailing (LX) fa t s u a som e VH. 1096. dry in sun (LX) z d 2300. early, on tim e (LX) z i 1466. dry in sun (LX) fa £ z i 1908. e a rrin g (LX) n i m a m l = e a r 662. dry in sun (MC) t e % i 1908. earring (MC) na ma 662. dry in sun (MC) p h i i d x i 2300. earth, ground (LX) z u 24. dry in sun (MC) § e d x 1 1908. earth, ground, place (MC) z u e ( p e ) 24.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 369 earthen jar (LX) q h a 778. eighth (LX) tshd & Xe i 1226. e a rth e n ja r (MC) iq p h j iq ~ ig35 778. eighty (LX) tsha sd 1205. earthen wall (LX) bu zt-qha tsu m u d -w a ll. eighty (MC) tche sa 1205. 703. eighty-one (LX) tshd sd a 1206. earthen wall (LX)%a bu-qha tsu m u d -w a ll eighty-one (MC) tchi sdnaaqo 1206. 703. elbow (MC) / dze 132. earthen wall (MC) be zi-Id zu powder/dirt- elbow (inside) (LX) 1 i qu m -p u ll 132. w all 703. elbow (outside) (LX) li tso 132. earthen wall (MC) thu tchdq b. tone varies elder brother (LX) tuba 3d person 283. 703. e ld e r b ro th e r (MC) qo qd STC 255 *kuw earthquake (v) (LX) d a n a 18 io. 283. earthquake (v) (MC) m u dze 1810. elder brother (MC) m e po ?STC 205 *ryaq earthquake (v) (MC) de m o cf 'fire'? 1810. 283. earthworm (LX) zua-bu lo eaith-bug 448. elder brother (direct) (LX) a kb STC 255 earthworm (MC) be did 448. *kuw 283.1. e a st (LX) mu ni-tha-m sun-that-direction elder sister (LX) sdba 3d person 284. 1036. elder sister (MC) m e-tc 6 m2 looks like e a st (LX) mu ci-tha m sun-that-direction borrowing, but cf. Yadu e tee 'wife of elder 1036. brother'. 284. east (MC) me si-nu-si sun-emerge-LOC elder sister (direct) (LX) a tsei 284. l. 1036. elder sister (direct) (MC) a toe b? 284. i. e a s y (LX) (a) tail cf. 'good' 1521. eleven (LX) Ra tc i 1184. e a s y (LX) ia cf. 'good' 1521. eleven (M C) R a ti 1184. e a s y (MC) ( p u ) z e 1521. eleventh (LX) Ra tc i x e i 1229. e a t (LX) tchi suppletive form 1722. eliminate, wipe out (LX) s i qa tie also d ie e a t (LX) z i I ea t... STC * d za 1722. OUt, etc. 2489. e a t (MC) d z e STC * d z a 1722. elim inate, wipe out, die out (MC) te s i z i eat! (LX) tie 1722. 2489. eaves (LX) tsii-cy w a te r-? 686. eliminate, wipe out, die out (MC) te y o 2489. eaves (MC) fa r ) ia e n b 686. elongate (LX) si d z i ?STC 433 *sriq 2315. e c h o (LX) tchi sd qhua tchi 1019. elongate (MC) § e d % e ?STC 433 *srig 2315. eclipse of moon (MC) a - l a - m o m-moon-dark em bark (LX) a tse to n e pair 1839. 2549. embark (LX) Ra Rii 1839. eclipse of moon (MC) khue-Ia-dze d o g - embark (MC) dâ ka the the ~ the 1839. moon-eat 2549. embrace (LX) ta po qa 2535. e c lip s e o f su n (LX) m a n , i m e 2275. embrace (MC) m i qa ua 2535. e c lip s e o f su n (MC) khue-m e na-dze d o g - e m b ra c e (MC) ta c d z i 2535. sun-eat 2275. em broider (LX) phia 2502. e c lip s e o f su n (MC) khue-me si-dze d o g - em broider (MC) (tia tid) thio 2502. sun-eat 2275. em it (sm oke) (MC) te too 2 175. edge, side (LX) g u a ( q i ) m l=edge 1053. emit, appear (smoke) (LX) tsha 2 175. edge, side (MC) tshue tshue 1053. em peror, king (MC) m i ts i 254. eel (MC) y u a n s e e n b 434. emperor, king (MC) ze-bâ king-big 254. e g g (LX) i ta 0 - in it? 604. e m p ty (LX) s d 1427. e g g (M C ) i te 604. e m p ty (M C) qho 1427. e g g (LX) R o 1238. (CL) enclose (sheep) (LX) t c h y 1946. e g g (CL) (MC) q o 1238. enclose (sheep) (MC) k h u i 1946. e g g p la n t (LX) tche ts i b 538. e n d o f m o n th (LX) la-sua month-end 1138. eggplant (MC) tche ts i b 538. e n d o f m o n th (LX) la tsho 1138. eight (LX) tsha STC 163 *b-r-gyat 1181 . enlarge (LX) ta-ba 1672. eight (MC) t§he qd STC 163 *b-r-gyat 1181. enlarge (MC) da bâ 1672. eighteen (LX) Ra tshd 119 1 . enough (LX) z i (be) 2615. eighteen (MC) Ra t§he 1191. enough (MC) d z i (qe) 2615.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 370 enough (age) (LX) li a 1929. excavate, sc o o p (M C) d ^ i d ^ a 2436. enough (age) (LX) z t b e m,s? 1929. exchange (LX) Id I d a - t. STC 283 * la y enough (age) (LX) z t 1929. 1985. enough (age) (MC) d z t 1929. exchange (MC) l a la STC 283 *lay 1985. enough (in num ber) (LX) z t 1928. exercise patience (LX) q d tc h a tcha ~ tcha enough (in num ber) (MC) d z t 1928. 2 2 7 1 . enough (length) (LX) z t 1927. exercise patience (MC) l a i f e n b 2277. enough (length) (LX) p a 1927. exercise patience (MC) % a n th d b 2277. enough (length) (MC) d z t 1927. expand, inflate (LX) t a h o 2 2 2 1. e n te r (LX) / I d p-com e 1661. expand, inflate (LX) t a d z y 2221. e n te r ro o m (LX) k e - i - I o ro o m -p -c o m e 2072. expand, inflate (LX) t a p i 2221. enter room (MC) i t o o 2072. expand, inflate (MC) d e b % a 2221. enter room (MC) tci ko-i-nu home/room-p- expand, swell (LX) t s a q 3S- d a b-s 2574. c o m e 2072. expand, swell (MC) (te) sue sue 2574. entrust (LX) d a z i 2445. expensive (LX) p h u l u 1506. entrust (MC) H u e c i 2445. expensive (MC) p h i l i u 1506. envy (v) (LX) i x N t c h i b ? 2022. experience (LX) b d s a 989. envy, despise (MC) it su-m i-qe %a s u ~ s r. e x p e rie n c e (MC) phu b % a 989. q e 3_a ~ qa-. look-NEG-a.little 2022. explain, interpret (LX) d a d a redup? 2065. envy, despise (MC) me-qhou-za na p e rso n - explain, interpret (LX) a- 2065. despise- 2022. explain, interpret (MC) p h o k h e 2065. envy, despise (MC) qe qe qhou %a 2022. explain, interpret (MC) na qa-diu-ua w e ll- eraser, rubber (LX) t s h a ts h a b. Sichuanese: say-s 2065. tsha35 tst 928. extend (leg) (LX) t s h d t d 2014. eraser, rubber (MC) t c a o p h ] b 928. e x te n d (le g ) (LX) t s h u t s h u LL tone pattern e ra se r, ru b b e r (M C) t s h a t s i b 928. in redup 2014. estimate (LX) g i t - d a b - s 1935. extend (leg)(MC) t§ u a 2014. estimate (LX) i j a n - d a b ? -s 1935. extinguish (LX) m i a STC 374 * m it 2 1 8 2 . estimate (MC) q a n t h d b 1935. extinguish (LX) a m i a STC 374 *m it 2457. estimate, measure (LX) z o z o 2146. extinguish (LX) a p a 2457. estimate, measure (MC) z e 2146. extinguish (MC) m e STC 374 *mit 2182. euphonious (LX) tshua cj-na listen-good extinguish (MC) f i a m e STC 374 * m i t 2457. 1558. extinguish (MC) m u m i STC 374 *m it 2457. euphonious (MC) p a - § e m-clear? 1558. extinguish (CAUS) (M C) te ke b%e z i 1998. evening, night (LX) d z i t s i 1102. extinguish, exterminate (LX) m i a STC 374 evening, night (MC) g i e t s t 1102. * m it 1997. every day (LX) a c i m a q e 1355. extinguish, exterminate (LX) H e 1997. every day (LX) a ci m i 1355. extinguish, exterminate (LX) t s h i 1997. every day (MC) a s e m 6 q a phrasal 1355. extinguish, exterminate (MC) t e k e b % i b^e eveiy(thing), all (LX) a n J ( m e t ) 1402. - bea 1997. eveiy(thing), all (MC) q e n a 1402. e y e (LX) n i m a t o u ?STC 402 *myak 104. e v e ry o n e (LX) a d z e m e t 1371. e y e (M C) m u t i e STC 402 *myak 104. everyone (MC) k e n a 13 7 1. e y e (M C) m e ti e STC 402 *myak. VH 104. evil spirit, dem on (LX) b it 963. eye sand (LX) m i - q h u STC 402 *myak evil spirit, dem on (LX) d u m i a ghost-female 193.2. 963. eye sand (MC) m u - t c h i eye-feces 193.2. evil spirit, dem on (LX) n u a s a 963. eyebrow, eyelash (LX) m i - x u eye-fur 103. evil spirit, dem on (MC) d o u - m i d g h o s t- eyebrow, eyelash (MC) m d - m u e y e -fu r 103. female 963. fa c e (LX) q d 108. evil spirit, dem on (MC) i a o t c i n b ? 963. fa c e (LX) q d q h u d 108. e w e (LX) id m i a 343. fa c e (M C) q a x a 108. e w e (MC) i o u - m i a sheep-female 343. face-washing basin (LX) qa-xo la-phan tsi excavate, scoop (LX) b i t li d 2436. face-wash-bCbasin") 730.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 371 face-washing basin (MC) qa xd-%ua la-ki- father (direct) (MC) £ ia 275. l . phdn ts i face-wash-NOM-(b)basin 730. fa th e r's o ld e r b ro th e r (LX) a pd (sa) 287. fa d e (LX) fia th u ef b 2428. fa th e r's o ld e r b ro th e r (MC) m e pu indirect fa d e (LX) da za 2428. form 287. fad e (LX) fia se 2428. father's older brother (direct) (MC) a t i 287. l. fa d e (LX) (Ra) gue 2428. father’s older brother (direct) (MC) a pu fa d e (MC) pa f se (pu) b 2428. 287.1. fa d e (MC) Ra tsou 2428. father's older brother's wife (LX) a ma (sa) fade, shrivel (LX) su lie 2196. 288. fade, shrivel (MC) (Ra) lia s i 2196. father’s older brother’s wife (LX) a nd STC fak e, counterfeit (LX) m i-ia NEG-good 1500. 316 *ni(y) 288. fake, counterfeit (MC) m i gue 1500. father's older brother’s wife (MC) n a n a fall (of hair) (LX) tshd tshd 2433. indirect form 288. fall (of hair) (LX) x u X *12433- father’s older brother's wife (MC) m e nd fall (of hair) (MC) thii thui 2433. indirect form, STC 316 *ni(y) 288. fall (of hair) (MC) §e tshoii 2433. father's older brother's wife (direct) (MC) a ti fall into trap (LX) Ra se 2476. 288.1. fall in to tra p (LX) Ra gu 2476. father's sister (LX) d nd STC 271 *na-w 302. fall into trap (MC) Ra tshou 2476. father's sister (MC) m e nd 3d person STC fall over (especially person) (LX) da dzii 316 *ni(y) 302. 2351. father’s sister (MC) n d n a 3d person STC fall over (especially person) (LX) (sf) pa tcha 271 *na-w 302. 2351. father's sister (MC) n d b^a 3d person STC fall over (especially person) (MC) §e g u t 271 *na-w 302. 2351. father’s sister’s husband (LX) ku ie b 301. fall over (especially person) (MC) §e qe dzd father’s sister’s husband (MC) ku i b 301. 2351. father’s younger brother (LX) pio su b 289. fall, drop (LX) Ra tshd 2129. father’s younger brother (MC) m e pu fall, drop (MC) tshou 2129. generally indicated by numbering 'first,' etc. fall, tum ble (LX) qd tea 1826. 289. fall, tumble (LX) pa tcha 1826. father's younger brother (direct) (MC) a pu fall, tumble (MC) §e qa dzd 1826. 289.1. falsely incriminate (MC) m e p h i 2455. father's younger brother (direct) (MC) a ti falsely incriminate (self) (LX) phia 2455. ?STC 309 *d/toy 289.1. falsely incriminate (so. else) (LX) phia 2455. father's younger brother's wife (LX) a na family of people (LX) qd 1279. STC 271 *na-w 290. family of people (MC) qa 1279. father's younger brother's wife (LX) a nd fan (LX) san ts i b 792. STC 316 *ni(y) 290. fa n (MC) §an ts i b 792. father's younger brother's wife (MC) ceN fan (v) (LX) se 2302. ceN indirect form 290. fan (v) (MC) §an tha b 2302. father’s younger brother’s wife (MC) nd-b^a far, distant (LX) jd 1416. STC 271 *na-w. mother/aunt-big 290. far, distant (M O ^ i - x u a road-m 1416. father’s younger brothel's wife (direct) (MC) fart (LX) tshd 189. a t i ?STC 309 *d/toy 290.1. fart(M C ) pe 189. father-in-law (LX) p o ku 304. fa st (LX) du li 1464. father-in-law (MC) m e pu 3d person 304. fa st (MC) khue tha b 1464. father-in-law (direct) (MC) a ti 304.1. fat (of animals) (LX) tsh i 1473. father-in-law (direct) (MC) a pu 3 0 4 .1. fat (of animals) (MC) lou 1473. fathom (of) (LX) pe 1320. fat (of humans) (LX) tsh i 1472. fa th o m (o f) (LX) kha 1320. fat (of humans) (MC) lou 1472. fa tty m e a t (LX) khua pia tshi 588. fa th e r (LX) d pa STC * p w a 275. fatty m eat (LX) pia tshi khua 588. father (MC) m e id 275. fatty m eat (MC) lou k i 588.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 372 favor, kindness (LX) q u lia 983. file (n) (MC) t s h d b 855. favor, kindness (MC) q o u q u e 983. file down (LX) t s o d a b 1758. fear (MC) k o u STC 473 *grok — *krok file d o w n (M C ) t s h o b 1758. 2447. fill (eyes w ith tears) (LX) pd p d 2382. fear difficulty (LX) qd tcha tcha STC 473 fill (eyes w ith tears) (LX) t c h i t c h i 2382. *grok ~ *krok 2447. fill (eyes w ith tears) (MC) n u 2382. fear difficulty (LX) q d STC 473 *grok - fill in (barrel) (LX) t s i t s i ?STC * (d /t)y a m *krok 2447. 2289. feather (LX)yx^ 371. fill in (barrel) (MC) i t § i ?STC * (d /t)y a m fe a th e r (MC) ( i ) m u 3 7 1. 2289. February (LX) nd Id caique 1124. fill in (bottle) (LX) i t s i t s i 2290. February (M C) nd Id caique 1124. fill in (bottle) (MC) ha tsou tha m 2 ? = b 2290 . feces (LX) q h a u a 187. fill in (bottle) (MC) i s e 2290. feces (LX) t s h d 187. fill in (p it) (LX ) t s i t s i 2400. feces (MC) t c h e 187. fill in (p it) (LX ) t h i e n d a b 2400. feel (MC) m o t h a b 2185. fill in (pit) (MC) i th ia e n th a b? 2400. felt (LX) i d s y 675. fill ladle/bowl (MC) t i e z a 1718- fe lt (MC) s u t h i e 675. fill ladle/bowl (from empty) (LX) e a p u t ric e female (LX) te a 220. in (w a s e m p ty to s ta rt w /) 1718. female (adj) (MC) tee (tsu tsu) 220. fill to bursting (LX) p h a 1713. female pubic hair (LX) phi x u ?STC #171 fill to bursting (LX) q a 1713. *pwi(y) 146.1. fill to bursting (MC) § e te a 1713. fennel, anise (LX)^o c d e N b 596. fill, top off ladle/bow l (LX) 16 add rice 1718. fennel, anise (MC) x o c a N b 596. filte r (v ) (LX) ts a 2155. ferment (LX) t i 1865. filte r (v ) (M C ) t§ a 2155. ferment (MC) § e n e 1865. fin a l, la s t (L X ) d a s u a x & 1136. ferment (MC) t e 9 - 1865. fin a l, la s t (M C ) d e m i t s f 1156. fertilizer (LX) m i 877. find out (LX) a t c i 2580. fertilizer (MC) m u 877. find out (MC) he 2580. festival (LX) t e e m u 1172. fine (v.t.) (LX) p h e 1870. festival (LX) n a m u 1172. fine (v.t.) (MC) d z u i h a z i 1870. festival (LX) t e e t c h i b 1172. fine, small (o f rice grains) (LX) d z a ??? 1489. festival (MC) t e e t c h i b 1172. fine, small (o f rice grains) (MC) d i 1489. fetus (LX) t s u z u q d 147. fin g e r (LX) l i a s o 135. fetus (MC) i d z o u 147. finger (LX) l i a c 6 tones on LX 'finger' words fe v e r (LX) q h u q h u a p. 8. 1678. not stable 135. fe w (LX) t c h a 1430. finger (M C) i n d q e 135. fe w (LX) te a 1430. finger (MC) / n d q e 135. fe w (MC) p i t c h § 1430. finger ring (LX ) l y c y VH 664. field (LX) z u 44. finger ring (LX) l y s u e 664. field (MC) z u e 44. finger ring (MC) i s e 664. fifteen (LX) h a m e 1188. finger-length (LX ) H 1325. fifteen (MC) h a tja 1188. finger-width (MC) 1 1325. fifth (LX) m e &■ % e i 1223. finish, com plete (LX) d a i 2440. fifty (LX) m e s a 1199. finish, com plete (LX) d a i 2441. fifty (MC) m a s a 1199. finish, com plete (MC) m i q a u a = u se u p ? fifty-one (LX) m e s a a 1200. 2440. fifty-one (MC) m a sa na a qo 1200. finish, com plete (MC) te c o ( q e ) 2441. fight (LX) re re 1769. finish, com plete (MC) cd 2440. fight (MC) t § h i t § h i 1769. finish, com plete (MC) te§aqo244i. figure (v) (LX) s u s u a redup. b? 2369. finish, com plete (MC) t i 00 z i 2441. figure (v) (MC) s t i s u a - 2347 2369. fire (LX) m u STC 290 *mey 20. file (n) (LX) tsho35 (tst) b 855. fire (MC) m 6 STC 290 *mey 20.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 373 fire gun (LX) q h d 1766. flag (CL) (LX) t s h e 1301. fire gun (MC) t § h o u l e 1766. f la t (LX) khue (ta ba) 1437. fire shovel (sm all) (MC) c i - p i a iron-m 858. f la t (LX) p i a q o ?STC 340 *pe-r 1434. fire tongs (LX) ca - t e iron-pinch. also fla t (LX) b a l i STC 138 * p leg ?STC 212 'tweezers' 787. ♦lyap 1437. fire tongs (MC) d - t e ~ c i t e iron-pinch 787. fla t (M C) p i a p i a ?STC 340 *pe-r 1434. firecrackers (LX) x ° p u o t s i b 957. fla t (M C) y i 1437. firecrackers (MC) p h o tc h a 957. f la t (M C) phii) tha (si) b 1437. firefly, glowworm (MC) tc a e n k h & 453. fla t fie ld (MC) p i a ta field -t- m. caique from fireplace (LX) m u g u a k i 693. ping ba tsi? 46. fireplace, firepit (MC) m i i b o 693. fla tla n d s (MC) d a t § h i s i 42. firewood (LX) ci 744. fla tte n ( v j .) (LX) h a p i a q o 1676. firewood (MC) n o s e 744. flatten (v.i.) (MC) h a p i a p i a 1676. firewood knife (LX) ( c i ) c a t e 893. flatten (v.t) (LX) ha pia qo z i 1677. firewood knife (MC) d o k o 893. flatten (v.t.) (MC) te pie pia z i 1677. firm, secure (LX) g u 1494. fle a (LX) t s o n i b ? xJUMP? 439 . firm, secure (MC) g u i 1494. fle a (M C) t s o u n a b ? 439. first (LX) a&x£ one-CL-NOM 1219. fle e (LX) d a p h o STC 140 *ploij 2385. first (LX) q e i tone? < 2syll? 2625. fle e (MC) d e p h u STC 140 *ploi) 2385. first (LX) ta q e i 1219. flesh (MC) m e t s h e 159. first (MC) d e d e q e i 1219. flint, stone for fire (LX) tsha m u tsi 746. first (adv) (MC) d e 2625. flint, stone for fire (MC) l o - p § i stone-white first of m onth (LX) t c i red 1118. 746. first of m onth (MC) t i t i u 1118. flint, stone/steel for fire (LX) t s h a m i a 746. first-rate (LX) d a x e i 1555. float (LX) q a ta 2225. fish (LX) rra 432. flo a t (M C) J la 2225. fish (MC) t s u e - d z e water-fish 432. flock (of goats) (LX) q h u a 1273. fish (CL) (LX) za 1234. flock (of goats) (LX) b o 1273. fish (CL) (LX) a - 1234. flock (of goats) (MC) phe 1273. fish (CL) (MC) d % i 1234. flood (LX) p a c a 2573.

fish (v.t) (LX) K u e 1825. flood (LX) s a b a a ~ 1 2573. fish (v.t.) (MC) l e 1825. flood (MC) § e b % a 2573. fishnet (LX) K a z d 913. flour (LX) fed 16 582. fishy smelling (LX) s u b? ?STC 405 *suq flour (MC) l e - b e - l i u wheat-pwdr-m 582. 1533. flour m ill (LX) z u a u - t c i v-house 694. fishy smelling (LX) c y b. ?STC 405 *suq f lo u r m ill (m o f a n g ) (MC) d z d l o - t c i 1533. millstone-house 694. fishy smelling (MC) q e t s o 1533. f lo w (LX) s u STC 241 *sywar 2151. fishy smelling (MC) ( d e ) s i 1533. f lo w (M C) § e t c o 2151. fishy smelling (MC) q e § e 1533. flo w (M C) t s u e - n i i water-flow ?STC 210 fishy smelling (MC) b it t§ 6 1533. *lw i(y) 2151. fis t (LX) q u n u 142. flower (LX) p a t s u STC 260 *bu ~ *pu 472. fis t (MC) q u n & 142. flow er (MC) tia tia 472. fist + thumb (a square measure) (LX) a ts h a n flower (CL) (LX) tc h a 1264. 1326. flower (CL) (MC) t§ u a 1264. fist -i- thum b (a square measure) (LX) a t s h u flower (CL) (MC) t u 1264. ~ a t s h o u 1326. fluff, tease (cotton) (LX) th a n d a b 2380. fitting (LX)^d s t b 1578. fluff, tease (cotton) (MC) t§ h a 2380. fitting (MC) x d § i b 1578. flush, rinse (LX) q d t o 1726. fiv e (LX) K u e STC 78 *l/b-qa 1178. flush, rinse (MC) g u i 1726. fiv e (MC) K u a q o STC 78 *l/b-qa 1178. flush, rinse (MC) t § h u £ 1726. fla g (LX) t c h i t c h i b 958. flustered, confused (LX) x u H X & & b . a s p fla g (MC) t c h i t s i b 958. on 4? 1612.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 374 flustered, confused (M C) qe qe yuan tea fo r h o w lo n g (MC) na tie 1394. 1612. forbid (LX) tcha 2077. flustered, confused (M C) qe zi-mi-ija forbid (LX) qd cy 2077. reason-not-have 1612. forbid (MC) m i-p u -zi NEG-do-CAUS 2077. flute (MC) r/rs#b95l. force, compel (LX) tc h d 1662. flute, vertical flute, Qiang flute (LX) pd le force, compel (MC) kii tcu 1662. 951. forehead (LX) deu ku 102. flute, vertical flute, Qiang flute (LX) t i ts i b forehead (MC) da p d 102. 951. forenoon (LX) za m ia q e i 1098. flutter (LX) la da b? 2226. forest (LX) p h u -q u d tree-forest 57. flutter (MC) (ma ta) z t ze 2226. forest (MC) p h d -q u a tree-forest 57. fly (n) (LX) bu n i s2?=black 442. forget (LX) da mil 2444. fly (n) (MC) tshan iij tsi b 442. fo rg et (MC) de m u 2444. fly (v )(L X)dald 1891. forgive (MC) (de) ^an tha p,b,s 2123. fly (v)(M C)ze 1891. fork, pitchfork (MC) ia tj t§ha b 871. flying stone (LX) tso lo STC 8 8 *r-lurj 4 7 . fortunate (LX) i-na life-good 1589. fo a m (LX) pa m o b 54. fo rtu n e, lu c k (LX) y n tch j b 977. fo a m (MC) tsue-phad tsi water-b 54. fo rtu n e, lu c k (MC) y N tc h i b 977 . fo g (LX) da m y s o m e tim e s [d a m 51] 18 . forty (LX) z i sa 1197. fo g (MC) da m d 18. forty (MC) z i sa 1197. fold umbrella (LX) z i tso 2336. forty-one (LX) z i sa a 1198. fold umbrella (LX) fia qua 2336. forty-one (MC) z is a w a a q o 1198. fold umbrella (MC) qua cf. close 2336. foul-tasting (LX) m i ia 'not good' 1554. folkdance (MC) taN p&~soti m -ju m p 942. foul-tasting (MC) m i ze 1554. folkdance (MC) taN pa -z o m -ju m p 942. foul-tasting (MC) dze q a 1554. folkdance (?) (LX) la sa-(tsho ta) so n g -d a n c e foundation (LX) la k a ~ la k a 687. 942. foundation (LX) la ku 687. folkdance (?) (LX) d a n c e - tsho ta-za mil foundation (MC) ti t c i b 687. speech 942. foundation (MC) tci (t§hu) ba 687. follow (LX) 1931. de four (LX) z i ?STC 410 *b^liy 1177. follow (MC) m e tsh i-n u behind-exist 1931. four (MC) z i q o ?STC 410 *b-liy 1177. follow (MC) behind-exist 1931. m e tsht~zi fourteen (LX) fia z i 1187. follow! (MC) 1931. I de fourteen (MC) fia z i 1187. fond of good food (LX) 1700. dzue Gy fourth (LX) z i a- x e i 1222. fond of good food (LX) ka ts i 1700. fo x (LX) qh a g u a 402. fond of good food (MC) 1700. ke mia fox (MC) q h d gua- 402. fontanel (LX) brain-jum p 102. l. qa (na)-tsho fragile, crisp (LX) k o ts h u 1493. fontanel (MC) qe na-tie brain-heait 102. l. fragile, crisp (MC) ts h u e i b 1493. food steamer (LX) b 761. tsan ts i fragrant (LX) y d 1522. fo o d ste a m e r (MC) ku a N ku a N 761. fragrant (MC) y o u 1522. foodstuff (LX) ja qa 5 11. frame (LX) k u (mi) 873. fo o d s tu ff (LX) g u 5 11. frame (MC) tea t s i b 873. foodstuff (MC) za STC 6 6 *dza 511. free a n im a ls (LX) da c i 1879. fo o l (LX) tsue m il 264. free anim als (MC) d e le 1879. fo o l (MC) 264. me tsua freeze (ground) (LX) th d 1835. foot (LX)gd 129. ?STC *g-la, ?*k-rarj freeze (ground) (MC) t§ h u 1835. fo o t (MC) gou ?STC *g-la, ?*k-rarj 129. freeze (hands) (LX) th d 1834. foothills (LX) iso tsd 26. freeze (hands) (LX) td 1834. foothills (MC) KUO d- 26. freeze (hands) (MC) to u also for boiled footprint (LX) pa tGhua foot-step.on(?) 1032. water, etc 1834. footprint (MC) go m i m i 1032. freeze (m e a t) (LX) th d 1833. f o r h o w lo n g (LX) w h ic h -tim e na ga-tua freeze, ice up (LX) td 2063. 1394. freeze, ice up (LX) th d 2063.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 375 freeze, ice u p (MC) tsue pa-de-t§hu ice-p - 1561. v erb 2063. funny, am using (LX) xua da - %ua da b ? fresh (LX) tch i STC #71 *dz(y)im 1545. 1978. fresh (MC) ciNciN b? 1545. fu n n y , a m u s in g (LX) qa tsh t 1978. fresh and juicy (LX) pha ti ti 1607. fu n n y , a m u s in g (MC) tch? tha b ? 1978. fresh and juicy (MC) tsue pu q 6 Iiii 1607. fur, h a ir (LX) x u 332. fresh and juicy (MC) tsue pu qe l i 1607. fu r, h a ir (M C) mu 332. freshwater clam (MC) p x q 3S-kh& b-m STC future (LX)fa bei 1151. 311 *kroy 462. future (MC) te pe qa 1151. friend (LX) i zu - y zu rounding harmony? gall (LX) t s t STC 412 *(m -)kri-t 183. 258. gall (MC) tc i STC 412 *(m-)kri-t 183. friend (MC) / d z d u 258. gamble (MC) tcin tse-qa money-v 1843. frighten (LX) q d q u a ?redup 2475. gap, interval (LX) so 1021. frighten (MC) qou low-rising tone w/ pfx gap, interval (MC) fog fog b 1021. 2475. gap, interval (MC) %a pu hole, hollow 1021. frog (LX) zo-pia m-crawl (or STC *s-bal?) garden (LX) tsa-kii m-field 720. 430. garden (MC) ts t qd 720. fro g (MC) dzo-pia m-crawl (or STC p41 *u- garlic (LX) Jta 541. p(h)rok 'toad'? STC *s-bal?) 430. garlic (MC) ke fu 541. fro m A to B (LX) A le i B a p a id ?is last syll g a s p (LX) (dzy) d z f 1752. a verb? 2641. g a s p (M C) tchi xa b ,m . ?STC *haq 1752. from A to B (MC) A i B de phe ki g a sp (M C) tchi die b ,m 1752. A,ffom,B.to 2641. gate, front door (LX) dzu-ba d o o r-b ig fro m ego, clockwise (pfx) (LX) da - 1076. (caique?) 713. front of Chinese jacket (LX) phu-sua clothes- gate, front door (MC) dio-bâ d o o r-b ig tail. u~o 627. (caique?) 713. front of Chinese jacket (LX) phu que u ~ o gather together (LX) a tu 2085. 627. gather together (LX) hu hit 2085. fro n t o f Chinese jacket (MC) c a d tcin b 627. gather together (LX) zu zd 2085. front side (LX) ku la qha 1059. gather together (MC) te dzue 2085. front side (LX) i d z i s f 1059. gather, coil (MC) §e ts i dâ z t 2162. front side, in front, ahead (MC) de qe 1059. gathered, assembled (LX) zd zd n .b. to n e frost (LX) pia thd 16. pattern, also no vowel change in redup frost (MC) p e i - t h o u m-cold 16. 2007. frost (v) (LX) qa tei 2470. gathered, assembled (MC) d e h u e 2007. frost (v) (LX) s i ca 2470. gathered, coiled (MC) ts i dâ 2162. frost (v) (LX) da s i 2470. general directed motion (pfx) (MC) de -1076. frost (v) (MC) le 2470. generation (CL) (LX) p e i b 1344. fruit (LX) ci m i STC 57 *sey 474. generation (CL) (LX) c i 1344. fruit (MC) se m u STC 57 *sey 4 74. generation (CL) (MC) p e i b ? 1344. fry (pancake) (MC) pia 2560. gentle, kind (LX) rue 1575. fu ll (LX) sua 1426. gentle, kind (MC) y d tchi b 1575. full (LX) ta sua 2167. g e t fire w o o d (LX) ci-hu wood-get 1775. full (MC) sue 2167. get firewood (LX) tu tua 1775. full (MC) sue 1426. get fire w o o d (MC) se tshua s2=cut w o o d fu ll o f fo o d (LX) ta x e i cf. "good" 1652. 1775. full of food (MC) x e ~ ta x& 1652. get scared (LX) re tsho 2079 . full of, brimming with (LX) ta sua 1723. g et s c a re d (LX) a qd te tsho 2079. full of, brimming with (LX) ha phu 1723. get scared (LX) da qd 2079. funeral (LX) le i (pu) 682. get scared (MC) a tshue te sou 2079. funny (LX) sezalo 1561. get scared (MC) te gou 2079. fu n n y (L X)zdlos 6 1561. g et w a te r (LX) tsu-tshi water-pick.up 1773. funny (MC) m e-dâ-zt person-laugh-CAUS get water (MC) tsue z t k i 1773.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 376 get, acquire (LX) a t s e 2193. go (M C) d a 2263. get, acquire (MC) d e t e e 2193. g o (M C) k i t 01 2263. get, obtain (LX) a t s i 1808. go against, violate (LX) d a t s h a 2446. get, obtain (MC) t e t i a 1808. go against, violate (MC) t e t s h e 2446. ghost (LX) d i i 962. go against, violate (MC) tou tu (pu) 2446. ghost (MC) d u 962. go and return (MC) s u 2274. gift (LX )qac^ 997. go back, walk backwards (LX) fia t h u i b g ift (LX) 01 z e 997. 2263. ginger (MC) k o g x u a 542. go out (LX) s i k b outward-go 1734. g iv e (LX) Z t 1926. go out (M C) § e k e 1734. g iv e (LX) ( d a ) z t 2056. go to market (LX) k b 1912. g iv e (MC) d a 1926. go to market (MC) x a s d k e (c i) final ? = agr g iv e (MC) z i 1926. 1912. g iv e (MC) to d t6 2056. g o to w a r (LX) q u q u a 1768. give as present (LX) ( d a ) z i 2557. go to war (MC) d ^ u e q u a 1768. give as present (MC) d e z i 2557. go to war (MC) d ^ u e q u a 1768. give birth (LX) t s e 2320. go upstairs (LX) tb k b 2307. give birth (LX) / cf. 996, 1875 2320. go upstairs (LX) tb q e 2307. give birth (MC) z i 2320. go upstairs (MC) t e ta 2307. give birth (animal) (LX) f i a z u best one 2467. goat (LX) t c h a STC 339 *kye-l, or PLB *V- give birth (animal) (LX) d a t s e 2467. cit (TSR 27) 344. give birth (animal) (LX) d a i 2467. goat (MC) t s h e STC 339 *kye-I 344. give birth (animal) (M C) § e b u STC *brai) god (LX) a b u t c h ] 961. 2467. god (MC) a p a - s e grandfather-god. STC give change (LX) p u d a b ? 2579. *(m-)hla 961. give change (LX) s i p u l = 'do' 2579. gold (LX) q d 59. give change (MC) m u m i a 2579. gold (M C) q a 59. give change (MC) I s l a STC 283 *lay 2579. gong (LX) y a 949. give change (MC) m u l i a ?STC 283 *lay gong (M C) l o l o 949. 2579. gOOd(LX)/a 1504. give change (MC) t§ a o t h a b,s 2579. good (LX)xei 1504. give change (MC) q a p u 2579. good(LX)na 1504. give orders (LX) f i a d a 2473. good (M C) § e 1504. give/receive injection (L X )^fe q h d 1774. good (M C) n a 1504. give/receive injection (LX) (% £ ) t e 1774. good luck (LX) q u 980. give/receive injection (LX) t s t 1774. good luck (MC) f e t c h i b? 980. give/receive injection (M C) x $ d ia 1774. goose (LX) KO b? 373. given name (MC) m e m i STC 83 *r-miq goose (M C) u o b 373. 1002. government official (LX) q d b a 255. glass (LX) p o l l b 733. government official (MC) toioii log khou b? glass (MC) p o l i ~ p o n i b 733. 255. glittering (LX) c u a - z i z i b rig h t-m 1598. gown (long) (LX) p h o t h a 631. glittering (LX) oua-qua qua bright-m 1598. gown (long) (MC) p h i i - d z e clothes-long 631. glittering (MC) cya-cyd-tsi bright-bright-m gown (short) (LX) p h o n d 6 3 1. 1598. grab, seize (MC) u t s i 2599. g lu e (LX) m a ts a 930. grab, seize (item) (LX) z i t s u a grab 2599. g lu e (MC) tG a N t s i b how diff from 859? grab, seize (person) (LX) a t s e arrest 2599. 930. grace, favor (LX) q h d b d 984. g lu e (MC) p a m a 930. g ra d e , rank (LX) K u d Kwa = Tielp (vt.)' 1012. glue (MC) tcdo b 859. grain measure (1 dl) (LX) k u tu 796. g n a w (LX) Ka ca 2115. grain measure (1 dl) (MC) p u t o u g n a w (MC) K e K a 2115. sl?=bamboo 796. g o (LX) k b 2263. grain mill (MC) d z d lo-qd millstone-place

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 377 694. grunt (pig) (MC) z e 2049. grain, kernel (LX) g it b ? 518. g u a r d , d e f e n d (LX) z i 2338. grain, kernel (MC) t§hi m e gou 518. guard, defend (LX) z i 1878. grain, kernel (MC) t § h i g o u 518. guard, defend (LX) tsa 2338. grain-spreading rake (MC) p h a b ? 862. guard, defend (MC) d % u 2338. g ra m (LX) ts ti 1295. guard,defend (MC) d ^ u 1878. granddaughter (LX) z i ts u 282. guess (LX) ts h a i-d a tv s 1683. granddaughter (MC) ze tsu (toe) 282. guess (MC) ts h e 1683. grandfather (LX) a ] 273. guess accurately (LX) to p a 1684. g ra n d fa th e r (MC) m e p a 273. guess accurately (MC) § e ts h e 1684. grandfather (direct) (MC) a p a 273. l . guest (LX) m o d z i 270. g ra n d m o th e r (LX) i l e 274. guest (MC) te p h i 270. grandmother (MC) m e d a 274. g u m s (LX) s u k a 171. grandm other (direct) (MC) a da 274. l. g u m s (LX) s it k u 171. grandson (LX) z i ts u 2 8 1. g u m s (LX) s u k e STC 437 *s-wa 171. grandson (MC) z e ts u 2 8 1 . g u m s (LX) s u k a p u 171. grant reward (LX) (td ) z t 2306. gum s (M C) s h -n d tooth(?)-red. STC 437 *s- grant reward (MC) d e z i 2306. wa 171. grape (LX) tso p e i q o ta 502. g u n (LX ) ca-dzit iron-m 898. grape (MC) p h u th fr - p h u th a b 502. g u n (M C) t§ h o u 898. grasp (pen) (LX) ts e 2452. gunnysack (LX) s o q o 869. grasp (pen) (MC) p ie z o p a m l=b 2452. gunnysack (MC) tsh a q a 869. grass (LX) x a q a 562. g u n p o w d e r (LX) so k d ? = medicine 909. grass (MC) s i 562. g u n p o w d e r (LX) m u d z i 909. grassland (MC) x o it- b a m -b 43. g u n p o w d e r (MC) x o i d b 909. grassland (MC) s t - u £ s i g ra s s- hackey-sack (LX) te e n 35 t s i b . 944. l . place.for.growing 43. h a il (LX) p e i - g u snow-kemel 15. grassland (MC) si-phiq phtq grass-bCflat') hail (n) (MC) m ^ i - ^ i rain-dry 15. 43. hail (n) (MC) b u -p § i difft speaker, m- g ra s sy p la in (LX) xa qa ba to 43. white(?) 15. g ra y (LX) phu (ty ty) 1459. hail (v) (LX) q o tie 2472. g ra y (LX) xue i-phy phy b -? 1459. hail (v) (MC) §e te d p ,v 2472. greedy (LX) c i m i - z i heart-? 2378. h a ir o f h e a d (LX) q o to 100. greedy (MC) tie - b ^ a heart-big 2378. hair o f head (MC) q e to u 100. green (LX) p e i 1456. h a lf (LX ) tc h a 1289. green (MC) x u e 1456. h a lf (M C) d z u a 1289. green and glossy (LX) t \ A X 9 X ? 1602. h a lf (M C) a -la -a -d ie one-whole-one-part green and glossy (LX) p e i x ? X ? sh w a c a n 1289. be voiced 1602. half catty (LX) tsu e -zd 5-liang 1311. green and glossy (MC) x u& X u& tsi 1602. half catty (MC) m a - d ^ o u 5-Uang 1311. grind (Ch med.) (LX)M en ( M b 2 5 12. half-new half-old (LX) tchi tcha ba tchd 1616. grind (Ch med.) (LX) tu a 2512. h a lte r (LX) tsd-tsou-sa n,i horse-m-string grind (Chinese med.) (M C) s u 2512. 827. groan, humph (LX) t s i z i 1970. h a lte r (M C) % pu M b% e 827. groan, humph (MC) t§ h o n x u a 1970. h a lte r, b rid le (LX) tsb-lbq thou horse-b 826. grove (MC) q u a -s e forest-firewood 57. halter, bridle (MC) ^oii-due-Ioi] tsi h o r s e - grow up (LX) to ba 2572. mouth-b 826. grow up (M C) tie b ^ a 2572. hammer (LX) tu a liu STC 3 1 7 *tow. 2d sy ll grow up (LX) to i6 2572. refers to shape. 851. grow, grow up (LX) id 2 3 17. hammer (LX) tshuei tshue i b 851. grow, grow up (LX) c i 2317. hammer (M C) tu a lid STC 3 1 7 *tow. cf. Tiit grow, grow up (MC) te x u e 2317. with object' 851. grunt (pig) (LX) z a 2049. ham m er (MC) t§huei t§huei b 851.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 378 Han Chinese (LX) e e i 204. hasten, urge (LX) m i a 1756. Han Chinese (MC) d z i 204. h a ste n , u rg e (MC) te k a n d z i 1756. hand (MC) i p d ?STC 355 *(m-)yuq. but h at (LX) ta bd (xa)644. LX has 1-. STC 418 *pwa 133. h a t (MC) t a b d 644. hand span (LX) k h a ?STC 165 * tw a 1324. hatch, brood (LX) i d 1899. hand span (MC) k h a — k h a ?STC 165 * tw a hatch, brood (MC) n e 1899. 1324. h ate (LX) q h d 1969. handful (of rice) (LX) t s u a b? Mandarin zhua h ate (MC) q h o u 1969. 'seize'. 1255. have (benefit) (LX) i j d 2544. handful (of rice) (MC) t § u a b ? 1255. h a v e (b e n e fit) (MC) q d 2544. handkerchief (LX) p h a t s t b 668. have (something in bowl) (LX) Ua 2541. handkerchief (MC) (§ou) pha tsi b 668. have (something in bowl) (MC) le 2541. handle (of knife) (LX) i 765. have (something in m ilk) (LX) lia 2542. handle (of knife) (M C) k u i 765. have (something in m ilk) (MC) q d 2542. handle (of mug) (LX) / 766. have (something in m ilk) (MC) le 2542. handle (of mug) (M C) k o u 766. have (use) (LX) u e 2545. handle (of mug) (MC) k u i 766. have (use) (LX) q o 2545. hang (MC) ti e m i a 1824. have (use) (MC) q d 2545. hang (on wall) (LX) m i e 1942. have (wealth) (LX) t s e 2537. hang (on wall) (LX) t c h i Ia ?STC 242 have (wealth) (MC) q d 2537. *dzywal 1942. have a dry throat (LX) q d feu ?STC 331 * k a q hang (on wall) (MC) t i e m i d 1942. 1909. hang down (LX) ku6 1824. have a dry throat (MC) §e zu i ~~ §e zui 1909. hang down (LX) rch/ la ?STC 242 *dzywal have bitter taste in m outh (LX) d d q h a 1869. 1824. have bitter taste in m outh (MC) q h a " b itte r” hang down (MC) t c h i la ?STC 242 *dzywal 1869. 1824. h a v e c a u g h t (LX) a t s i 2610. hang down, fall (LX) fia tch i la ?STC 242 h a v e c a u g h t (MC) u t s i 2610. * d zy w al, STC *g/k-la 2474. have caught (MC) u t§ u a 2610. hang down, fall (MC) a t c h e la ?STC 242 have diarrhea (LX) ca p d = "urinate" 2495. * d zy w al, STC *g/k-la 2474. h av e d ia rrh e a (MC) t§ h e t i 2495. h a p p e n , o c c u r (LX) d a s i i860. have dim eyesight (LX) m i t s h d m l= e y e h a p p e n , o c c u r (LX) fi a I d i860. 1975. h a p p e n , o c c u r (MC) § e t h e i860. have dim eyesight (LX) m i d a b? 1975. happy (LX) d - n a h e a rt-g o o d 1588. have dim eyesight (LX) m i s u e 1975. happy (MC) t i e n a h e a it-g o o d 1588. have dim eyesight (MC) m u qe-da m o e y e - h ard (LX) q d c a 1484. cloud 1975. h ard (MC) k o u te a 1484. have dim eyesight (MC) m u ti-§e-xua-tha hard snot (LX) t i - q h u 193.4. eye-p-b-s 1975. hardworking (LX) t c h i t c h a 1582. h a v e fe v e r (LX) q h u q h u d 1866. hardworking (MC) t c h i q k h u e 1582. h a v e fe v e r (MC) th d t h o u - h o t ' 1866. harmonious (LX) t u e 1576. have frost (MC) pei thou-qd fro st-e x ist 2470. harmonious (MC) x d m o b 1576. have given (LX) ( d a ) z t g e s a 2057. harmonious (MC) n d n a 1576. h a v e g iv e n (MC) d e d d G a 2057. harness (v) (LX) a t s u 2390. have given (MC) i tco te (ca) 2057. harness (v) (MC) i t h a o t h a b ? 2390. have not (+V-ed) (LX) m i 2639. harvest (LX) c f q d b?,m 2333. have not (+V-ed) (LX) m o f i d 2639. harvest (MC) k u ~ k u 2333. have not (+V-ed) (MC) m i d z i 2639. harvest (v) (LX) cu b? 2333. have not (+V-ed) (MC) m i q a ? drop? 2639. hasten (LX) x u t i u 2259. have tim e off work (LX) ba i (da) ci 1886 . hasten (LX) x u x u 2259. have tim e off work (MC) d i l e 1886. hasten (LX) z a 2259. h e a d (LX) q d 99. hasten (MC) % i k a n t h a m ,b,s 2259. h e a d (LX) q d b d t s i ?is V really voiced? 99.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 379 h e a d (MC) qa b%a ts i 99. hide, conceal (v.L ) (LX ) c u 1688. head of village (MC) q e q e 230. hide, conceal (v.L) (MC) s u s u e 1688. headman (MC) q 6 q e 2 2 9 . hide, conceal (v.L) (MC) k o 1688 . hear (LX) a n d 24io. him, her (D.O.) (M C) h a z j d (no change for h e a r (LX) a n o t c i 2410. plurals) 1366.2. h e a r (MC) n d c a 2410. hinder, obstruct (LX) k u t s e 2194. heart (LX) c i m l STC 367 *s-niij 179. hinder, obstruct (LX) p h a s e 2194. heart (MC) ti e m u STC 367 *s-niq 179. hinder, obstruct (MC) d z i d z a 2194. heat (rice) (LX) d a ~ d a 2276. hire (LX) m ia c a 1939. heat (rice) (MC) d u e z i 2276. h ire (M C) m e m a 1939. heat (rice) (MC) /) ?STC 381 *lum 2276. his, her (M C) h a i k i 1366.1. heaven (MC) ma ta-m e qd heaven-yamen h it (LX) q a t i e ?STC * tS uk. ?STC 387 * tu k 971. ?STC 399 *d/t u/i p 1762. heavy (LX) z i WT ld fi-b a . STC 95 1462. h it (M C) t a d ?STC p53 * tsu k . ?STC 387 heavy (MC) d z i WT Id ii-b a . STC 95 1462. * tu k 1762. heavy (of color) (LX) r i i - r i i = black 1478. h it ta ig e t (LX) d a u a 1767. heavy (of color) (MC) n i g t d 1478. h it ta ig e t (M C) d e u e p ,v 1767. heavy (of color) (MC) k e 1478. hit with object (MC) t u a te a cf. hammer'. hedgehog (LX) t c h i - p i a thom-pig 395. ?STC 387 * tu k 1623. hedgehog (MC) tsi t§u tsi b 395. h o e (LX) t c u a 866. h eel (LX) g o q a 129. l. h o e (M C) k u a 866. h eel (LX) p a tc h a 129.1. hoe (v) (LX) h a d d a b ? 1 739. h eel (LX) p a q a tc h d 129.1. hoe (v) (MC) k u a 1739. h eel (MC) g o u m u s a 129. l . hold (a urinating child) (LX) c i 1633. height (LX) b e b o lo w -h ig h 1620. hold (a urinating child) (MC) b i e - t s i u rin e - height (LX) b o b e h ig h -lo w 1620. hold/suppoit 1633. height (MC) b % u b e h ig h -lo w 1620. hold (in arms) (LX) t a t d ta to = braid(vt.) h ell (MC) i n t c i n q a b ? 972. 1653. h ell (MC) s t pu b%a 912. hold (in arm s) (MC) t o u 1653. helmet (MC) d ^ u e ta b d m -h a t 905. hold closely (LX) to 2156. help by the arm (LX) ( t e ) t h e 1697. hold closely (MC) t a l 2156. help by the arm (LX) ( a ) t s e 1697. h o ld c lo s e ly (MC) h a t o u 2156. help by the arm (LX) a k u 1697. hold in m outh (LX) t c h f 1959. help by the arm (MC) ii tsi ~ u tsi 1697. hold in m outh (LX) z e cf. 'chew' 1820. help, assist (LX) m a 1642. hold in m outh (LX) z i 1820 . help, assist (MC) t e m a 1642. hold in m outh (LX) q d STC 491 * g am 1820 . h e m p (LX) s d 529. hold in m outh (MC) due did m i ue h e m p (MC) s a p h i e 529. mistranslated as blabber(not know word?) h e n (LX) y m i a 367. 1820. h e n (MC) i m ia 367. hold in m outh (MC) q o u 1959. henceforth (LX) ta b e i 1154. hold in m outh (MC) z e 1820. her-/him self (LX) i d i 1375. hold m eeting (LX) p u 2098. her-/him self (MC) h a i y / l e 1375. hold m eeting (MC) m e t s o 2098. h e re (LX) tc a - ts h a th is-p la c e 1380. hold with both hands (LX) q u e 2219 . h e re (MC) t c i q a 1380. hold with both hands (MC) p h d q t h d b 2219. h e re (MC) te a le 1380. h o le (LX) z a p u ?STC 169 * d w a:q . ?STC h e ro (LX) tchi tchd m u 257. 345 * p o p 29. hibernate (LX) s u 1836. h o le (M C) z j e p u ?STC 345 * p o p 29. hiccup (MC) q e p d ~ q e p u 1786. holiday (LX) ma dzd (m u) 1173. hiccup, belch (LX) q a p u t s h e ? 1786. h o llo w (LX ) z a p u 30. hide self (LX) ( a ) p i a STC 46 *pwak 1854. hollow (MC) % e p u 30. hide self (MC) k u o 1854. h o m e (LX) k S 80. hide, conceal (v.t.) (LX) a lia 1688. h o m e (LX) q d 80.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 380 h o m e (MC) t c i 80. horse shoe (MC) tg h a n t s i b? 832. hometown (LX) t e e k u 81 . horse's mane (LX) k o k a x & horse-POSS(?)- hometown (MC) d l e z i s i ,2 = 'w e' 81. body.hair 339. honest (LX) l a d s i b 1572. horse's m ane (MC) t s o q k d e N m a o b 339. honest (MC) l a d § f b 1572. host (LX) te e la p u 269. honest (MC) t i 1572. h o s t (M C) t c i l e p u 269. honestly, conscientiously (LX) i tso m i tso h o t (LX) d a of food 1514. 1610. h o t (LX) k h u k h u d u~ua in redup, as in honestly, conscientiously (MC) p e n f e n b M ianchi 1514. 1610. h o t (LX) l e ?STC 381 *lum 1514. honestly, conscientiously (MC) t e f t i t s i h o t (MC) k h u f k h u e 1514. 1610. h o t (MC) t h a t h o u c f. 'c o ld ' 1514. honey (LX) b u - t s h t bug-sweet 464. h o t(M C ) d u e 1514. honey (LX) b u t s h t 605. hot (spicy) (LX) la t c i 1529. honey (MC) b e i 605. hot (spicy) (LX) t c i 2128. honeybee (LX) b u - i u b u g -b e e STC 492 * y aq hot (spicy) (MC) ze 2128. = *(s-)breq 455. hot, o f soup, e.g. (tem p) (LX) ( m d ) t h d fire -b honeybee (MC) b i i - z o u b u g -b e e STC 492 2128. *yaq = *(s-)breq 455. hound (MC) x d - k h u e hunt-dog 362. honeycomb (completed) (LX) x^an l a 606. hour (CL) (LX) t i x N b 1335. honeycomb (not yet completed) (LX) I s q h u a house (LX) k .6 683. 606. house (LX) t e e k u STC 53 * k im 683. h o o f (LX) t s u k a 330. house (LX) k e k e 683. h o o f (MC) t h i k h a - b 330. house (MC) t c i ~ t c i q o 683. h o o k (MC) k o u k o u b 917. h o w (LX) n a g a 1395. hook (v.t.) (LX) Kue 1930. h o w (MC) n a k i ( l e ) 1395. hook (v.L) (LX) k u 1930. how many? (< 10) (LX) na o 1397. hook (vt) (MC) Kua 1930. h o w m a n y ? (<10) (M C) n d q o ( l e ) 1397. hoop, band (LX) k u 784. how much (> 10) (LX) n a n d 1396. hoop, band (MC) i q u a 784. how much (> 10) (MC) n a w o ( l e ) 1396. hoop, band (MC) k h u k h u b? (strange tone) howl (wolf) (LX) z a 2053. 784. howl (wolf) (MC) z e 2053. h o p e (LX) b a l o 1004. howl, roar (lion) (LX) q d ja also "speak" h o p e (MC) b e d z d u 1004. 2053. hope (v) (LX) c i & 2464. h u a n g n i u bull (LX)zi3i7. hope (v) (MC) be dzou (^a) m3?=s 2464. h u a n g n i u bull (MC) z i n a k i 317. horizontal (LX) t i 1447. h u a n g n i u bull (MC) z i - ( b ^ a ) bull-big 3 17. horizontal (MC) x u a n t c i b ? 1447. h u a n g n i u cow (LX) s i m i a 318. h o m (LX) j a k a ?STC 85 *ruq, ?bone *nis h u a n g n i u cow (MC) qo-mia-na-ki c o w - 329. female-red-NOM 318. (MC) k e hom ?STC 85 *ruq, ?bone *rus Hui nationality (LX) u e t s i b ? 207. 329. Hui nationality (MC) x u i x u i b 207. horse (LX) k o STC 145 *m-raq 335. h u l u gourd (MC) f u l u b 551. horse (MC) ^ o u STC 145 *m-raq 335. hum a tune (MC) q e [qge] 1704. horse fodder (LX) k o z u 6 17. hunchback (LX) t s o q h u a 263. horse fodder (LX) Koti 617. hunchback (MC) thd pei-tsi b-s 263. horse fodder (MC) ^ ou s t 617. hundred (one) (LX) a t s h a i STC 164 * r-g y a horse shed (LX) KO-iua k u - Ko-iua k u 1209. horse-b 698. hundred (one) (MC) a t § h i STC 164 * r-g y a horse shed (MC) % o u z j e 698. 1209. horse shed (MC) £ ou-khuei-ba h o r s e - v - m hundred million (LX) Kua Kua 1218 . 698. hundred thousand (LX) fia d z o - K u d ten- horse shoe (LX) k og d t c h u a 832. ten.thousand 1215.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 381 hundred thousand (MC) fia diii-ua te n - in c e n s e (LX) x d t i 7 5 1. ten.thousand. tone changein m l. 12 IS. in c e n s e (L X ) x o t i 974. hung (passive) (LX) fia H u e 1943. incense (MC) x o u t e s2~tei 974. hung (passive) (MC) §ae n u a 1943. in c lu d e (LX) li a 1646. hungry (LX) ( d a ) s u p d 1858. include (MC) fia qa le que 1646. hungry (MC) s i i 1858. in c o rre c t (LX) ( d a ) t s h a 1498. h u n t (LX) q h d 1765. in c o rre c t (MC) k e t s h o u 1498. hunt (MC) c y x ° 1765- in d e x fin g er (LX) l i d c d V H ? 137. hunt down (MC) (su) sou tha mountain-b-s inexpensive (LX) ( p h u ) t c h a sl=price 1507. 2365. infect, be contagious (LX) ( a ) t d 1746. hunt down, track (LX) m u li a 2365. infect, be contagious (MC) ( m e ) £i t h d b ? hunter (LX) k h u - c i - m y dog-fang-AGT 243. 1746. hunter (MC) c y x d - m u hunt-AGT 243. inhale (LX) k u 2456. hunter (MC) k h u e - x d - m u dog-hunt-AGT in h a le (MC) t h e 2456. 243. inhale (MC) t h i e 2456. h u rrie d (LX) x d H X ° & h? 1566. injure (LX) a q u 2304. h u rrie d (LX) x ° & b ? 1566. injure (LX) a t s u 2304. h u rrie d (MC) n o k o u 1566. injure (MC) q e 2304. husband (LX) z d t c i 306. injure (MC) § £ l i a 2304. husband (MC) b e l i u 306. ink (liquid) (LX) m e s u e i b 926. husk rice (LX) t u d 1727. ink (liquid) (MC) m e ( t § e ) 926. husk rice (MC) (t§hi)xua la 1727. ink box (LX) x o t s i b 927. I (nominative) (M C) q a STC 285 *qay 1359. ink box (LX) xd xd ~ m e xd xd b 927. I, me (LX) q a STC *ka 1359. in k stic k (LX) t s u 'water' 925. ic e (LX) t s u p c i 19. ink stick (LX) m e b 925. ice (MC) t s u e p a 19. in k stic k (MC) m e b 925. idea, opinion (LX) ha l o 985. inlay (v) (LX) p/a 2248. idea, opinion (MC) b e d b ^ o u 985. inlay (v) (LX) n a 2248. id le (LX) s o 1536. inlay (v) (MC) c a s N p i e 2248. idle (LX) d a s o 2124. insane person (LX) h o m u 265. idle (MC) de 2124. insane person (MC) f u t h a b 265. id le (MC) d ^ i m i q a 2124. inside (of room ) (LX) k u k u 1050. immediately (LX) a c i l e 2624. inside (of room ) (MC) q d q d 1050. im m ed iately (M C) m i § a N b 2624. inside (of thing) (LX) k u l i 1050.l. in (the sky) (LX) (m u to) xei 1069. inside (of thing) (MC) t i e - q a heart-m 1050. l. in (the sky) (MC) l i a x & 1069. inside, upstream (MC) i p i a 1050. in (the sky) (MC) q e t e 1069. in sta ll, e re ct (LX) U a 1626. in (the sky) (MC) m e ta 1069. install, erect (MC) / t s o 1626. in a great rush (LX) x d ta 1987. in sta ll, erect (M C) t e k u i 1626. in a great rush (MC) x u a n te a b 1987. instep (MC) g o u p a t i e foot-LOC?-heart 129. in a mess (LX) pho st pho la m l: 1609. instigate (LX) t h i a o p o - p u b-'do' 2404. in a mess (MC) luan tchi pa tsao b 1609. in stig a te (MC) qua te & z i 2404. in back (LX) s u a q a m l=tail end 1048. intelligent (LX) qd tchi (tcha) 1568. in b a c k (MC) m e t s h t cf. follow, after, etc in tellig e n t (MC) t s e x d 1568. 1048. intentioned (LX) a t d n a 1936. in d is o rd e r (LX) p h u 7i 2161. intentioned (MC) n i p a n d 1936. in d is o rd e r (M C) l o ta 2161. interest, usury (LX) l u p h u cf. 'price' 806. in fro n t (LX) q e / 1047. intestines (LX) p u 184. in front (MC) d e q e 1047. intestines (MC) q d l o 184. in the past, form erly (LX) d a q e i 1147. in tim a te , a ffe c tio n a te (LX) ia 1593. in the past, form erly (MC) q 6 i s i s i 1147. in tim a te , a ffe c tio n a te (LX) t u e i 1593. in the past, form erly (MC) q a i q d s tra n g e intimate, affectionate (MC) n d n a 1593. tone pattern 1147. into, in front of, upstream (pfx) (LX) i -

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 382 1078. jo k e (LX) z a - z a m u laugh-speech 935. into, upstream (pfx) (MC) i - 1078. jo k e (LX) d z a - z a m i smile/laugh-speech 935. iron (LX) ca ( m o ) STC 228 *syam. second jo k e (LX) zi-lo-za m i laugh-come-speech sy llab le from PTB fin al 63. 935. iron (MC) ci STC 228 * sy a m 63. jo k e (MC) m k - d ^ a - z t person-Iaugh-CAUS iron (MC) ci STC 228 * sy am 63. 935. iron pot, wok (LX) c a md-tsha p ii iron-pot jo k e (MC) d z j a t h i la u g h -m 935. 756. July (LX) cr la caique 1129. iron pot, wok (M C) m a - ta First syllable July (MC) n a la c a iq u e 1129. reputedly "heavens" (from shape of bottom) jum p (LX) t s h o ( t a ) b? 2406. 756. jum p (MC) s o i 2406. irrigate (LX) s u 1950. June (LX) t s i la caique 1128. irrigate (LX) lit 1950. June (MC) t§ d u l a caique 1128. irrigate (LX) tsa 1950. just opened eyes (LX) m i mi-ta-phai e y e s- irrigate (MC) t s u e l e 1950. pfx-V 104.1. irritatingly slow (LX) a t c h a tc h a 1597. kala-azar patient (LX) d u k u m l 962. irritatingly slow (MC) a qha qha tst 1597. keep secret (MC) qa-na zei-tchi d ii NEG- is closed (m outh) (LX) t c h y 1664. other.person-tell 1650. is closed (m outh) (LX) q u 1664. kerchief, neck scarf (MC) y a n t c i n b 645. is closed (m outh) (MC) R a p i a 1664. kernel o f grain (CL) (LX) R o 1244. itch, tickle (LX) z e z e ?STC 465 *m-sak kernel o f grain (CL) (MC) q d 1244. 2515. k e y (LX) d z u u a 820. itch, tickle (MC) d z i d z a ?STC 465 *m-sak k e y (MC) § u a - z t lock-child 820. 2515. k ic k (LX) t s h u - t s h i t i 2393. itch, tickle (MC) rra 2515. k ic k (MC) t§ h u 2393. jab, poke (LX) t s t 1753. k id (LX) tcha m u tsi 349. jab, poke (LX) t c i 1753. k id (MC) tshe-pi-tsi goat-m-small 349. jab, poke (MC) t s h o u 1753. kidney (LX) p i l u 181. ja c k a l (LX)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 384 lay bricks, stones (MC) Id z u -t§ h u legging, puttee (MC) d i o q d i STC pi 10 *(r- stone.wall-construct 2239. )tul 650. lay egg (LX) fia t s h t 2468. lend (LX) d a n ' i STC 190 *r-qya 2070. lay egg (MC) t§ h t 2468. lend (MC) d e q e STC 190 *r-qya also takes layer (in a stack) (LX) t s h e 1291. §E 2070. layer (of clothing) (LX) Ia 1291. length (LX) t h i - n a long-short 1617. layer (of clothing) (LX) p e 1291. length (LX) q a - t h i short-long 1617. layer, storey (MC) ts h a n b 1291. leopard, panther (LX) ci STC 61 *zik 383. layer, storey (m ultiple) (LX) s a 1291. leopard, panther (MC) s i STC 61 *zik 383. layer, storey (one) (LX) t s h t 1291. letter, mail, news (LX) p h u 919. la z y (LX) q e i 1583. letter, mail, news (MC) p § e 9 19. la z y (M C) k e 1583. letters (CL) (LX) f d N b 1303. lead (cow) (LX) s t 2246. letters (CL) (MC) f u b? 1303. lead (cow ) (LX) ta 2246. I i (half kilometer) (MC) l u 1319. lead (cow) (MC) ta 2246. lick (LX ) n a t i also ne STC 211 *m/s-lyak lead the way (LX) ta 1794. 2401. le a d th e w a y (LX) s o 1794. lick (M C) w e t i STC 211 *m/s-lyak 2401. le a d th e w a y (LX) s d 2533. lid, cover (LX) t a - q o m-verb. STC 479 lead the way (LX) t i 2533. *klup 759. lead the way (MC) ^ i ta 2533. lid, cover (M C) ts h a q u STC 479 *klup 759. le a d th e w a y (MC) t i 1794. lid, cover (of cup) (MC) q a q u STC 479 le a f (LX) ts h d Id STC 321 * la p 471. *klup 759. le a f (LX) q a m a 471. lie (n.) (LX) i z i cf. 'speech'. 1018. le a f (M C) (pho) ca qe c f. TP 4 7 1. lie (n.) (M C) z e % a 1018. le a f (CL) (LX) p h i a b 1263. lie down (LX) (fia)-wi235l. le a f (CL) (LX) ts h e 1263. lie down (M C) n e 2357. le a f (CL) (LX) m a 1263. lie face down (LX) ( ia ) q u 2203. le a f (CL) (MC) p h i e b 1263. lie face down (MC) p ia m i a 2203. leak (rain) (LX) z i 2157. lie face down (MC) / p a t h # p,b,s 2203. leak (rain) (MC) z u e 2157. life (LX ) d z u m i l 995. lean m eat (LX) t s h i b d 589. life (LX ) t s t 200. lean m eat (MC) tshai tshai 589. life (LX) m a w i 'thread' 995. lean on (LX) c d 2109. life (M C) s o u b? 200. lean on (LX) Jtu 2109. life (M C) c e g u ?look up meaning of parts lean on (LX) t i 2595. 995. lean on (LX) ts h u ~ ts h u d i b ? 2595. lifespan (LX) s d 201. lean on (MC) ts h u tie 2595. lifespan (M C) s o u d z e e — e 201. lean on (MC) k h o 2109. lifetime (CL) (LX) c i 1343. leaning (MC) q e ts h u e 1443. lifetime (CL) (MC) c i 1343. leaning, crooked (LX) q h u i 1443. light (in color) (LX) t c h i 1479. leap m onth (LX) t e e I d 1135. light a f ir e (LX) p h u STC 220 *pwai^-*bwar leather clothing (MC) % a p i i - p h u sk in - (or is this just 'blow'?) 2309. clothes 632. light a f ir e (LX) c ii 2309. le a th e r ja c k e t (LX) j a p i i - p h o skin-clothes light a fir e (MC) m u p h u STC 220 632. *pwar~-*bwar 2309. leather jacket (Qiang vest) (MC) zji pii-pha light, brightness (MC) m e c a me - m e 3. d ^ a skin-vest 647. light, brightness (MC) c y i 3. left (hand) (LX) // z i t f u i z t ~ za (vh?) 1045. light, brightness (MC) m u c a 3. left (hand) (MC) g u i 1045. light, buoyant (LX) d z d u a u a STC 328 *r- leftward (MC) gue fia d qhua ~ g u e fia c a ya*rj 1606. q h u a gue~ gui 1045. light, buoyant (LX) d z d x u i X u ^ STC 328 legging, puttee (LX) z u d e i STC pi 10 *(r- *r-ya-i) 1606. )tul 650. light, buoyant (MC) tchiq phiad phiad b

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 385 1606. live coal (LX) m o q h d 745. light, buoyant (MC) z d z u t s i m l=light 1606. live coal (MC) m u k e 745. lightning (n.) (LX) q d t i e 10. liver (LX) c i J d STC 234 *m-sin 180. lightning (n.) (MC) cy q e 10. liver (MC) s e STC 234 *m-sin (cf. tree, lightning (v) (LX) t s h i 1790. w o o d ) 180. lightning (v) (MC) c y q e c y a 1790. livestock (LX) khu-pia - khu-pia dog-pig lightning (v.) (MC) c y q 6 c y a 10. 315. lightweight (LX) d z o STC 328 *r-ya-rj 1463. lizard (LX) k o ij d z t b? 429. lightweight (MC) z o u STC 328 *r-ya-i) 1463. lizard (MC) kou gou-tsu m-small 429. like (MC) m a f e a ) ?STC *67 *m-dza 2463. loan (n) (LX) t c h d 805. like (to do something) (LX) m a ?STC *67 lock (LX) tshua tshua 819. *m-dza 1625. lock (MC) § u a b? 819. like (to do something) (MC) ( d z i ) m d lock (door) (LX) h a - s u a p-b. cf. 2354 2372. m 1 = ea t. ?STC *67 *m-dza 1625. lock (door) (M C) § u a b? 2372. like that (LX) t h d z d 1389. lock door (LX) q u a 2354. like that (MC) h a m e 1389. lock door (LX) s u a 2354. like this, so (LX) t s d z o ( b u ) 1382. lock door (MC) d i o - q u a door-m 2354. like this, so (MC) te a m e 1382. lock door (MC) dio-phie thd door-m 2354. limbs (LX) z i - d u a four-limb/leg 98. lock door (MC) d i o - g e § u a door-p-lock 2354. limbs (MC) z i - z a four-m 98. locust (LX) b u t e a 456. limbs (MC) goii-nd-i pa fo o t-a n d -h a n d 98. locust, praying mantis (MC) b d l o "bug" 456. limestone (LX)xa-hei mud-powder 74. lo n g (LX) t h d 1413. limestone (MC) § i y u i b 74. lo n g (M C ) d ^ e 1413. limit, end (LX) d z i t o d zi— dzi 1057. long (of tim e) (LX) th d 1414. limit, end (MC) d ^ i l o 1057. long (of time) (MC) d % e 1414. line up (LX) d a n d ts d ?STC 346 *ren 2210. long m onth (MC) Id b z j i c a iq u e 2636. line up (LX) d a z i z i redup or caus? 2210. longwinded (LX) p h i d a b? 1586. line up (MC) § is K a ?STC 346 *ren 2210. longwinded (MC) due-did-m i-ui-m ii mouth- lip (LX) d z u a - k h m o u th -m ill. door-NEG-have-m 1586. lip (MC) d u e - ^ a mouth-skin ill. longwinded (MC) due-dio-mia mouth-door- liquor, wine (LX) ci 607. NEG.have 1586. liquor, wine (MC) tc h a 607. look after (child) (LX) z i 1795. listen (LX) t s h o c i 2409. look after (child) (MC) s i 1795. listen (MC) s o u n d 2409. look at (LX) tsa 2101. lite r (liq u id ) (LX) h u 1317. lode at (M C) k e t§ e 2101. lite r (liq u id ) (MC) e i b ? 1317. look at (CAUS) (MC) k e t§ e z t 2102. liter m easure (n.) (LX) k u t u 797. look! (MC) u k e t§ e 2102. liter measure (n.) (MC) c e 797. looks like (hao xiang) (MC) b u ta 2635.1. little finger (LX) l i e - t s a m-thin 140. loom (LX) s d t o u 890. little finger (LX) l i e b e 140. loose (LX) SO 1492. little finger (MC) / n d q e - b ^ i i b % i fin g e r- loose (LX) c i open sth (? ) 1492. little 140. loose (MC) (de) s6q th§ b m 1 =pfx 1492. little plate (LX) t i 6 t s i b 773. loose (MC) ( d e ) t h o u 1492. little plate (MC) % a i t c o - b a b(hot.pepper)- loose, loosen (clothes) (LX) k o 1492. d is h 773. lose heait (LX) c i t s h d STC 367 *s-nirj 1988. liv e (LX) z i g o 2003. lose heait (MC) x u e i c i n b 1988. liv e (LX) q d g o m l?=pfx. 2003. lose item (LX) d z u a 1830. liv e (LX) s i 1 2003. lose item (MC) §e lo u 1830. liv e (LX) q d z t 2003. lose something. (LX) d a h o 2325. liv e (MC) y d t h a b 2003. lose something. (LX) d a t s d t s d 2325. live (a life) (LX) n u 1845. lose something. (MC) § e l o u 2325. live (a life) (MC) a - c i - p a o n e - lose, be defeated (LX) h a d z i 1638. life/generation-m 1845. lose, be defeated (LX) t d t s d VH 1638.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 386 lose, b e defeated (M C) § e t i 1638. m ake noise (MC) z a 2477. louse (LX) t s i STC 439 Irik 440. m ake noise (MC) z u 2477. louse (MC) t § i STC 439 srik 440. m ake ride (horse) (LX) t d ts a z t 2241. love (MC) m a ?STC *67 *m-dza 1624. m a k e s ta n d u p (LX) t d i z t 2243. love (for older generation) (LX) ci 1624. m a k e sta n d u p (LX) t o u z t 2243. love, like (LX) ta p d 1624. m ake use of (LX) p o 2331. low (LX) b a 1409. m ake use of (MC) i d 2331. low (LX) b e 1409. make way for someone (LX) p h i d 2273. low (MC) b e 1409. m ake way for someone (LX) z d 2273. lo w e r (h e a d ) (LX) n u takes i, fia 1812. make way for someone (MC) (m e) %dq tha b lo w e r (h e a d ) (MC) f i a n o 1812. 2273. lower half of body (LX) d u a 1083. m ale (adj) (LX) t c i 219. lower half of body (LX) q a t o 1083. m a le (a d j) (MC) t s i 219. lower half of body (MC) ci p e i q a t a 1083. m ale pubic hair (LX) l i a x u STC 262 *li lower seat (not honored) (LX) j a I i 1064. 144.1. lower seat (not honored) (MC) l e 1064. m an (m ale person) (LX) b i e p h a STC * -p a lu c k y d a y (LX) m o n i - x e i m -g o o d 1173. (m asc. sfx.) 215. lucky day (LX) m o n i - n a m-good 1173. m an (m ale person) (MC) b e l i u 2 15. lucky day (MC) z t t s e sp 1173. m anage (household) (LX) q u a ta 1948. lunch (LX) z a m i a 577. m anage (household) (MC) q u th a 1948. lunch (MC) n d t c h p 577. m anger (LX) n d t s h o u 833. lung (LX) t s h u STC 239 *tsywap 178. m anger (MC) m a t s h a d b 833. lu n g (MC) t s h o u STC 239 *tsywap 178. m anure (LX) m i 333. lu re (LX) t c h e 2532. m anure (MC) t c h i 333. lu re (MC) k a i ta b ? 2532. m a n y (LX) d z d 1429. mu (measure of land) (LX) m o u N b 1334. m a n y (LX ) m i t s a ?STC * m ra 1399. mu (measure of land) (M C ) x u e i 1334. m a n y (M C) d i d 1429. m a g g o t (LX) b u 16 443. m a n y (M C) m i p e t c h e 1399. m a g g o t (MC) b d l o "bug" 443. M arch (LX) t s h d I d c a iq u e 1125. m agic (MC) g a m u l a N te a 977. l. M arch (MC) s e i I d c a iq u e , ei ~ i 1125. m agpie (LX) ca ca 4 17. m a re (LX) n d m i a 338. magpie (MC) te a te a A i 7. m a re (M C) % o u m i a 338. mail letter (LX) (pho) n i ta 2021. mark, sign (MC) p i a t c i 994. m ail letter (LX) p h u - t a letter-V 2021. mark, sign, trace, spot, stain (LX) m a t c i b mail letter (MC) p § e t a DO + V 2021. 9 9 4 . m a k e a n a lo g y (LX) p i d a b 1780. mark, trace (MC) p i a t c i 1024. m ake blend (LX) to tc i qa z i 2000. m a rk , tra c e (MC) m i m i 1024. make crooked (LX) da qhd (zi) 2200. m a rk , tr a c e (MC) i N c a g b 1024. make crooked (LX) da phid (zi) 2200. m a rk e t (LX) q d c i 78. make crooked (MC) te phidn tha z i m arket (MC) pan napo st-~ pan la pd st p,b,s,CAUS 2 2 0 0 . influence from Chinese phon. 78. make crooked (MC) (te) qe tshue z i 2200. m arrow (LX) c y 166. make drop (LX) h a s i z t 2037. m a rry (LX) c i p u 2064. make extinguish (LX) d a n e z t 1998. m a n y (M C) §t tche (pu) also tch§ 2064. make extinguish (LX) a m i a z t STC 374 *mit marry (of a woman) (LX) ( h a ) c i 1732. 1998. m any (of a woman) (MC) § e l e may be used m ake friends (LX) c i 2058. o f a w o m a n o r o f h e r p a re n ts 1732. m ake friends (LX) p u 2058. marry (of a woman) (MC) § £ z o u 1732. make friends (MC) p u 2058. marry (of man) (LX) k 6 already married m a k e lo o k a t (LX) t s a t d 2102. 2262. make look at (LX) t s a z t 2102. m any (of man) (LX) ci not yet married 2262. make messy (LX) t d p h i i Id v o w e ls? 2162. m any (of man) (MC) n u e 2262. m ake noise (LX) d a s d 2477. marry (of man) (MC) d e d ^ i d ^ i 2262.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 387 marry off daughter (LX) (te a ) c i b ? 2030. between-NOM 138. marry off daughter (MC) § i z o ii 2030. m iddle of month (LX) Id tta 1137. m a n y o f f d a u g h te r CMC) fee l ( 2030. m id n ig h t (LX) dzi tst-a-xa night-one-CL masses, the people (MC) ts h u a p u 208. l. (gloss match?) 1103. m at (LX) ce tsi b 678. midnight (MC) / s e i ta C h . (d a b a n y e ) 1103. m at (MC) ce t s i b 678. m id n ig h t (MC) gie tst-b^a night-big 1103. m atch (clothes) (LX) th a o 3S d a b 2389. m ildew (v) (LX) -td - ci mildew match (clothes) (LX) s i 2389. (n.)-p-v 2177. match (clothes) (MC) phu thao tha b 2389. m ildew (v) (LX) m & - z i - z u m ild e w matches (LX) i a N % o b ("foreign fire") 749. (n.)-p-v 2177. matches (MC) i a N x d b 749. m ildew (v) (MC) a ts u e q a 2177. m atter, affair (LX) z i 986. m ilk (LX) n a n J = breast, STC 419 *nuw m atter, affair (MC) d % t b ? 986. 161. m a tte r, a ffa ir (CL) (LX) z i 1269. m ilk (MC) r i a n a = b re a s t, STC 419 * n u w matter, affair (CL) (three or fewer) (MC) m e 161. STC 280 *mow 1269. m ilk (v) (LX) ci c / 2013. May (LX) H u e Id caique 1127. m ilk (v) (LX) fc/ (d a ) b 2013. May (MC) K ua Id caique 1127. m ilk (v) (MC) t§a b ? 2 0 13. m e (D.O.) (MC) a d 1359.2. m ille t (LX) ts h e i 527. m e (oblique) (MC) a also for 1359. m ille t (MC) m i 527. m e a l (CL) (LX) tu a 1347. m illio n (LX) a tsbei-tfua hundred- m e a l (CL) (MC) t u i 1347. ten.thousand. tonal variation. 1216. m easles (LX) y c / 156. m illio n (MC) a t§ h i- u a tone change in m l. m e a sle s (MC) fu tsi-tsou m -v 156. 1216. measles scar (MC) i s e 156. m ills to n e (LX) z u a o 888. meat (LX) p i a - t s h i pig-flesh STC 181 *sya millstone (MC) d z o Id 888. 'meat' 584. m illstone (MC) t§ h i 888. m eat(M C ) p i a - t s h i p ig -fle s h STC 181 * sy a mince, chop (MC) ts h o u tia ?STC 240 'meat' 584. *tsywar 1856. medicine (LX) s t k a 613. m in e (MC) co 58. medicine (MC) y e b ? 613. m in e (MC) k h u a ij b 58. m e e t, ru n in to (LX) ts o p a 2546. m inor (LX) m d ts a i 732. meet, run into (MC) t t t a t 2546. m inor (MC) t c i q t s i b 732. meet, welcome (LX) ( a ) d i 2530. m ischievous (LX) q d ts h o 2387. meet, welcome (MC) d i tone change — i di mischievous (LX) (mu) qd tsht m l= p e r s o n 2530. 2387. melon, squash (LX) p a t k u a b 547. mischievous (MC) th a o tc h i b 2387. melon, squash (MC) p a i k u a b 547. m issing,short (LX) tc h a 1693. menstruate (LX) m a s o I d m-blood-come m issing,short (MC) d e k h i ~ d i k h i 1693. 146.2. m istake (LX) d i ts h a 1007. menstruate (LX) p h i sa I d vulva-blood-come m istake (MC) k i ts h o u 1007. 146.2. m ix up (mortar) (LX) ts h e 2006. merit, be worth (LX) p h u q u a 2591. m ix up (mortar) (LX) tea q a 2006. merit, be worth (LX) p h u Id 2591. m ix up (mortar) (LX) t s i q a 2006. merit, be worth (MC) n u 2591. mix up (mortar) (MC) x ° lie b 2006. m e s s y (CAUS) (MC) ti Id ta z i 2162. m ix w ith w a te r (LX) tch S ' 2009. Mianchi (village) (MC) x ^ - s u . m ix w ith w a te r (MC) tsa 2009. m iao (cat) (LX) ij u STC 261 *u (but some m ix, blend (LX) fc/ q a 1999. forms have velar component) 2044. mix, blend (LX) te a q a 1999. m iao (cat) (MC) z e 2044. m ix, blend (MC) fa? x ° p,b,s 1999. m iddle finger (LX) lie -s e m-beautiful. tone mixed with water (LX) t c h f 2010. on 1 varies 138. mixed with water (LX) q u e 2010. middle finger (MC) i nd qi-go ti-(ki) fin g er- m ixed with water (MC) d i l i 2010.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 388 m oist (MC) % ue 1477. 276.1. m oist (MC) te te 1477. m other’s brother (LX) a k u STC 255 * k u w moist, humid (LX) p h a (sii) 1477. 297. m oisten (LX) d a p a ( z t ) 2201. m other’s brother (MC) m e k u STC 255 m oisten (LX) fia ti (zt) STC 55 *ti(y) 2201. * k u w 297. m oisten (MC) fia te te z i 2201. m other's brother (direct) (MC) a k u STC 255 m oisten, soak (MC) fia te te 2420. *kuw 297.1. m ole, wart (LX) t s i b 153. m other's brother's wife (LX) a n d 298. m ole, wart (MC) t § t b (dictionary says mole, m other's brother’s wife (MC) tc o u m a - b 298. Ch. d ia le c t sa y s w a rt) 153. m other’s sister (LX) a n a 300. m oney (LX) d z i g i i older form 799. m other's sister (MC) n a b ^ a 300. m oney (LX) sd n d z e 799. m other’s sister (MC) n d n a 300. m oney (MC) tcin-tsei b-m 799. m other's sister (MC) m e n d STC 271 *na-w m oney (MC) ts e n tse/b? 799. 300. Mongolian gazelle (LX) tso-io horse-sheep m other’s sister's husband (LX) k u ie b . 299. 387. m other's sister’s husband (MC) k u / b 299. Mongolian gazelle (MC) s e 387. mother-in-law (LX) p o m i 305. m o n k (LX) y o c d N b . 244. mother-in-law (MC) m e n d STC 316 * n i(y ) m o n k (MC) y o c a N b 244. 305. monkey (LX) ttu a s a ?STC 314 *woy 381. mother-in-law (MC) n d b% a 305. monkey (MC) m a s a ?STC 314 *woy 381. mother-in-law (MC) n d n d STC 271 * n a-w m onth (LX) Id 1122. 305. m onth (MC) Id 1122. mother-in-law (MC) m e n d STC 271 * n a-w m o n th (CL) (LX) a Id 1340. 305. m o n th (CL) (MC) Id 1340. mother-in-law (direct) (MC) a t i less close m o o (v ) (LX) z a =2046. 2047. term 305.1. m ould, mildew (v) (LX) 2 177. m oo (v) (LX) rjO 2047. t c f q d m oo (v) (MC) z e 2047. m ould, mildew (v) (LX) m a ja - z u D O - V 2177. moon (LX) s i c u a STC 144 *s-gla caique? 4. m ould, mildew (v) (LX) td c y 2177. moon (LX) Id c u a reported as an older form, mould, mildew (v) (LX) td sii 2177. caique? STC 144 *s-gla 4. m ould, mildew (v) (MC) a ts u e q a 2177. moon (MC) id some speakers. STC 144 *s- m ountain (LX) 25. gla 4. n o m ountain (MC) s u 25. moon (MC) Id STC 144 *s-gla 4. mountain peak (MC) s ii t i N p o 26. morning (MC) n d n a 1098. m ountain valley (LX) k 6 q h u a ?STC *klu-r) morning (after breakfast) (MC) tsua tcho-de 27. la la breakfast-after 1098. mountain valley (LX) q h u a c i ?STC *klu-q morning (early) (MC) tch a le i 1096. 27. morning (early) (MC) 1096. tc h a lu mountain valley (M C) q h u d b ^ a ?STC *klu-q m o rta r (LX) t s h t p y 883. 27. m o rta r (MC) khuei khuei odd tones. 883. mountain valley (MC) q h u e ?STC *klu-g 27. m osquito (LX) b ii b it 444. mountain valley (MC) q h u a q o ?STC * klu-q m osquito (MC) u e n t s i b 444. 27. m o s s (LX) cud- so m e tim e s c w d 569. mournful, grieved (LX) k u tc h i b ? 1592. m oss (MC) fc/rj t e i b 569. mournful, grieved (M C) k b tc h i b ? 1592. m o s s (MC) I d - g u i s to n e -ru st 569. mournful, grieved (M C) tie ts h d u 1592. m o th (LX) b d Id ts ii 454. mournful, grieved (M C) § a n c i b 1592. m o th (MC) ts h e b i b i 454. mouth (LX) q a STC 468 *m-ka 1 1 0 . m other (LX) d m a STC 487 *m a 276. mouth (LX) d z u a ?*twarj 110. m o th e r (MC) e u e m id 276. mouth (MC) d u e ?*twar) 1 1 0 . mother (direct) (M C) a n a STC *(m-)na mouth (MC) q e STC 468 *m-ka l io. 276.1. mouthful (CL) (LX) q a STC 468 *m-ka 1351. mother (direct) (M C) d m a STC 487 *ma

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 389 mouthful (CL) (MC) q a STC 468 *m-ka m utton (LX) tchd pia tshi 586. 1351. m u tto n (MC) t s h i ts h e 586. m o v e (a c h a ir) (LX) q a t a 1641. m y (MC) a k i 1359.1. m o v e (a c h a ir) (MC) (pan te) qa 1641. m yself (LX) q e i 1373. m ove (a chair) (MC) t s i 1641. m yself (MC) q a k t ^ a m e a n in g ? 1373. m o v e (h o m e ) (MC) t s i tse w ith D.O. 1640. n a il(L X ) tii) t s i b 815. move (home) (MC) q d 1640. n a il (MC) tit) t s i b 815. m ove (v.i.) (LX) m a ca 1837. nail (finger, toe) (LX) lie s i q s STC 74? * m - move (v.i.) (MC) d o it d a 1837. ts in 141. move home (LX) ts u e ts u e 1640. nail (finger, toe) (MC) / s e 141. move object (LX) m s ca 2585. nail (v) (LX) tit 1829. move object (MC) d e d a 2585. nail (v) (LX) te 1829. mow grass (LX) k o 1924. nail (v) (MC) tit 1829. mow grass (LX) c a 1924. n a m e (LX) z a m u STC 83 1001. mow grass (MC) s i k u 1924. nanny goat (LX) tc h a m ia 346. m u d (MC) t§ h u 50. n a n n y g o a t (M C) ts h e m ia 346. mud, dirt (LX) b i t 50. n a p (LX) CO 677.1. mud, diit (LX) b u z i 50. n a p e o f n e c k (M C) d ^ u a m -fo ld , muddled, confused (LX) q a -d z u a m-lose d ip l 16. 1974. narrow (LX) t c h a 1419. muddled, confused (MC) fit th u b 1974. narrow (MC) z j> 1419. muddled, confused (MC) q i e u a h e a d - narrow, cramped (LX) tc h a t s i 1421. stupid^) 1974. narrow, cramped (MC) z j b 1421. muddy, turbid (LX) tch a 1471. nauseous (LX) s a q u 1859. muddy, turbid (MC ) x u i (la ) 1471. nauseous (MC) tg b u a 2495. m u le (LX) lb t s i b 3 5 1. nauseous (MC) ti m i-(te)-îi lia h e a it-p - m u le (MC) k e t i 351. uncomfortable 1859. mule foal (MC) k e ti- ts it mule-small 351. navel (LX) p u t s i q a 123. m u ltip le s (CL) (LX) tc h d 1357. navel (MC) p e t § i t § i 123. muscle (MC) d z e may also be tendon, sinew nearby, neighboring (LX) p ia p it 1055. 162. nearby, neighboring (MC) q e z i noun? 1055. muscle, pulse (LX) d z i m a y a lso b e te n d o n , n e c k (LX) m u k a STC 251 * k e 115. sinew 162. n e c k (MC) q e m o STC 251 * k e 115. mushroom (LX) a- t s i 566. necklace (LX) m b q a m a STC 251 *ke 663. mushroom (LX) m s & STC 455 * g -m u w necklace (LX) k u l i ?STC 251 *ke 663. 566. necklace (MC) si dzou-se li spirit-thread. mushroom (MC) m e %u STC 455 *g-muw 566. charm on child's neck 663. necklace (MC) q e m o - s e H neck-thread 663. mushroom (MC) m o ts u b? ?STC 455 *g- muw 566. n e c k la c e (MC) x % ~ X & b? 663. needle (LX)ê ~ x ^ l STC 52 812. m u s k (LX) Id tc h d 390. needle (MC) x & 812. m u s k (MC) Ie go 390. N EC (LX) m i STC *ma 2637. m usk deer (LX) t s h i I s 389. NEG (+ be) (MC) m i ( q u i ) 2637. m u s k d e e r (MC) se I s 389. NEG (+ e a t) (M C) m i ( d z i ) 2638. musk deer (female) (LX) (tshi) Is mia 388. NEG (+ V) (LX) m i STC *ma 2638. musk deer (female) (MC) Ie m ia 388. neigh (v) (LX) q u STC 261 *u 2046. must, have to (MC) qjt ki-m i-que w h a t-n o t- neigh (v) (LX) z a 2046. be 1666. neiî (v) (LX) q a ta "speak" 2046. m u te (LX) (fia ) ts h e 2508. neigh (v ) (MC) z e 2046. m u te (MC) m i z e u a 2508. neighbor (MC) tci-tshe pit home-neighbor(?) m u te (MC) m i- I a N - p a NEG-speak-s 2508. 82. mute person (LX) t c h i s e m u 267. n e s t (LX) y (tsha) bit 405. mute person (MC) m i IaN ba mit 267. n e s t (MC) i ts h e bO 405.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 390 net(LX)za9i2. 2542. net (MC) dâ 912. not have (something in m ilk) (MC) m i l i neuter, sterilize (LX) t e 2303. 2542. neuter, sterilize (LX) h a t e p e 2303. n o t h a v e (u s e ) (LX) m e u e 2545. neuter, sterilize (MC) b e q e diff in meaning? not have (use) (LX) m o h o 2545. 2303. n o t h a v e (u s e ) (MC) m i q a 2545. neuter, sterilize (MC) p h i d n n i l b? 2303. not have (wealth) (LX) m i t s e 2537. n ew (LX) t c h i STC #71 * d z (y )im 1502. not have (wealth) (MC) m i q a 2537. n ew (MC) s f 1502. not have benefit (MC) m i q a 2544. New Year (LX) d z a t c h i 1171. notebook (LX) p a n t s i b 922. New Year (LX) d z a t o g a 1171. n o te b o o k (M C) p a n t s i b 922. New Year (MC) p i i - s f year-new 1171. notify (LX) m i a 2414. New Year (MC) d i a s f 1171. notify (LX) & 2414. New Year's Eve (LX) tshe sa l no. notify (MC) p § e p § e 2414. New Year's Eve (MC) d i a b % a November (LX) h a t c f I d caique 1133. celebrate.New.year-big (caique?) 1170. November (MC) h a t f Id caique 1133. niece/nephew (LX) d z i q h u a 291. n o w (LX ) p e i U49. niece/nephew (MC) d z i 291. n o w (M C) p e t i 1149. night (CL) (LX) j h STC 203 *ryak 1338 . now (adv.) (MC) t s i i t a . n ig h t (CL) (MC) ^ a STC 203 * ry a k 1338. n u m b (LX) b d b o 2165. nine (LX)gu STC 13 * d -k u w 1182. n u m b (MC) z i b ii cf. deaf 2165. nine (MC) g u q d STC 13 *d-kuw 1182. n u m b (MC) t s h u t s h u 2165. nineteen (LX) fia g u 1192. n u m b e r (LX) s u t s i b 1033. nineteen (MC) fia g in 192. n u m b e r (MC) pho 1033. ninety (LX) g d s a 1207. n u m b in g p e p p e r (LX) t s h d / 600. ninety (MC) g u s a 1207. numbing pepper (flower of prickly ash tree) ninety-one (LX) g u s a a 1208. (MC) t s h i - n d mutton(?)-red (one land tastes ninety-one (MC) gu sand a qo 1208. like m utton) 600. ninth (LX) g u & x e i 1227 - nurse (v) (LX) c f 2448. nit (LX) t s i g u ?STC 278 *row 441. nurse (v) (MC) ti e 2448. nit (MC) cbû ?STC 278 *row 441. nurse (v) (MC) q e t s h u i 2448. n o d (LX) t s h u a takes ta, fia 1814. o brother's wife (LX) p u k u 296. n o d (LX) ( t d ) zf 1814. o brother's w ife (LX) s u a t c f ?STC 205 nod (Ui.) tshu 1814. * ry aq 296. n o d (LX) ( t d ) u 1814. oath, pledge (MC) s u a d n d 979. n o d (MC) (qa bâ tsi) k o =1812 1814. o b ta in , re a p (LX) q o p u 2005. n o d o f f (LX) (m a ze) qe ta 1783. obtain, reap (MC) t i e q a p u 2005. nod off (MC) m e zi-qi tua s le e p -m 1783. obtain, reap (MC) t i c o u 2005. noisy (LX) s a 1562. occupy, take up (MC) q a t o u 2569. noisy (MC) za 1562. o c e a n (LX) c f 34. noodles (LX) q h a m i 580. ocean (LX) g o 34. noodles (MC) t § h i m e 580. ocean (MC) b d z i s i 34. n o o n (LX) z a m i a 1099. O c to b e r (LX) h a d z o Id c a iq u e 1132. n o o n (MC) n d n a 1099. O c to b e r (MC) h a d i u Id c a iq u e 1132. n o se (LX) t i b a - q d m -p o in t 106. often (LX) tshan bit ci tones? 2626. n o se (MC) n d q e p i STC * s-n a (-r) 106. often (MC) tea q a 2626. not have (something in bowl) (LX) m i lia often (M C) ts a q a 2626. 2541. o il (LX) s o f [sw o ] STC 272 sa*w 590. not have (something in bowl) (MC) m i l i o il (MC) m d 590. 2541. oil (from m eat) (LX) s i STC 272 sa-w 5 9 1. not have (something in m ilk) (LX) m i li d oil (firom m eat) (MC) m a 591. 2542. oil (vegetable) (LX) s d f 592. not have (something in m ilk) (MC) m i q a oil (vegetable) (MC) t s h i i d b ? 592.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 391 o ily (LX) j u o a b ? 1535. o p e n (e y e ) (M C) p h & 2583. old (of people) (LX) ( f ia ) p e i 1508. open (flower) (LX) ( ta ) p d STC 260 *bu ~ old (of people) (MC) ( a ) p e l (perf. asp.) * p u 2094. 1508. open (flower) (LX) d a p a STC 260 *bu - old (of person) (LX) p e l pel = bruise (n/v?) * p u 2094. 2132. open (flower) (LX) ( t a ) p d STC 260 *bu - old (of person) (MC) pei 2132. *p u 2094. old (of things) (LX) b a cf. 'big' 1503. open (flower) (MC) p e STC 260 * b u - *p u old (of things) (MC) b d 1503. 2094. old man (LX) m u p e i 213. open (mouth) (LX) t a q a STC 469 * k a 2571. old man (MC) m u - p e i person-age(v.) 213. open (mouth) (MC) q d STC 469 * k a 2571. o ld m an I m u p e i . open (of shoes) (LX) b ia 2067. old person (LX) m u b a 212. open (of shoes) (LX) b u b d 2067. old woman (LX) m p b a b a 214. open (of shoes) (MC) § e q h a l a 2067. old woman (MC) m i a - p e i female-age(v.) 214. open (umbrella) (LX) d a q a STC 469 *ka older brother's wife (MC) h u e t c i 296. 1714. older brother's wife (direct) (MC) a t c i 296. l. open (umbrella) (MC) § e d z i 1714. older siblings (LX) s a r i i 294. open (v.t.) (LX) d a q a STC 469 * k a 1788. older siblings (MC) m e t i e 294. open (v.t.) (LX) d a p h a 1788. on (the table) (LX) q a t e i 1065. open (v.L) (LX) d a g a STC 469 * k a 1788. on (the table) (MC) q e t e 1065. open (v.t.) (MC) § e d z i 1788. on (the table) (MC) lia % a 1065. open, unobstructed (LX) t h o q d a b 2413. on (the top) (LX) q a t e i 1072. open, unobstructed (MC) d e k i e q a i 2413. on (the top) (MC) (tiN pd) qe te 1072. operate (vehicle) (LX) g a 2095. on (the wall) (L X )xe/1071. operate (vehicle) (MC) t \ 6 2095. on (the w all) (MC) (76 z u ) - q a wall-on 1071. opium (LX) i a p h i e N id b 612. on top of (LX) q a t a x e i 1074. opium (MC) ia phixN iaN b 612. on top of (a building) (LX) q a t e i 1067. oppose (LX) m i e h o 1873. on top of (a building) (MC) z ^ i I e 'u n d e r1? opposite, inside out (LX) fia l i 1440. 1067. opposite, inside out (MC) to i l t u 1440. on top of (a building) (MC) ( l o u ) q e 1067. ormosia, red bean (MC) pa § a n t s i b ("m tn one (LX) a 1174. climber") 558. one (MC) a q o s2=CL 1174. orphan (LX) k e p u 313. one hundred one (LX) a t s h a i n a a n a = a n d orphan (MC) k e p u t s u 313. 1211. other (LX) t h u n u 1400. one hundred one (MC) a t§hi na a qo 1211. other (MC) q a q d 1400. one hundred+CL (MC) a t § h i q o 1209. other person (LX) m e i 87. one third (LX) tsheiqu xei a qii 3-part- other person (LX) m e i 1376. m id d le -1-part 1358. o th e r p e rso n (M C) m i e q d 87. one-eyed person (LX) m i t c u a m u = blind other person (MC) m e le 1376. person 268. otter (LX) t s u - p i d water-camivore 392. one-eyed person (MC) m u ti-a-za-m i-ue-m u otter (MC) tsue-dze-dze-m u water-fish-eat- eye-one-CL-NEG-have-person 268. AGT 392. onion (LX) d o - ( t s h o ) m -b 540. otter (MC) §uei m ad tsi b (" w a te r c a t" ) 392. onion (MC) tshoq (tsi)b 540. ought (LX)Zf t o 2534. onion (wild) (MC) k a e b% i 540. ought (MC) f i a t o u * 2534. only, alone (MC) tci to tsi tsi 1596. o u g h t to (g o ) (M C) (kie) ka i ta 1903. only, alone (MC) t s a d ts a d 1596. o u g h t to g o (LX) k a t c h e 1903. only, alone (rep phrase) (LX) z i z i t s u 1596. our (MC) a I e k i 1361.1. open (door) (LX) g a STC 469 *ka 2092. our (MC) red/e k i 1361.1. open (door) (MC) d z i 2092. ourselves (LX) q 6 l i a 1373. open (eye) (LX) t a p h 6 2583. outside (of room ) (LX) m a la 1049. open (eye) (LX) t a te a 2583. outside (of room ) (MC) irua % a 1049.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. outside (of thing) (LX) j a l i 1049. l. pair (of shoes) (LX) g u 1271. outside, downstream (MC) § e p i a 1049. pair (of shoes) (MC) t u i 1271. outside, outer face (of thing) (MC) q a % a palate (LX) q a q h i i once with HH to n e s 174. 1049.1. p alate (MC) t h i d n t h a n b 174. outward, downstream (pfx) (LX) si - 1079. pancake (LX) ts a p i d 618. outward, downstream (pfx) (MC) § e - 1079. pancake (buckwheat) (MC) t s e n p i b 618. overcast (LX) m a z i ~ m u z i VH 2396. pancake (cooked in fire) (MC) q h a l i u (c a n overcast (MC) m u d o i t 2396. add grain name in front) 618 . overly talkative (LX) lo 16 so so b 1614. p a n d a (LX) p h a td ( t e d ) 387. l. overly talkative (MC) due-dio-m i-li m o u th - p a n d a (LX ) p i a t h a 387. l. door-not-have 1614. panda (LX) tc a - d a bear-m 387. i. overtake (LX) d e 1914. panda (LX) p i a t s t i 387. i. overtake (MC) d z o u d e 1914. panda (MC) t i - p § i bear-white. 387.1. overtake (MC) t e k a n th a p,b,s 1914. pant leg (MC) ££ t i - g i i g u pants-leg 638. ow e (money) (LX) tc h a 2247. pants, trousers (LX) k h u t s i b 637. owe (money) (MC) d e k h i 2247. pants, trousers (LX) t o q 6 637. o w l ( L X ) y k h u STC pl64 *gu ~ *ku. also pants, trousers (MC) zje t i 637. #494 410. paper (LX) z i d a 923. o w l (MC) k u i t o q k h o STC p i 64 * g u - * k u paper (MC) z e d z i 923. 410. p a rro t (LX) q a q & [rjga-] 421. o x (CL) (LX) z a 1241. p a rro t (MC) q i q k & b ? 421. o x (CL) (L X )z i 1241. p a rt (LX) x u 1290. o x (CL) (MC) z a 1241. p a rt (MC) ( a ) d i e b ? 1290. p a c k ra c k (LX) t h u d 6 838. part, portion (LX)*u 1013. pad (v.t.) (LX) ts h a 1817. part, portion (MC) a - m e d i o o n e - pad (v.t.) (MC) t§ h a 1817. same.amount 1013. pad, cushion (LX) d i e n t s i b 679. part, portion (MC) a la d i e 1013. pad, cushion (MC) t§ h a k i 679. pass along (LX) ( d a ) z t Ba is pfx if request paddy rice (LX) t s h i 512. 1745. paddy rice (MC) t § h i 512. pass along (LX) d a d a 1745. page of book (CL) (LX) t s h e 1236. pass along (LX) da z t d a 1745. page of book (CL) (LX) p h i k N b 1236. pass along (MC) d e z t ~ z t 1745. page of book (CL) (MC) p h i e b 1236. pass along (MC) fia ta 1745. pain, suffering (LX) ia ts a STC * ts a 1005. pass gas (LX) q h a j a - e i feces-m 1885. pain, suffering (MC) t s a o n i b? ?STC *tsa. pass gas (LX) t s h i c i 1885. Sichuanese tsao35 na31 = 'misfortune' 1005. pass gas (MC) p e l i to n e o f m2 ch a n g e s w / paint (a painting) (MC) b i - p i t picture-do emphasis 1885. 1980. pass through (LX) d z a 2075. paint (a painting) (MC) b i k h u i a ls o = 'tak e pass through (MC) d e d a 2075. photograph' 1980. paste (v) (LX) p i d 2408. p a in t (p a in tin g ) (LX) z a 1980. paste (v) (MC) p i d 2408. paint (painting) (LX) c i STC p55 *tsiy 1980. patch (n) (LX) p a q o STC * p a 636. paint (painting) (LX) j a STC 429 * riy 1980. patch (n) (MC) p e t § h i STC * p a 636. paint (v) (LX) m u m a 2422. p a tie n t (LX) i d m y a ls o p i 252. paint (v) (LX) ci STC p55 *tsiy (cf. 'urinate') p a tie n t (MC) d z i m u 252. 2422. pay attention to (LX) q d z t 2136. paint (v) (MC) m a 2422. pay attention to (MC) fca/i § f b ? 2136. paint (vt.) (LX) ci STC p55 * tsiy 753. pay attention to (MC) it s i 2136. paint, lacquer (LX) t s u ?STC p55 * tsiy 753. p e a (MC) udn tou tsi b 556. paint, lacquer (MC) t c h i b ? 753. peaceful (LX) na good 1590. paint, lacquer, dye (MC) p a m a 753. peaceful (life) (MC) n a q d ( z i ) 1590. pair (of rabbits) (LX) toe or people 1272. peach (wild) (LX) tshud la-ci m i m-fruit 495. pair (of rabbits) (MC) t u i 1272. peach (wild) (MC) l o t s i 495.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 393 p e a c h tree (LX) thao tst-phu b-tree 478. pestle (MC) s a d e k u I d stick for peach tree (wild) (LX) ts h u a /a 478. washing/beating hem p clothes 884. p e a c h tree (w ild ) (M C) 1 6 t s i - p h o 478. pestle (stone) (LX) n o l i u 884. peanut (MC) la y u a s i 560. p h e a sa n t (LX) y - z o 413. p e a r (LX) l i t s i b 496. pheasant (LX) K o - y 413. p e a r (MC) p i a s e m u 496. p h e a sa n t (MC) n a - i wild-chicken 413. p e a r tre e (LX) l i t s t - p h u b-tree 480. pheasant (female) (LX) y m i 419. pear tree (MC) pia se m u-pho 480. pheasant (female) (MC) u a u a t c i 419. pearl (MC) t§en t§u-m a lad b(pearl> -treasure p h e a sa n t (m a le ) (LX) y c i 420. 658. pheasant (male) (MC) / q o u 420. peasant (LX) dzei-bu lu-mu m-work-AGT p h e a sa n t (m ale ) (M C) t c i n t c i b 420. 222. pheasant (small sp.) (MC) j p u - t c a te a p e a sa n t (MC) (zue)-dgt pu-mii field-do- chicken-ONOM AT.) "mountain chicken" AGT 222. 413. pebble (MC) go-bg i tsu stone-small 47. p h le g m (LX) t s h u 191. peck at (LX) t s h u a ( t a ) 2612. phlegm (MC) t s u g £ 191. peck at (MC) t s h u a t i d 2612. pianniu (female) (LX) z i m i a t is /a/ 324. peel (peanut) (LX) j a q a 1647. pianniu (male) (LX) z i d o [zdo] 323. peel (peanut) (MC) g a q a 1647. pianniu (male) (LX) z i c u pianniu is a hybrid peel off, flake off (LX) ( d a ) q a 1649. of a yak and a dom esticated cow. 323. peel off, flake o ff (MC) t c h e lia 1649. pianniu (male) (MC) p h i x 323. peel with knife (LX) cue d a b 2491. pjck up with chopsticks (LX) t e n u 6 2028. peel with knife (MC) c y e th a b 2491. pick up with chopsticks (MC) ( t e ) t § e 2028. p e n (LX) p i e b ? 924. pick up, carry (basket) (LX) t s e 2394. p e n (MC) p i e b ? 924. pick up, carry (basket) (MC) z y a 2394. p e n (CL) (LX) z t 1256. pick up, carry (basket) (MC) tra t h q 2394. p e n (CL) (LX) & 1256. pick up, carry (with tw o people) (LX) k u p e n (CL) (MC) d g i 1256. c a rrie d by 2 people 2394. p en etrate (LX) ha ti ~ (ha) ti ti 2420. pick up, collect (LX) (td) tu tud c f. 2026 2031. penetrate (MC) (ha) thou tha b? 2420. pick up, collect (MC) c i ha 2031. penis (LX) lia q a STC 262 *li 144. pickax (MC) p h a o t s h u b ? 864. penis (MC) lia q e STC 262 *li 144. pickle (LX) ixN -tshei pu tsu b(salt)-m 530. i. performance, dram a (LX) la Id cf. song 943. pickle (LX) k u - t s u a veg-acidic 530. l. performance, dram a (MC) t c h x N c i ae~e 943. p ic k le (MC) tchoii ti-a te-ki vegetable- perhaps, possibly (LX) q o t c h e 2635. pickle(v)-NOM 530. l. perhaps, possibly (MC) t a N c i b to n e s v ary pickle vegetables (LX) is e n t s h e i b 2216. 2635. pickle vegetables (MC) t e 2216. persimmon (LX) st tsi-ci m i b-fruit 500. pickle, cure (LX) n a 2 5 10. persimmon (MC) § i t s i b 500. pickle, cure (MC) g u a 2 5 10. person (LX) m u 208. pickle, cure (MC) t c h a 2 5 10. person (MC) m e 208. picture (LX) p h i d 920. p e rso n (CL) (LX) d z e 1230. picture (LX) z a 920. p e rso n (CL) (IX) a- 1230. picture (MC) b i 920. p e rso n (CL) (MC) q o 1230. piece (of land) (LX) za 1260. person with pockmarked face (LX) j a z o 262. piece (of land) (LX) n o 1260. person with pockmarked face (MC) d e l m i a piece (of land) (LX) z u e 1260. 262. piece (of land) (LX) t h o 1260. m u t i m u personal enemy (LX) 253. piece (of land) (MC) t h o 1260. tsht pu no lit pestle (LX) 884. piece (of land) (MC) l i e 1260. pestle (MC) pia tche 16 884. p ig (LX) p i a STC 43 *pwak 354. pestle (MC) pia tche lo 884. p ig (MC) p ia 354. pestle (MC) phii-yua la-ki-paN paN clo th es- pig (CL) (LX) z i 1240. wash-NOM-stick 884. p ig (CL) (IX ) z a 1240.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 394 p ig (CL) (MC) d ^ l 1240. pitiful (LX) m o t s h u e i 1587. pig shed (LX) p i a - i u a k u pig-b 697. pitiful (MC) t s a o n e b 1587. pig shed (MC) p i a z j e 697. pitiful (MC) me-tshue pu-zi person-pity- pig slop, hogwash (LX) p i e - t i pig-dinner CAUS 1587. 616. pity (M C) t s h u e - p u stuck.by.thom?-do 1587. pig slop, hogwash (MC) p i a - t e p ig -d in n e r p lace ( n ) (LX) z u q o 75. 616. p lace ( n ) (LX) z u q e i 75. pig trough (LX) p i e t s h o u b ? 843. place (n) (MC) z u e p e 75. pig trough (MC) p i a t s b p y b ? 843. place (n) (MC) tea qo ba qa 75. piglet (LX) p i a N z u (or final -n) 357. jdace in between, clamp (LX) za q a m y 2027. piglet (MC) p i a la t s u 357. place in between, clamp (MC) dza k e 2027. pigskin (LX) p ia j d 3 3 1. plain (LX) b a t d 42. pile (of manure) (LX) p i a 1257. plane (tool) (LX) t h u e i p d b ? 856. pile (of manure) (LX) b i t ?STC *s-baq 'dung' p la n e ( to o l) (MC) t h u e i p a o b ? 856. 1257. plane dow n (LX) th jr 1655. pile (of manure) (MC) b d ?STC *s-bai) plane dow n (MC) t h u e i 1655. 'dung' 1257. plank (LX) b u STC 138? *pleq 'flat', etc. 706. pile up (grass) (LX) b u 1851. plank (MC) p a n t s i b 706. pile up (grass) (LX) p i a 1851. plank (thin) (MC) b u (%_a) thin-skin(?) STC pile up (grass) (MC) ho 1851. 138? *pleq 'flat', etc. 706. pile up, fold (LX) q u e 1827. plant (sign into ground) (LX) rs/iue 1690. pile up, fold (MC) t e ~ t e STC 493 * ta p 1827. plant (sign into ground) (MC) (fia) t§hue p illa r (LX) t s u 35 t h o u b 708. 1690. pillar (MC) t s u k i s2=STC p20? 708. plant (tree) (LX) p h i a 2553. pillow (LX) n,i k u e a r + STC 482*kum 677. plant (tree) (MC) li e 2553. pillow (MC) n e k o e a r + STC 482*kum 677. plant (w heat) (LX) p h i a 2593. pincers, tongs (LX) c a t e iron-m 857. plant (w heat) (LX) s £ 2593. pincers, tongs (MC) t c h e n t s i b 857. plant (w heat) (MC) p h i a 2593. pinch (LX) z i t s u a STC 188 *tsyur 2197. plant ash (LX) m u - b e mud-powder 73. pinch (MC) ( t e ) t§ u a STC 188 *tsyur 2197. p lan t a s h (M C) t c i e - b e z i b(alkali)-powder pinch and twist (MC) d^u d^ua STC 188 73. * ts y u r 2080 . plant seedlings (LX) phia 1691. pinch, nip (LX) q u t s 6 2249. plant seedlings (MC) l i e 1691. pinch, nip (MC) s e s a 2249. plate (LX) p h a e N t s i b 772. pine (wood) (MC) m i a - s e pine-firewood 485. plate (M C) p h o n t s i b 772. pine torch (LX) pie-eud-qa m a m-bright-m plate (M C) t s h i b d 772. 488. p lay (LX) tf d la 2443. pine torch (MC) m i a - m u - c a pine-fire-bright p lay (M C) d d t § h f = 'c h a t'. ?STC 289 *(r- 488. )tsya*y 2443. pine torch (MC) m e c a 488. play finger-guessing gam e (LX) q u n ,u t i pine tree (LX) p i d c i p h u 485. 1977. pine tree (MC) m i i - c a - p h o fire-resin-tree 485. play finger-guessing gam e (MC) xua pine tree (MC) m i a - p h o 485. t§ h u a e n - p u b -d o 1977. pit (LX) za p u h o le ' 38. plead, offer excuse (LX) da m ) / 2425. p it (MC) z j e p u h o le ' 38. plead, offer excuse (LX) m i 1 2425. pit, stone (LX) m i 475. plead, offer excuse (MC) t s h o u th a b ? 2425. pit, stone (LX) m i m i 475. plead, offer excuse (MC) m i ts o u 2425. pit, stone (LX) t s i t s i 475. please, request marker (LX) m a 2258. pit, stone (LX) d z y 475. pleased, satisfied (LX) ci ( m i ) - q d h e a it-g o pit, stone (MC) z u i PTB *dzay (also 2170. 'testicle') 475. pleased, satisfied (LX) c i - q d - q d heart-go-go pitch daik (LX) ni-tshi tshi black-m 1600. 2170. pitch dark (MC) mu dzo qe li 1600. pleased, satisfied (MC) t i e n a 2170.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 395 p le d g e , sw e a r (MC) s u a u a 979. p o o r ( o f s o il) (MC) x u a 1475. plow (n) (LX) t d 860. poor person (MC) m e te e 233. plow (n) (MC) t d k e 860. poplar tree (LX) la pa 483. plow (v) (LX) l i b 1932. poplar tree (M C) g o p h o 483. plow (v) (MC) z u e l i e field-plow (b) 1932. poplar tree (wild) (LX) s o l a p a ? c f. SHK plowshare (LX) d z i i 861. 483. plowshare (LX) y u a t h o u b 861. porcupine (LX) te a q u "earth pig" (do they plowshare (MC) d ^ u 861. have porcupines?) 393. pluck (flowers) (LX) t s h o 2566. porcupine (MC) t i k u 393. pluck (flowers) (MC) t s h o u 2566. p o ik (LX) pia pid tshi 587. plum (LX) /] t s i b 497. p o rk (MC) p i a t s h e 587. p lu m (MC) t§ u m u 497. portion, fraction (CL) (LX) f a b 1331- plum blossom (LX) ydn tsi-pa tsu m -flo w e r portion, fraction (CL) (M C) f e i b? 1331. 479.1. POSS (LX) - i 2644. plum tree (LX) l i t s t - p h u b-tree 479. POSS (M C) k i also nominalizer 2644. plum tree (MC) t§hu m u pho 479. pot, j a r (LX) k u a N k u a N b ? 777. pocket (LX) j a q d 629. pot, jar (MC) k u a N k u a N b 777. pocket (MC) p h u ta p d ~ p h u ta p o 629. potato (LX) ia e N y b 544. pocket (MC) p h u ts a q d 629. potato (MC) ia e N y b 544. p o d (LX) d d p i a - j a p i a bean-skin 559. pouch (of tobacco) (LX) k a 1296. pod (bean) (MC) d e i - t i b e a n - pouch (of tobacco) (MC) k d 1296. squeeze.together (or 'straight') 559. p o u r (s o m e ) o u t (LX) ( s d ) q d t o 1805. point (v) (LX) t s i - d a b -s 2592. pour liquid on, irrigate (LX) s u STC 241 point (v) (LX) p d 2592. *sywar 2038. point (v) (MC) fee 2592. pour liquid on, irrigate (MC) t s u e s e w a te r-m pointed (LX) q d d y 1435. 2038. pointed (MC) t c i n te e b ? 1435. p o u r liq u id o n , irrigate (M C) t s u e l e cf. pointed (MC) t c i n t c i n b ? 1435. moisten 2038. poison (LX) d u STC 473 *duk — *tuk, or pour liquid on, irrigate (MC) t s u e p h e 2038. borrowing 911. p o u r o u t (M C) § e g u i 1805. poison cat (kind of witch) (LX) d u m i i i u pour/throw out (LX) ( s d ) j r 1805. 962.1. practice, drill (LX) lie n d a b ,s 2139. poison cat (kind of witch) (LX) d u p u m u practice, drill (MC) so u 2 139. 962.1. praise (MC) ts h o u y d b 2120. poison cat (kind of witch) (LX) d u - p u - m i praise (MC) ya pu 2120. ghost-do-female 962.1. praise (v) (LX) i a & 1711. poison cat (kind of witch) (MC) sti-dou-pii- praise (v) (LX) n a & 1711. m u hide?-ghost-do-agt. 962.1. praise (v)(LX)xe & 1711. poison cat (kind of witch) (MC) d o u m i a precipitous (LX) y u e 1595. also "evil spirit". STC 473 *duk - *tuk precipitous (M C) to u t h a b 1595. 962.1. precipitous (MC) c y k n th a b? cyan - cyn p o k e (LX) t s i 2415. 1595. p o k e (MC) t s h o tia 2415. precipitous (MC) tshue tshue 1595. pole (boat) (LX) i a o d a b 1715. pregnant (LX) d a l i a \ 9 S \ . polite, ceremonious (LX) k h e t c i b 1580. pregnant (MC) ce ta q d 1981. polite, ceremonious (MC) t e p h i - p u g u e s t-d o pregnant (MC) c e p e i j a 1981, 1580. prepare (LX) b u d z i 2611. p o o l (LX) t s o q h a was ts6 qhw a 35. prepare (MC) t § i m p i b 2 6 11. p o o l (MC) tsue-tan tin -a n ~ -N. water-b 35. present (v) (LX) d a z t 2483. p o o r ( L X ) ^ 1539. present (v) (MC) d e z i 2483. p o o r (MC) t e e 1539. {ness (LX) h a ts h d 2507. poor (of soil) (L X ) y u a 1475. press (MC) t c h a tone can change to HF if poor (of soil) (LX) se 1475. pfx. 2507.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 396 press (oil) (LX) /i 2565. puddle or pool of something (MC) b d 1308. press (oil) (LX) ts h a b ? 2565. p u ll (LX) k u k u typo!? 2126. press (oil) (MC) t§a b 2565. p u ll (MC) s t la 2126. pretend, feign (LX) a to n a 2029. pull out (LX) tea 1728. pretend, feign (MC) p a p u 2029. pull up (weeds) (LX) re 1631. pretty (LX) s e 1512. pull up (weeds) (MC) tu ty a 1631. pretty (LX) (tsa ) s e look+pretty 1559. pull up (weeds) (MC) tu e takes st 1631. pretty (MC) p a § e 1559. pull, (frag (LX) q u q d 2430. pretty (MC) p a lio 1512. pull, drag (LX) s t 2430. previous generation (MC) ( d e ) q e k i 314. pull, drag (MC) s t Ia 2430. price (LX) p h u 803. pulse (MC) m e b ? 163. price (MC) p h e 803. pulse (v) (LX) ts h o ta 2407. prick, stab (LX) t s t 1687. pulse, beat (of heart) (MC) so u ta 2407. p ric k , sta b (LX) t c h i 1687. p u m p k in (LX) I a N k u a b 549. p ric k , sta b (LX) t c i 1687. pum pkin (MC) IaeN k u a b 549. prick, stab (MC) t s t tsht= thorn 1687. pupil o f eye (LX) m i - s e 104.2. principle, reason (LX) q d c^ 9 8 7 . pupil ofeye(LX) m i-cua eye-bright, some principle, reason (MC ) % i - u e road-exist speakers 104.2. (caique) 987. pupil o f eye (LX) m d ts h a i 104.2. prison (MC) k h u e - t c i dog-home/room 88. pupil o f eye (MC) m u tie maN pe 104.2. p riv ile g e d se a t (LX) tc h i g o 1063. puppy (LX) k h ii b u la 361. p riv ile g e d se a t (MC) i q o 1063. puppy (MC) khua la tsu vowel harmony 361. probably (LX) q d tc h e 2636. purple (LX) n i ( x ? x ? ) 1458- probably (MC) t a N c i 2636. purse lips (LX) p i p ia 2 183. probably (MC) ta k h § b (?) 2636. purse lips (MC) due-(§e)-zo mouth-p-v 2183. produce (v) (LX) ts h o d a b? 1731. purse lips (MC) (due)-pia pia mouth-v 2183. produce (v) (MC) t§ h d th d b ? 1731. pus (LX) p u 195. produce fruit (LX) a z o 2062. pus (MC) p it 195. produce fruit (MC) § e d % a 2062. push (LX) cd 2423. prop up, support (LX) td t i 1712. push (MC) ts h o u th a b ? 2423. prop up, support (MC) ] t i 1712. push (MC) t i 2423. prop up, support (MC) i ts h d n d a b 1712. push (c a r, not door) (LX) r iu 2423. protect, safeguard (LX) q u a 1651. push down (LX) ts h a STC 353 *tsyuk 1628. protect, safeguard (LX) z i 1651. push down (MC) fia tc h a STC 353 *tsyuk protect, safeguard (MC) q u a 1651. 1628. protruding sharply, convex (LX) tc h ii to n e ? push down (MC) id b ? 1628. 1410. push down (MC) tc h d STC 353 *tsyuk 1628. protruding, convex (LX) q u e 1410. push forward, promote (LX) td m d c a 2424. protruding, convex (MC) k o ij th a b 1410. push forward, promote (LX) da c a 2424. protruding, convex (MC) b o N b o e .g ., push forward, promote (MC) h a ts o u 2424. mountain on plain, or belly of pregnant push forward, promote (MC) se dou da z i w o m a n 14 10. 2424. protruding, convex (lumpy) (LX) ts h u to n e ? push forward, promote (MC) ts h o u th a b ? 1410. 2424. p ry (LX) g a 2253. put into agreement (LX) tu e z i 1890. p ry (LX) g a d d a b. vcg ? cf. gao 'do' (in chin.) put on clothes (LX) phu-(di)-td-gu c lo th e s- 2253. POST-p-V 1740. p ry (LX) qa 2253. put on clothes (LX) z d x e 1740. p ry (MC) qa o th a b ? 2253. put to bed (LX) R a - n i - z i DOWN-bed- puberty (LX) m i ba person-big 2317. CAUS 2358. p u b ic h a ir (MC) m u 144. l. p u t to bed (MC) h a - n e - z t DOWN-bed- puddle or pool of something (LX) p ia 1308. CAUS 2358. puddle or pool of something (LX) x u d 1308. put to pasture (LX) c u 1882.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 397 put to pasture (MC) khue-pia-tiu dog-pig-m raise, feed (LX) m i 2004. 1882 . raise, feed (MC) te m u na zi 2004. Qiang nationality (LX) m a 203. ra k e (MC) si t§ao pha st ~ st 863. Qiang nationality (MC) ma 203. rake (v) (LX) t s h i 1634. Qiang priest, shaman (LX) s i p t ~ [spi] 247. rake (v) (MC) p h i th a b 1634. Qiang priest, shaman (MC) p i 247. ra m (LX) i d d o 342. Qiang watch tower (LX) k e k u 96. ra m (MC) i o u d z i 342. Qiang watch tower (LX) t o e k u 96. rat, mouse (LX) z i k u 397. quarrel (LX) qo qua ?STC * g -ra l 1706. rat, mouse (MC) d z i k u e 397. quarrel (LX) d e d e 1706. reaid (LX) s o c f "teach" 1841. quarrel (LX) c i c i 1706. read (M C ) s o d 1841. quarrel (MC) k u a p u 1706. re al, g e n u in e (LX) qu n .b . s ilv e r is ijfi 1499. quiet (LX) go cf. 'clean' 1544. re al, g e n u in e (MC) p e p i 1499. quiet (MC) i-m i-si-na-qhue-m i-te c h ic k e n - re ally (LX.)% eixud sl=good 2629. not-cluck-and-dog-not-baric 1544. really (MC) p e p e 2629. quilt (LX) sii thia ~ su tcha 671. reason, purpose (LX) q a p u 988. quilt (MC) q h u i t h i o cover-m 671. reason, purpose (MC) n a g e l e 988. rabbit (MC) t h a & [tha- J b? 364. reason, purpose (MC) k e k e ? 988. rack o v e r fire (MC) qho 786. reason, purpose (MC) na gi-t§i le w h a t- radish (LX) I d pu b 536. m atter9 8 8 . radish (MC) l b p d b 536. recall (LX) t a b a l o 2479. raft (LX) p h a t s t b ? 848. recall (MC) te be d^ou ~ te be d%od ca 2479. raft (MC) pha t s i b ? 848. receiv e (LX) a t s e 2060. rafter (LX) t c h a 716. receiv e, g e t (LX) z t c d ~ z i c u 2335. ra fter (MC) t a n p h ) b ? 716. receive, get (MC) t e c o u 2335. rain (n) (LX) m e i STC 443 * r- w a 12. recent days (MC) t c a - n a - s e these-two-days rain (n) (MC) m % i < mu (weather) + ^i. 1088. STC 443 *r-wa. Jiuziying mv ri. 12. recent days (MC) t § a - t c i - s e these-few-days rain (v) (LX) da zi 2469. 1088. rain (v) (LX) pha se 2469. recen tly (LX) t e a c u a 1150. rain (v) (LX) ua 2469. recently (MC) tca-tc'i-pu these-few-years rain (v) (MC) m ^ i - g e - t o d rain-p-com e 2469. 1150. rainbow (LX) m u iii-Kue sun-bent.shape 13. recently (MC) t c a - t c i - s e these-few-days l iso. rainbow (LX) m u m e 13. recently (MC) t e a n a p u these-two-years. rainbow (M C) m e x o u 13. VH on s2? 1150. raise (LX) t c h u 2252. reclaim wasteland (LX) ( z u b a ) g a 2097. raise (LX) t c a o d a b 2252. reclaim wasteland (MC) z u e d z i 2097. raise (MC) z o 2252. re clin e (LX) a g o a lso d i - 2383. raise (MC) t c h d 2 2 5 2 . re clin e (MC) n e 2383. raise (child) (LX) p a a 2517. recognize (MC) * a s i 2343. raise (child) (MC) m u 2 5 17. recognize (person) (LX) s t s t 2279. raise (hand) (LX) tche/2084. recognize (person) (MC) s i 2279. raise (hand) (MC) z y d 2084. recognize (w ord) (LX) s i ~ s t s t 2278. raise (livestock) (LX) id 2516. recognize (w ord) (LX) s o 2278. raise (livestock) (LX) a ~ [p^:5Il 2516. recognize (w ord) (MC) z e 2278. raise (livestock) (MC) i p i a — [pe^J 2516. recognize (word) (MC) tst ke tche m 1 ?= C h raise head (LX) m n.b. senses o f pfxs 2514. Zi 2278. raise head (MC) ( t i e ) m 2 5 14. recover (from illness) (LX) a x e i 2 2 6 5 . raise with hook (LX) Kue 1934. recover (firom illness) (MC) u - n a - ( q e ) p- raise with hook (LX) t c h i l a 1934. good-s 2265. raise with hook (MC) m a i Kwa 1934. recover (from injury) (LX) a x e i 2266. raise with hook (MC) k o u k o u b 1934. recover (from injury) (MC) u - n a - ( q e ) p - raise with hook (MC) k o u t h a b 1934. good-s 2266.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 398 re d (LX) c i STC *(r-)ni. o r ?STC n.452 * ty a rent (house) (LX) t s e d a b ? 2617. 1454. rent (house) (MC) (tci) tan tha h o u s e -b -s re d (MC) n d STC *(r-)ni 1454. 2617. redden (LX) ( f ia ) c i difft pfxs change sense re p a ir (c lo th in g ) (LX) p a c i 1679. 1675. re p a ir (c lo th in g ) (M C) p e 1679. redden (MC) t e - n d p -re d 1675. repair (machine) (LX) c o u d a b 2500. redeem, ransom (LX) (sf) tch) tcha 2341. repair (machine) (LX) p a c i 2500. redeem, ransom (MC) d e c o u c d 2341. re p a ir (m a c h in e ) (LX) p o p o 2500. reduce (LX) h a g u g u 2352. re p a ir (m a c h in e ) (LX) p u b 2500. reduce (LX) h a t i l t h 2352. repair (machine) (MC) p u b 2500. reduce (MC) m i q e u a 2352. re p a ir (m a c h in e ) (MC) p h e i t § i 2500. reduce (swelling) (LX) (ha) pia (qo) 2488. re p a ir (p o t) (LX) p a c i 1680. reduce (swelling) (LX) h a g u 2488. repair (pot) (MC) p e 1680. reduce (swelling) (MC) h a c a 2488. repair (shoes) (LX) p a c i 2501. reduce, decrease (LX) h a ts a 2032. re p a ir (s h o e s ) (MC) p e 2501. reduce, decrease (LX) t c h i t c h a 2032. repay (LX) p h e 1703. reduce, decrease (MC) ( h a ) p i t c h $ 2032. repay (MC) d i e b a 1703. refine (m ilk) (LX) t s a 2141. replace, substitute for (LX) x u k a 1792. refine (milk) (MC) q a z i 2141. replace, substitute for (MC) la t s h i 1792. re fin e (m ilk ) (MC) (t§he) rjad tha m-b(boil)-s report on someone (LX) la 1919. 2141. report on someone (MC) ( § i ) d i d 1919. refine (oil) (LX) t s a 2142. report on someone (MC) 16 1919- refine (oil) (MC) (t§he) qao tha m-b(boil)-s report on someone (in writing) (MC) n e ( p u ) 2142. 1919. refine (oil) (MC) q a z i 2142. reputation (LX) q d t s h u e 1003. regret, repent (LX) % o x u e i b 1973. reputation (MC) m e s e 1003. regret, repent (MC) § £ x u ib 1973. rescue, save (LX) t c o u d i b 2081 . rein in, coerce (MC) t c i also tie/strap tightly rescue, save (MC) ( t e ) t c o u 2081. (difft m e a n in g ) STC 484 * k ik 2134. resemble (LX) m ia 2482. reins (LX) x d - b d i horse-rope 836. resemble (MC) b u ta 2482. reins (MC) % o u ta b ^ e 836. reserve (seed for planting) (LX) d z u a 2154. relationship (MC) d z i d z i 1017. reserve (seed for planting) (LX) ts h O n o te s relatives (LX) q a z e 303. 2154. relatives (MC) k e d z i 3d person 303. reserve (seed fen- planting) (MC) t i =/a/ 2154. relatives (MC) ii tshi (m ti) 303. reside, dw ell (LX) i 2082. release, set free (LX) d a - c i p -v 2327. reside, dw ell (MC) h a z i 2082. release, set free (LX) s i - c i p -v 2327. resin (LX) p i e z u 487. release, set free (MC) d i le 2327. resin (LX) p i a z u 487. religion (MC) s e - d z a god-believe 960. resin (MC) m i a - m a pine-oil 487. reluctant (to part) (LX) m i e k o 23 i l resist (LX) p h e 1813. reluctant (to part) (MC) t§ o 2311. re s is t (LX) a q u a 1813. reluctant (to part) (MC) § i p i t t e 2 3 11. re s is t (LX) q u c i i = 1801 1813. rely on (LX) m i a l i 2527. re st (LX) b a i 2499. rely on (LX) k h a o 3S- d a b -s 2527. re s t (LX) h d la 2499. rely on (MC) k h o 2527. re s t (MC) ( b a ) d i e 2499. remember (LX) c i q o I d 2019. re trea t (LX) ( h a ) t h u e i 2426. remember (LX) c i q d 2019. re trea t (M C) g e g u p u 2426. remember (LX) t c i d a b 2019. return (MC) g u 1989. remember (MC) te-tci-tha-ca p-b-s-s 2019. return (CAUS) (LX) z i g o z i 1990. remember (MC) t c i - t h a - ^ a b-s-s 2019. return (CAUS) (MC) g t i z i 1990. re n t (LX) z u p h u b ,d o 808. return (curtain) (LX) p h e 1983. rent (field) (LX) t s e d a b ? 2616. return (curtain) (MC) t u b a 1983. rent (field) (MC) t a n t h a b 2616. return (fountain pen) (LX) z t 1984.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 399 return (fountain pen) (MC) p i e b a 1984. r iv e r (LX) t s o q h a 3 1. return item (MC) t u b a 1984. river (MC) s e - t s u e m -w a te r 31. return purchase (LX) (fia) thuei b. also takes r iv e r (CL) (LX) z i 1232. S*-, da- 2427. r iv e r (CL) (MC) t o 1232. return purchase (MC) d e t h u i b. tone varies riverbank (LX) q h u a c i ?STC * k lu -q 32. w / tense, agr 2427. riverbank (MC) d e p i a 32. return to a place (LX) s u e 1989. riverbank (MC) h a z i 32. return to a place (LX) ( a ) I d 1989. riverbank (MC) d e t i 32. return to a place (LX) ( z i ) g o 1989. road(LX )y to 41. revolve (LX) sue b? 2503. road(M C)^i 41. reward (LX) p h e 1654. r o a r (lio n ) (LX) c i 2052. reward (MC) la t s i p u 1654. roar (lion) (LX) q i STC 261 *u 2052. rib(LX)xa Ja 168 . roar (lion) (LX) q a j a "speak" 2052. rib (MC) Ie p a 168 . roar (lion) (LX) t e ta 2052. rice (cooked) (LX) t o q h u a 575. roar (lion) (MC) z e 2052. rice (cooked) (LX) m a m a 575. roar (tiger) (LX) t i ta 2051. rice (cooked) (MC) m a m i 575. roar (tiger) (MC) z e 2051. rice (cooked) (MC) t c h d 575. ro b (LX) b i b a 2250. rice (uncooked) (LX) t s h e i 574. r o b (LX) (da) qua c6 2250. rice (uncooked) (MC) t c h i 574. r o b (MC) z i ta 2250. rice gruel (LX) z o t i 579. robber (LX) b i b a m u 2 5 1. rice gruel (LX) ( m a m a ) z o b ? 579. robber (MC) m e zi ti m d 251. rice gruel (MC) d z e d z e 579. r o c k (LX) k o p H 28. ric e plant (LX) q d m a s i s . rock (CL) (LX) k o ?other forms? 1261. rice straw (LX) t s h i p u 517. rock (CL) (LX) h d 1261. rich person (MC) q a m u 234. rock (CL) (MC) q o 1261. rich, wealthy (LX) a - p u 1538. rock, boulder (MC) z ^ a b % a 28. rich, wealthy (MC) q d m u 1538. rock, sway (LX) m d c a 2518. riddle (LX) tshe m i tsi b 936. rock, sway (LX) l i l i 2 5 18. riddle (MC) tshe m i tsi b 936. rock, sway (MC) i a d t h a b ,s 2518. ride (horse) (CAUS) (MC) t s a z i 2241. rock, sway (MC) pe l i 2518. ride, straddle (LX) ts a STC 72? *dzyon 2240. rod, stick (LX) K u a H 822. ride, straddle (MC) tsa STC 72? *dzyon ro d , s tic k (MC) p a N p i N m ~ N 822. 2240. roll (of fabric) (LX) k u 1282. ridge of land (CL) (LX) t h o 1247. roll (of fabric) (MC) q h u e 1282. ridge of land (CL) (MC) s i =mountain 1247. roll (v) (LX) I e c a 1952. ridge of land (CL) (MC) li e 1247. roll (v) (LX) q d l i i 1952. rig h t (h a n d ) (LX) p h a t o q d 1046. roll (v) (MC) g u i n b 1952. right (hand) (MC) d a STC p34 *g-ya — *g-ra roll around, writhe (LX) q d 1$ ?STC *349 1046. * k o r 1784. rightward (MC) da h a d qhua 1046. l. roll around, writhe (MC) t a n k u i 1784. ring finger (LX) I i e - n i m -g o o d 139. roll around, writhe ( e . g . , tantrum) (MC) b i ring for cow nose (LX) s i - t i k u m -ro u n d p u 1784. 840. roll over (body) (LX) d o g o 1872. rip (v) (LX) p h u p h i 2362. roll over (body) (MC) t e Id c a 1872. rip (v) (LX) p h i p h i 2362. roll up (fabric) (LX) l y I f 2086. rip (v) (MC) § e p h u p h & 2362. roll up (fabric) (MC) q u a l i d 2086. rip e (LX) ( h a ) m u STC 432 *s-min 2345. roll up, curl up (as cat) (LX) t u t u 2087. rip e (LX) h a p e i cf. "old" 2345. roll up, curl up (as cat) (MC) i - q d 2087. rip e (MC) ( h a ) m u STC 432 *s-min 2345. roller for mill (LX) z u a k u 889. td s i ris e (LX) 2324. roller for mill (MC) t i i q t s i b 889. rise (LX) td la 2324. roller for mill (MC) n d N t s i b 889. ris e (MC) t e t c o "come up" 2324. r o o f (LX) i i t d 684.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 400 roof (MC) fci-f i N p d h o u s e - d p 684. ru n (M C) § e d ^ i2214. roof (flat) (MC) t c i zJ l ( q a ) 684. ru n a w a y , d u c k (LX) d a p h o 1855. ro o m s (CL) (MC) q a = h o m e 1304. run aw ay, duck (LX) da ja a pia 1855. rooster (LX) y q d 366. run aw ay, duck (MC) k u o 1855. rooster (MC) i q o u 366. rush, dash (LX) q e i t c h e 1725. ro o t (LX) k a p d STC 238 *kywiy 470. rush, dash (MC) k a n § t b 1725. ro o t (M C) (pho) ke ke STC 238 *kywiy 470. r u s t (LX) c a - g u iron-v (cf. 'wrinkle') 64. root (v) (LX) d o g o 1933. rust (LX) ca t s i 64. root (v) (LX) t c h d 1933. ru s t (LX) c a - q h a iron-feces 64. root (v) (MC) b i 1933. ru s t (M C) g u i 64. ro p e (LX) b e i 868. rust (v) (LX) z a n ,i 2318. ro p e (C L ) (LX) a ~ &■ 1233. rust (v) (LX) Z t ZU VH? 2318. ro p e (CL) (MC) d ^ i 1233. rust (v) (MC) d e d z o 2 3 18. ro p e , s tr in g (MC) b % e 868. rust (v) (MC) g u i - d e - a rust-p-v 2318. rotten (LX) fey q a 1902. s /h e (LX) t s i 1366. rotten (MC) t s u e q a 1902. s/h e (M C) R a l i 1366. rough (MC) t s h u la b ? 1488. s /h e (M C) R a q o 1366. rough (flour) (LX) t s h u b ? 1488. s /h e (M C) R a i 1366. rough (food) (LX) tc h a 1488. s a d (LX) k u t c h i b? 1588. l . round, circular, spherical (LX) b a d i STC saddle (LX) ts o z d 825. #172 * b w a m 1432. saddle (LX) tja n t s i b 825. round, circular, spherical (MC) yn tha ~~yaen saddle (MC) q a N t s i b 825. th a b 1432. salary, wages (LX) d z i g u =money 804. row (boat) (LX)yua d a b 1976. salary, wages (MC) d^a q a p h e 804. row (boat) (LX) t s h i 1976. s a liv a (LX) p i a 192. ro w (boat) (MC) t§ h u a n d z o b,s2=?sit 1976. s a liv a (M C) t s i i - ^ e water-m 192. row (of houses) (LX) u a 1298. s a lt (LX ) t s h i sometimes appears to have a row (of houses) (LX) t h u a 1298. High-Falling tone. STC 214 *tsa 71. row (of houses) (MC) l u 1298. salt (granulated) (MC) t s h i - b e salt-powder row (of houses) (MC) p h i 1298. 71. row of grain (CL) (LX) I d - l u 1252. salt (lum p) (MC) t s h i STC 214 *tsa 71. row of grain (CL) (MC) I d 1252. salty (MC) t s h i - q h a salt-bitter 1530. rowdy (LX) /ao z e b 1543. s a lty (e n o u g h ) (MC) d z u ?STC 245 * g -ry u m rowdy (MC) l a o ^ e N b 1543. 1530. rub, abrade (LX) t s h i t s h i b ? 2187. s a n d (M C) § a - b e z i b-powder 48. rub, abrade (MC) te m o b ? 2187. sausage (LX) n i p u 584. l. rub, abrade (MC) te tsh i tha b 2187. sausage (LX) t s h i p u 584. l. ruin, fail (of wheat) (LX) tfla 2199. save (m oney) (LX) t s h u 2321. ruin, m ess up (LX) ta p h a la 2199. saw (LX) ca q h b 853. ruin, m ess up (MC) te la ta z ii- [ t] 2199. s a w (M C) k e £i 853. ruined (clothes) (LX) d a b ia 2229. saw (v) (LX) q h b 2083. ruined (clothes) (MC) q h a la 2229. saw (v) (MC) t§ h u tg h u a 2083. ruined (clothes) (MC) q h a la 2229. scald, bum (LX) t h o 2384. ruined (clothes) (MC) (phii)-(§e)-phu p h a scald, bum (MC) §e the thou 2384. clothes-pfx-ruin 2229. s c a r (M C) t s a - p a m-b(?) 155. ruined (house) (LX) R a b i a 2230. scatter, break up (LX) d a p h o STC 254 *be — ruined (house) (MC) (tci §a) qha la 2230. * p e 1770. ruined (house) (MC) § e d ^ u a 2230. scatter, break up (MC) de phu phu m o. rule, custom (LX) k u e i t o y b 998. scatter, break up (MC) t e s x n t h a m2=b 1770. rule, custom (MC) k u e i t c y b 998. scattered (pearls) (LX) d a p h a j a STC *bra ruler (LX) t s h i t s i b 8 11. 2291. ruler (m easure) (MC) z e t e 8 11. scattered (pearls) (LX) d a h d ?STC * bra ru n (LX) t s h i t s h i 2214. 2291.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 401 scattered (pearls) (MC) § e p h u s e i 2291. seed (MC) ( z a ) - z u e i food-seed 514. scent (LX) Id 22. seed (MC) z u e i - z a seed-food 514. scent (MC) x o u 22. seek (LX) m u li a 2506. school (MC) d z i s o b a 83. seek (M C) m d l i a 2506. s c is s o rs (LX) ca p d 816. seek (M C) m d m i a 2506. scissors (MC) t c i n t d b 816. seep into (LX) t e a q a 2364. scold, abuse (LX) z i ta 2166. seep into (MC) fia thou tha b? 2364. scold, abuse (MC) d i 2166. select (LX) c i q a 2402. scoop (LX) tc h a q u 876. select (MC) s e q a 2402. scoop (MC) t s h u e - t c i water-m 876. self(LX) 10/1x5 1372. scoop (water) (LX) ( t s u ) - z d water-scoop s e lf (M C) k e z i b? 1372. 2523. sell (LX) cua 2174. scoop (water) (MC) z d 2523. se ll (MC) fe p d 2 174. scorpion (MC) m e tsi-bd Id m-bug STC 56 send (letter) (LX) p i a 2567. *(s-)di-k 447. send (letter) (LX) z a 2567. sc ra p p y , fragmentary (LX) qa li pha tsa 1611. send (letter) (M C) p i a 2567. sc ra p p y , fragmentary (LX) qa li qa tcha 1611. send (letter) (M C) p a m a 2567. sc rap p y , fragmentary (MC) tea m e a die 1611. send someone off (LX) ci takes all pfxs 2373. sc ra p p y , fragmentary (MC) fia m e a die 1611. send someone off (M C) l e ( k i ) 2373. sc ra tc h (in chit) (LX) p h a d a b 2206. sentence (CL) (LX) q d ? STC *ka ’word' sc ra tc h (in dirt) (LX) p h a la ?STC 230 * h y a k 1266. 2206. sentence (CL) (M C) q d ? STC *ka 'word' scratch (in dirt) (MC) p h i a ?STC 230 *hyak 1266. 2206. separate, part (CAUS) (LX) t d q d ts h e fia. scratch (in dirt) (MC) (be zi)~xd-tha d iit-b -s tone on p. varies ' . 1895. 2206. separate, part (CAUS) (MC) §e ^i^o u zi scrotum (LX) 145. l. 1895. scrotum (MC) ta p d 145.1. separate, sever (LX) q d t s h e STC 229 sculpt (LX) K i 1819. ♦dzyad. cf. ’ride' 1894. sc u lp t (M C ) t h i o 1819. separate, sever (M C) k i e k d 1894. season (LX) s u a 1165. separated (by a river) (LX) tc h a ?STC 229 season (LX) c u a 1165. ♦dzya-1 1925. second (LX) n d & x& 1220. separated (by a river) (MC) (tsue) a-qu-fia-liu second of m onth (LX) n d t o o 1119. one-CL-p-cross(?) 1925. second of month (MC) n d t i ii 1119. separated from, scattered (LX) td d z u a n i l . secret (n.) (LX) m a c u d 1006. September (LX) g u I d caique 113 1. section (of bamboo) (LX) z u e 1276. September (MC) g u I d caique 113 1. section (of bam boo) (LX) sa 1276. servant (MC) m e K u a m d 23 1. section (of bamboo) (MC) sa 1276. serve as (LX) ta n d a b 1724. section (of bamboo) (MC) t s u a 1276. serve as (LX) s u a 1724. se c tio n (o f ro a d ) (LX) s i 1275. serve as (MC) q e z J l 1724. section (of road) (LX) z a 1275. serve as (soldier) (LX) pu 'do' 1800. section (of road) (LX) z u e cf. MC 'road' 1275. serve as (soldier) (LX) ta n d a b 1800. section (of road) (MC) sa 1275. serve as (soldier) (LX) ( g u a ) k d 1800. sedan chair (LX) x u a . q h & b ? 844. serve as (soldier) (MC) d z y i - k e soldier-go sedan chair (MC) x u a k h £ b ? 844. 1800. se d a n c h a ir (MC) t c a o t s i b 844. sesame (MC) t § i m a b 5 6 1. see (LX) a fed 2103. sesame oil (LX) s o i - x d oil-fragrant 593. se e (MC) t i u (ca) 2103. sesame oil (LX) x ° - s o i fragrant-oil 593. se e p atien t (LX) ia ts a 2105. sesame oil (MC) t§ * m a - m d b-oil 593. se e p atien t (MC) d zi si (ki) 2105. set (sun) (LX) t s h o 2164. see patient (MC) d z i q e te e 2105. set (sun) (LX) d a 2164. s e e d (LX) d z u e i 514. set (sun) (LX) s i 2164.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 402 set (sun) (MC) f i a d a 2164. 2429. set o f steps (LX) k o t i ( k a ) b ? 717. shed (skin) (MC) K e 2429. set of steps (MC) I d t h i b 717. shed (tears) (LX) ci 1823. set on fire (LX) z d m $ c i 1884. shed (tears) (LX) l o 1823. set on fire (MC) t s t i 1884. shed (tears) (MC) § e n d = 'come out' 1823. seven (LX) c i STC * s-n is 1180 . shed (tears) (MC) § e t e d 'come' 1823. seven (MC) n a q d STC *s-nis 1180 . s h e e p (LX) i o 341. seventeen (LX) f i a c i 1190. sheep (MC) i o u 341. seventeen (MC) f i a n d to n e c h a n g e fro m sheep shed (LX) tcha-iua ku sheep-b 699. 'se v en ' 1190. sheep shed (MC) t s h e z j e 699. seventh (LX) c i & x e i 1225. sheepskin vest (LX) p h a j a 647. seventy (LX) c i s d 1203. sheepskin vest (MC) tshe-zâ-pha dâ sh e e p - seventy (MC) n t s a /na/? 1203. skin-vest 647. seventy-one (LX) c i s d a 1204. s h e e t o f p a p e r ( C L ) (LX) t s h e 1235. seventy-one (MC) n t s a q d a q o 1204. sheet of paper (CL) (MC) t s h i b ? 1235. sever, cut off (LX) d a b a 1923. shepherd (MC) tshe tiu m u-kx b%i sever, cut off (M C) § e - p h d - p-v 1923. shepherd-child 235. sever, cut off (MC) § e - lia p-v ?STC 351 *lep s h in (MC) tchoN kaN kaN 128. 1923. shine upon (of sun) (LX) m d c i z e 2581. sever, cut off (MC) § e - t s h o u p-v. ?STC 240 shine upon (of sun) (LX) m d c i q h u a 2581. *tsywar 1923. shine upon (of sun) (MC) dî ?STC 187 sew (LX) j a i ?STC p41, 56 *krwi. ?STC * t$ a r2 5 8 i. 456 *d-rup 1896. shiny black (LX) m u x u a x u a 1599. sew (MC) z j STC p41 *k(h)rwi. aspiration shiny black (MC) m u dzo qe li 1599. is fo r Kuki-Naga. ?STC 456 *d-rup 1896. shiny blue (LX) p h u t u t i t 1605. shadow (LX) c u a q a cf. 'bright' 1028. shiny blue (LX) p ei tsf tsf 1605. shadow (MC) b i =picture 1028. s h o e (LX) t s u d x & 652. shake (head) (LX) l i Id 2519. s h o e (MC) b e t s i 652. shake (head) (MC) p e i tia 2519. s h o e (CL) (LX) z i 1278. shake hands (LX) t s e 2453. sh o e (CL) (MC) z a 1278. shake hands (MC) i p a - z d p a hand-m 2453. shoes made of grass (LX) t s h a o - x d b -s h o e shake out (dust) (LX) p h a t e 1831. 653. shake out (dust) (MC) t h o u t h a b ? 1831. shoes made of grass (MC) t s h o - x e b -sh o e shallow (LX) t c h d 1425. 653. shallow (MC) m i n d 1425. shoot (v) (LX) q h o 2312. sharp (LX) te a 1468. shoot (v) (MC) I d t§ h a 2312. sharp (MC) t s e tse (younger speaker), e/e s h o o t ta rg e t (LX) d d u a 2313. n o t a stable d is tin c tio n 1468. s h o o t ta rg e t (M C) d e u e 2313. sharpen (LX) tca-iu-sii sua knife-m-sharpen shop, store (MC) dian tsi-qa b-place 84. 2186 . shop, store (MC) k d i j s t - q a b-place 84. sharpen (MC) s u ?STC 180 *s(y)w iy 2186. short (of length) (LX) n d 1415- shave (LX) k h u a 1940. short (of length) (MC) d z u a d z u a 1415. shave (LX) t c h i b 2395. short (of stature) (LX) b e 1412. shave (MC) ( m u ) t § h u a hair-shave 1940. short (of stature) (MC) b e 1412. shave (MC) t h i b 2395. short month (MC) I d - t s u month-small 2637. shave (MC) k u d b 1940. short pants (MC) i a o k h u m -b 6 4 1. sheath (LX) c a t s h u e i 894. shorts (LX) i o k h u b ? 641. sheath (MC) t d o - c a t s i knife (b) - ra 894. s h o u ld e r (LX) l i d x d t \ i . s h e d (MC) p h b q t s i b 93. shoulder (MC) i x e 117. shed (skin) (LX) ( j a ) q h u STC 342 *r-kwak s h o u ld e r (v ) (M C) t u e i 2106. 2429. s h o u ld e r (v t.) (LX) fu e 2106. shed (skin) (LX) j a 2429. shoulder pole (MC) p i e n t d N b 867. shed (skin) (LX) q h u STC 342 *r-kwak shout, yeU (LX) c i c i 2272.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 403 shout, yell (MC) ze 2272. sit (LX) fia z u a-zu = "please sit" 2621. shout, yell (MC) q a - 2272. sit (MC)d!zo 2621. shovel (LX) ca p i k 858. six (LX) t s u STC 411 * d -ru k 1179. shovel (MC) t c h u a n t s i b 858. six (MC) t § o u q d STC 411 *d-ruk 1179. shrink (LX) q u e 2334. sixteen (LX) f i d t s u 1189. shrink (LX) t v t u STC p49 *twan 2334. sixteen (MC) fia t § h d u aspirated (!) 1189. shrink (MC) i q o 2334. sixth (LX) t s d a - x ^ i 1224. shrink (MC) d e b ^ u b % i 2334. sixty (LX) t s d s d 1201. shriveled, shrunken (LX) p i a q o flat? 1428. sixty (MC) t§ o u s a 1201. shriveled, shrunken (MC) £ / k u a 1428. sixty-one (LX) t s u s d a 1202. shuttle (LX) s o k o 8 9 1. sixty-one (MC) t§ou sa na a qd 1202. shy (LX) z d q h u ?STC *srak, ?STC 162 size (LX) t s d - b a small-big 1619. *kyei] 1957. size(M C ) b ^ a - b ^ i b ig -sm a ll 1619. shy (MC) d z a k h y ?STC *srak, ?STC 162 size (LX) b a - ts d big-small 1619. *kyei) 1957. skill (LX)ci z i 1016. sick, ill (LX) t d ia 1678. skill (MC) m e - K u a person-help 1016. sick, ill (MC) dzi also, "pain" ?STC *tsa skill, technique (LX) t s h a t s h a 1020. 1678. skill, technique (MC) i p d - b ^ u h an d - sick le (LX) c a - t e i iron-m 878. high/small 1020. sickle (MC) c i - d i k n ife , iro n -m 878. skilled, proficient (LX) b u z a 2342. sick le (MC) c i d e - t s d knife-small 878. skilled, proficient (MC) q u e cf. 'know' 2342. side, beside (LX) p i a p u 1044. skillful (LX)xo s t b 1584. side, beside (MC) l i e z i 1044. skillful (MC) / p d b ^ u hand-high/small 1584. sieve (LX) s a t s h e b ? 885. skin (hum an) (LX) z a p i a 150. sieve (MC) § a i t s t b 885. skin (human) (MC) t s h i p i a 150. sift (LX) s e ia 2299. skin (v.) (LX) q h u d STC 342 *r-kwak 1648. sift (LX) tc h a 2299. skin (v.) (LX) j a q d STC 342 *r-kwak 1648. sift (MC) tchi § ela ~ tchi §e la 2299. skin (v.) (MC) z j t . q a STC 342 *r-kwak 1648. silk thread (MC) K u e s e l i 621. skin, hide (LX) j a p i a 331. silk, satin (LX) Kue 622. skin, hide (MC) z j a p id 3 3 1. silk, satin (MC) kus 622. skirt (MC) t c y n t s i b 640. silv er (LX) q u 60. sk y (LX) m u t d STC 488 *r-muw l. silver (MC) q d 60. sky (MC) m d p ia STC 488 *r-muw l. silver coin (LX) qu (sdn dze) 800. slander (LX) p h ia 1996. silver coin (MC) qo-tcin tse silver-money slander (LX) q a t s d 1996. 800. sla n d er (MC) m e p h i 1996. sim ilar (LX) a Jta 1550. sla n d er (MC) me ydzN uan b ? 1996. similar (MC) a m e k i Ie 1550. slanting, tilted (LX) q h u d to n e s ? 1450. simmer (LX) qd ~ qd 1853. slanting, tilted (MC) q e t s h u i 1450. sim m e r (LX) t s h u 1853. sla u g h te r (LX) t s d t s d 2254. simmer (MC) td n - th a b-s 1853. slaughter (MC) t s i t e a tone change with DO simmer (MC) q a 1853. 2254. s in g (LX) t s h u d 1704. slave (LX) k d p it 232. sing (MC) t§ a N - t h a b-s. m i also t§aN 1704. slave (LX) k e p u 232. singe, scorch (LX) c i q h d 2039. slave (MC) m e K u a m d 232. singe, scorch (MC) t i t c i 2039. sleep (v) (LX) (fia) m a ze also takes a-. sink (v) (LX) fia t i ?STC 375 *lip 1709. ?STC 197 *myel 2359. sink (v) (LX) f i a t s i 1709. sleep (v) (MC) d z e CMD-sleep 2359. sink (v) (MC) fia c a 1709. sleepy (LX) fia k o 2125. sisters (LX) s a t s u 293. sleepy (LX) z u z u d redup! 2125. sisters (LX) sa q , i preferred form. ?STC 271 sleepy (MC) q e t u a re-check 2125. *na’\v 293. sleeve (LX) p h a l i 628. sisters (MC) sa n d STC 271 * n a-w 293. sleeve (MC) p h e i 628.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 404 slice (m eat) (LX) q h o 1920. snare (n) (LX) s a n i thread’ 907. slice (m eat) (LX) ca 1920. snare (n) (MC) s e l i thread’ 907. slice (m eat) (LX) t s h o 1920. sneeze (LX) a t s h u - p u sneeze (onomat!)-do slice (m e a t) (MC) li d ?STC 351 * lep 1920. 1782. slippery (MC) l i u th q b 1490. sneeze (M C) a t h i a d - p u m-do 1782. slippery (MC) ( % I ) n a 1490. snore (LX) m a z e - q h u a sleep-snore 1787. slotted spoon (LX) z i z a 768. snore (M C) me-ze-qhud-pu sleep-sleep- slotted spoon (MC) l o u p h i a d b 768. snore-do 1787. slo w (LX) a tcha tcha 1465. snot (LX) t i STC 101 *s-na 193.3. slo w (MC) t o t u i 1465. s n o t (M C) n e STC 101 *s-na 193.3. slo w (MC) p h i e th a b. - p h i 1465. s n o w (LX) p e i 14. slow! (MC) a k h a t s t som e speakers 1465. s n o w (M C) m i l p a 14. slow! (MC) a q h a t s t 1465. snow (v) (LX) d a z i (can be used for hail, slowly (LX) a tchd tcha 2627. to o ) 2471. slowly (MC) a q a t s t 2627. snow (v) (MC) § e t e d 2471. small (LX) t c i 1405. snow p ig (LX) p e p i a 394. small (LX) ts a 1405. soak into (LX) t i 2257. small (MC) b^u b s ^ i 1405. soak into (LX) p a 2257. small clum p of trees (CL) (LX) l o N 1250. soak into (MC) t e 2257. small rooms (CL) (LX) s a 1304. soak into (MC) t h o u , ha thou tha b 2257. smallpox (LX) j a z o 157. soak, immerse (LX) t d 2076. smallpox (MC) d e i m i a 157. soak, im merse (MC) h a t e ~ h a t e t e 2076. smash to bits (LX) d z i 1807. s o a p (LX) i t s i 731. smash to bits (MC) te be be (zi) 1807. s o a p (M C) i a s N t e e b ("foreign alkali") 731. smash to fine bits (LX) d z a 1807. s o c k (LX) tt u a t s i b 651. smear, rub (LX) p h a s e 1689. sock (MC) ua t s i b 651. smear, rub (MC) p h u § a 1689. s o ft (LX) m a m a 1485. smell, sniff (LX) u d n d d b ,s 2450. s o ft (M C) z a Ia 1485. smell, sniff (LX) c i d a b 2450. s o ft (M C) % o q x o b 1485. smell, sniff (MC) m i 2450. soldier (LX ) g u a - ( x a ) soldier-green 223. smelling o f urine (LX) t s h u 1534. soldier (MC) d z y e 223. smelt (LX) fra 2143. sole of foot (L X )g jo ci 129.2. smelt (LX) d z u 2 143. sole of foot (LX) g u a c i 129.2. smelt (MC) c i - g u i iro n -m VH7 2143. sole o f foot (MC) g o u p a STC 418 *pwa smoke (LX) m u k h u STC 256 *kuw 21. 129.2. smoke ( M C ) d a 21. solid, durable (LX) g u 1495. smoke (a cigarette) (LX) t c h i "drink" 1729. solid, durable (MC) § e 1495. smoke (a cigarette) (LX) q d ( t a ) pucker/suck solidify (LX) rd2i9i. 1729. solidify (MC) d e t § h u also tghu 2191. smoke (a cigarette) (M C) t h y e 1729. solidify (MC) te k e 2191. smoke meat (LX) k h u k h u STC 256 *kuw solidify (MC) d e n i g t o s2=b? 2191. 2505. som e, a few (LX) n a d z e people 1354. smoke m eat (LX) t c h u d a b ? 2505. som e, a few (LX) n a h d 1354. smoke meat (M C) q h o u preferred form? STC some, a few (MC) n a q o 1354. 256 *kuw? 2505. some, a few (MC) a t c i q d 1354. smoke m eat (MC) t c h d t h a b ? 2505. some, a few (long things) (LX) n a d - 1354. smooth, slippery (LX)xa 1487. s o n (LX) t c i STC 59 * z a 277. smooth, slippery (MC) y e 1487. s o n (M C) t s i 277. snail (LX) b u - l i a bug-bark(?) 464. son-in-law (LX) t c i m i a STC 324 * m a-k 280. snail (MC) a pu khe n i ni 464. son-in-law (MC) t s i m i a 280. snake (LX) b u t s h i STC 27? ?STC 447*b- song (LX) z d m u cf. "speech" 939. ru-1 428. s o n g (LX) l a s a 939. snake (MC) b % e STC 447 *b-ru*l 428. s o n g (CL) (LX) s d 1267.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 405 so n g (CL) (MC) tu a n b. 1267. spine (M C) lo g k d rj — N 167. so n g (CL) (MC) q u 1267. spine (MC) pei3* tc i ku b 167. so n g (CL) (MC) sa 1267. spirit (LX) so ?STC (m-)hla 975. sore (to get a) (MC) m i t - s e % u e 154. spirit (LX) t s t 975. sore, wound (n.) (LX) q o l o 154. spirit (M C) x u n - p h e b-m 975. sore, wound, scar (n.) (LX) q d m i ?STC 446 spit (v) (LX) t u i STC 168 *twiy, but also *r-ma-t 154. * m -th o k , p58. 2421. sound, report (CL) (LX) q u 1348. spit (v ) (MC) ts u z je or m2 = a-. ?STC 231 sound, report (CL) (M C) q u 1348. *m=ts(y)il 2421. soup (LX) th o b 606. splash, sprinkle (LX) q h o td 2227. soup (MC) z j . 606. splash, sprinkle (LX) p h a 2285. sour (LX) ts u a ?STC *su-r, ?STC 413 splash, sprinkle (LX) s e 2285. *kri(y) 1525. splash, sprinkle (LX) s e 2227. sour (MC) t s u i ?STC *su*r, ?STC 413 splash, sprinkle (MC) phu s e 2227. *kri(y) 1525. splash, sprinkle (MC) ( ts u e ) p h e 2227. so w (LX) p ia m ia 356. splash, sprinkle (MC) p h u s e 2285. sow (n) (MC) p ia m ia 356. splash, sprinkle (MC) § e g u i cf. 'blow' 2285. sow broadcast (LX) p h a 2288. spleen (LX) H en t h i b 182. sow broadcast (LX) s e 2288. spleen (LX) pha j a also HH tone, passive sow broadcast (MC) z u i s u i 2288. vocab 182. spacious (LX) q h u e ta 1420. spleen (MC) n J e n t h i b 182. spacious (MC) khu an t§ho b 1420. sp le e n (M C) p d 182. spark (LX) m u d z i c f. charcoal 488. split (firewood) (LX) q d t s h i 2223. spark (MC) m u t i 488. split (firewood) (MC) lit lia 2223. sparrow (LX); ts h a =404. ?STC 403 * s -rik split (firewood) (MC) s e c a 2223. ~ *s-ryak. m l ?=STC * w a 415. split apart (LX) q d t s h i 2228. sparrow (MC) i ts h e "b ird ". ?STC 403 * s- split apart (MC) p u c a 2228. rik~ *s-ryak4i5. s p lit a p a r t (MC) q h a la 2228. sparrow haw k (MC) a t§ h i la STC 333 *larj split open, rend (LX) d a ( z d ) z a 2149. 407. split open, rend (LX) da tse zei2\A9. speak (LX) q a t c i 2361. split open, rend (LX) d a q d q a STC 469 *ka speak (LX) d d ( t e 23 6 1. 2149. speak (MC) d iu 2361. split open, rend (LX) d a z e i 2149. speak, roar, howl (LX) q a j a 2 3 6 1. split open, rend (MC) § e d ^ i d ^ a 2149. speak, tell (LX) a - 2361. spoon for eating (LX) th ia o k d - b 770. spear (not thrown) (LX) tc h e iu 897. spoon for eating (MC) th ia o k d - b 770. spear (not thrown) (MC) d e p ik e ? 897. spoon, scoop (LX) z a 769. spear (thrown) (LX) miao kan tsi b ? 896. spoon, scoop (MC) c i z a 769. speech (LX) z d m u 188. spot, stain (LX) j a z d 1026. speech (MC) z u e m e 198. spot, stain (LX) z d 1026. spend (tim e) (LX) q h u a takes da as pfx 1955. spot, stain (MC) ts a p a 1026. spend (time) (MC) p a 1955. spread (news) (LX) ( d a ) q a j a also takes st. spice, perfume (MC) x ° u h i = fla v o r, s m e ll STC 469 *ka 1751. 595. spread (news) (MC) § e d iu 1751. s p id e r (LX) t s h i t s h i 445. spread fertilizer (LX) p h a 2308. spider (MC) t§ h a § i 445. spread fertilizer (LX) s u 2308. spiderweb (MC) t§ h a § i b u s3 = nest 445. spread fertilizer (LX) z a 2308. spill out (LX) td ts h a 2526. spread fertilizer (MC) m u z e 2308. spill out (LX) td s u a 2526. spread out, unfold (LX) s i p h a 2379. spill out (MC) p h u ?STC 248 * p ro 2526. spread out, unfold (LX) d a p h a 2379. spin (thread) (LX) l i 1888. spread out, unfold (MC) z d i 2379. spin (thread) (MC) l i 1888. spread out/apart (LX) d a z d 2294. spine (LX) tsu bo-ja kd m-bone 167. spread out/apart (MC) § e %a 2294.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 406 spread, circulate (LX) da 2153. 1441. spread, circulate (LX) d z u a ( ta ) 2153. s ta r (LX) z i b a 5. spread, circulate (LX) t o 2153. s ta r (M C) d ^ e 5. spread, circulate (MC) ha-kie-na-ha-da stark naked (LX) kudn toij toq b ? 1608. down-go-and-down-give 2153. stark naked (MC) pu tchin tchin 1608. spread, unfold (LX) t s h a 2236. start (LX) a tse 1155. spread, unfold (MC) t § h a 2236. start (LX) a t s e 2096. sp rin g o f w a te r (LX) d o - t s u m -w a te r 56. start (LX) a h ii 2096. spring of water (MC) t s u e - q u water-hole 56. start (MC) d i t s i 2096. spring of water (MC) % a - ts u e rock-water 56. start (v) (MC) d i t s i 1155. sp rin g , su m m e r (LX) tea q e /w a r m - m 1166. steal (LX) t a k u STC 33 *r-kaw 2417. sp rin g , s u m m e r (M C) t s i - q e warm-m 1166. steal (M C) k u p u ~ k u 2417. sprout (LX) ca q a 476. steam (bread) (LX) ( s d ) q o 2587. sprout (LX) q a m a 519. steam (rice) (LX) (ha) t c i 2587. sprout (MC) ca q e l e k i 476. steam (v) (MC) t e e 2587. sprout (MC) s t y u e i 5 !9. ste e l ( f o r flin t) (MC) t s u e m i a e/e 748. sprout (v) (LX) sa qa-ta ci sprout (var)-grow steelyard (LX) t c h i 795. 1868. steelyard (MC) t c h e 795. sprout (v) (MC) t e d q e 1868. stele (M C) p e i b 92. sprout (v) (MC) xu ei qe 1868. step (CL) (LX) tfu a 1328. square (n) (MC) d z i d z e 1431. step (CL) (MC) te a 1328. square (of fabric) (LX) z u e 1284. s te p o n (LX) h a h u m i d ta k e s ta- cf. square (of fabric) (LX) t h o 1284. "landslide" 2375. square (of fabric) (MC) p h i e 1284. step on (MC) tc h y a 2375. squat (LX)qu 1852. step, cut across (LX) (da) Kua (tea) 2122. squat (MC) k h u t o 1852. step, cut across (MC) ( d e ) te a 2122. squirrel (LX) z t k d t s u 398. s te p -fa th e r (LX) p i q u 309. squirrel (LX) z t k u m i 398. step-father (direct) (M C) a ia 309. l . squirrel (MC) t s h u l i e ?STC pi 71 *sre[ij] step-father (direct) (MC) a p u 309. i. 398. s te p -m o th e r (LX) m i a g u 308. squirrel (MC) m a t i a o n i b 398. step-m other (MC) na nd 308. stack up (LX) t h u t h u d 2163. step-m other (MC) n d b ^ a 308. sta c k u p (MC) t h u a 2163. step-m other (direct) (MC) a n d 308. i. stake (LX) te d z d 874. s tic k (CL) (LX) 1242. stake (MC) t§uaN t§uaN b 874. s tic k (CL) (LX) z u e 1242. stallion (LX) ts b d o 337. s tic k (CL) (LX) z i b ? 1242. stallion (MC) % o u q o u 337. s tic k (CL) (MC) d ^ i b 1242. stamen, pistil (LX) pd tsii-tsi flower-DIM stick (knife) into (LX) c d 2561. 473. stick (knife) into (MC) t s h u a 2561. stamen, pistil (MC) da t i d - t ie m -h ea rt 473. stick out (one's head) (LX) s i t s h i 2316. stamp, chop (LX) t s d N h 929. stick out (one's head) (MC) § i t c o SIMP. stamp, chop (MC) d z a 929. 2316. stand (LX) t a i ?STC 246 *g-ryap 2568. stick out (one's head) (MC) § i t § ht CAUS stand (MC) ( t i ) % i ?STC 246 *g-ryap 2568. 2316. stand something up (LX) k u 1728. sticky (LX) z a i486, stand up (LX) to i l 2242. sticky (MC) p ia d z a i486, stand up (LX) ( t u ) t s h u 2349. sticky rice (LX) p d 513. s ta n d u p (LX) ta i 2242. sticky rice (MC) t c o u m i b 513. stand up (MC) z d 2349. stiff (LX) d a t o 2034. stand up (MC) t i ?STC 246 *g-ryap 2242. stiff (MC) g u g u a =frozen 2034. s ta n d u p (CAUS) (M C) t i a - z t 2243. still, yet (LX) te a ( q d ) 2632. standard, accurate (hit) (LX) K u a 1441. still, y e t (MC) t c i q a still have 2632. standard, accurate (hit/measure) (MC) t § u e still, y e t (MC) m d c b i d 2632.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 407 sting (insect) (LX) ze 1828. stopper, cork (LX) ts o u ts o u b? STC 422 sting (insect) (MC) tas Ha - tsa. 1828. *tsuw ? 915. sting (w asp) (LX) q h b 2582. stopper, cork (MC) ts o u tso u b? STC 422 sting (w asp) (MC) Id ?cf. arrow 2582. *tsuw ? 915. stingy (LX) q u tc i also qu 1581. storehouse, granary (LX) x b (k e ) 695. stingy (MC) d io -b ^ a m -big 1581. storehouse, granary (MC) p i q e 695. stingy (MC) cab tc h i b 1581. storeys tall (CL) (LX) t s i 1302. stinking (LX) bd tsd 1523. storeys tall (CL) (LX) sa 1302. stinking (MC) bu t§d 1523. storeys tall (CL) (MC) tsh d q b 1302. stir up (LX) tsua te also HH, LH 2002. story (LX) (d a ) q e i z d m u 933. stir up (LX) bd la 2002. story, tale (MC) q a i s i s e si is fused 933. stir up (MC) tixuei Id zt 2002. story, tale (MC) qai qa-ki-zue me before- stir, mix (LX) tsua H STC 90? *wa-y 2059. NOM-speech 933. stir, mix (LX) bu la 2059. story, tale (MC) qe i sei se ki dzi 933. stir, mix (MC) x b tha b? 2059. stove (LX) ts d ZO 755. stir, mix (MC) x b lie b 2059. stove (MC) t s i q o 755. stir-fry pot (LX) g d d z i 758. straight (LX) t i ?STC 227 *dyam 1449. stir-fry pot (LX) tsha p id 758. straight (MC) t i ?STC 227 *dyam 1449. stir-fry pot (MC) tsh a 758. straight, erect (LX) ts h d 2412. stir-fry, saute (LX) ci ca 1707. straight, erect (LX) b d ?STC 352 *b/pleq stir-fry, saute (LX) ts h o 1707. 2412. stir-fry, saute (MC) d z i d za 1707. straight, erect (MC) te t i 2412. stirrup (LX) h o ts h u 829. straight, smooth (LX) s o 1445. stirrup (LX) g o ts h d ml=foot 829. straight, upright (LX) q u Id qp ?STC 352 stirrup (LX) h o k u tea hoof? 829. *b/pleq 1439. stirrup (MC) gbu tchua bd 829. straight, upright (MC) tei te i 1439. stom p feet (LX) ts h u ts h d 1857. straighten (LX) s i t i ( z i ) m3=CAUS 2198. stom p feet (LX) ts h d 1857. straighten (MC) §e z t 2198. stom p feet (LX) ts h o da b? 1857. strange, odd (LX) s e 1548. stom p feet (LX) tchua td 1857. strange, odd (LX) k u a i3S da b 1548. stom p feet (MC) s o ta 1857. strange, odd (MC) tc h i k u a i b 1548. stone (LX) h o lu STC 88 *r-luq 47. strap, suspender (LX) bia d z i ia ~ ie (VH ) stone (LX) h o p id 47. 669. stone (small) (MC) lb STC 88 *r-luq 47. strap, suspender (MC) ta p o 669. stone wall (LX) qh a tsu 704. straw rain cape (MC) s o i b 680. stone wall (MC) lo z u 704. strength (LX) z i — d z i 982. stone, boulder (MC) g o -b ^ a stone-big 47. strength (LX) q d 982. stone, boulder (MC) lo-bs^a stone-big 47. strength (MC) d ^ a q a 982. stonemason (LX) qha tsu-ca-mu wall-V-agt stretch out (hand) (LX) t s i horizontally. 238. 7STC433 *sriq 2314. stonem ason (MC) lo d z e m u 238. stretch out (hand) (LX) t s h i vertically. ?STC stonem ason (MC) lb tsh a m d 238. 433 *sriq 2314. stool, bench (LX) be d eb '? 724. stretch out (hand) (MC) t§hi — t§ht difft in stool, bench (LX) b a d b b l 724. tense. ?STC 433 *sriq 2314. stool, bench (MC) p a n td q b 724. strike table (LX) s d ta 2209. stool, bench (MC) d z o Id more of a pad 724. strike table (LX) p h S da b 2209. stool, bench (MC) p a n te s2

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 408 strum (LX) th a n da b 2381. sunken, concave (result of process) (LX) strum (MC) t§ha 2381. (R a ) g i t 1411. stuck (by thorn) (LX) ts h u e STC 276 *tsow sunrise (LX) cu a q a n be 1097. 2562. sunrise (LX) m d p it sii ?STC 332 *praq 1097. stuck (by thorn) (LX) tsh a STC 276 *tsow sunrise (MC) qa qu-de-d^a cover-p-v 1097. 2562. sunrise (MC) d e c y a sd FUT/DIR-bright- stuck (by thom) (LX) tsh a STC 276 *tsow PERF 1097. 2562. supper, d in n e r (LX) ta t i 578. stuck (by thom ) (MC) te t s t ?STC 276 supper, d in n e r (MC) %a te 578. *tSOW 2562. support w ith hand (LX) to 1900 . student (LX) d z i sd m u su p p o rt w ith hand (LX) ta k u 1900. character+study+agentive mrkr(?) 226. support w ith hand (MC) ii t s i 1900. student (MC) d z b s o - m i i book-study-AGT surnam e (LX) m d su a STC 83? 1001. 1. 226. surname (MC) m e STC 83 1001. 1. study, teach (LX) s o 2504. surplus (LX) fia 1 2322. study, teach (MC) so d 2504. surplus (MC) d e d zju verb? 2322. stupid, foolish (LX) s u e 1569. surren d er (LX) th o u c e N b 2419. stupid, foolish (MC) s u a 1570. su rren d er (MC) th o u cay b 2419. stutterer (LX) q u d z y 266. su rro u n d (LX) tc h ^ ?STC 313 *kroy 1645. stutterer (LX) q a d zfr 266. surround (MC) fia s u e 1645. stutterer (MC) te e t s i b? 266. surround (MC) fia u i tha 1645. subject to discipline (LX) q u a ta 1949. surrounding w all (LX) qha tsii-ku li kfi 1 i ~ subject to discipline (LX) q u a 1949. ku li 705. subject to discipline (MC) q u th a b? 1949. su stain business loss (LX) fia s i 2218. suck (milk) (LX) k u 2360. su stain business loss (MC) tas-ba p-v 2218. suck (milk) (LX) (ta) tsu tsua ?STC p69 su stain business loss (MC) §e-pan-§e-pii p- *dzo*p 2360. v-p-v 2218. suck (milk) (LX) ts h i 2360. swallow (n) (LX) pha tea tea ONOMAT 411. suck (milk) (MC) q o u - q o u 2360. swallow (n) (MC) i x n ts i b 411. suffering (adj) (LX) m a q e i 1528. sw allow (v) (LX) (si) qd tcii 2416. suffering, calamity (LX) d z i tsa 981. sw allow (v) (LX) sa q d tc y on pfx 2511. suffering, calamity (MC) ts e ue 981. sw allow (v) (LX) q d tc y 2511. sugar (LX) m a -th a yellow-b(sugar) 601. swallow (v) (MC) §e z u i 2416. sugar (MC) ts h u - k i sweet-NOM 601. swallow (v) (MC) z u i 2511. sugar (MC) m a -th a yellow-b(sugar) 601. sw eat (LX) ts ii 190. sugar (white) (MC) p e §a th a N b 602. sweat (MC) t§ h ii 190. sugar cane (MC) kan tsa i b 506. sweep (LX) c u e te 2296. suitable, appropriate (LX)^o s i b 1966. sweep (MC) s u e m e 2296. suitable, appropriate (MC) x o § i b 1966. sweet (LX) ts h d STC 166 *tw i(y) 1526. sulfur (MC) lio u x u a g b 70. sweet (MC) ts h d STC 166 *tw i(y) 1526. sun (LX) m il c i 2. sw eet p o tato (LX) y o g sad b 545. sun (MC) m e s i me ~ me 2. sw eet p o tato (MC) x o g §ao b 545. sun (MC) m e n a STC 81 * n a y 2. swell (LX) p h u ta phu 2594. sun and rain (mixed) (LX) s a p h e i 12. sw ell (MC) p h o 2594. sunbathe (LX) 16 2301. sw ell (b u m p o n head) (MC) te p h o 1410. sunbathe (LX) q h u a 2301. sw elling (ankle) (LX) p h u p h a 2594 2574. sunbathe (LX) z e 2301. sw im (LX) s a la 2536. sunbathe (MC) k h u e 2301. sw im (LX) fid (ta ) 2536. Sunday (LX) s a la m y 1164. sw im (MC) tsue tci t§hf 2536. Sunday (LX) ba i m u 1164. swing (tail) (LX) s u a ta 2353. sunken, concave (MC) u o ta n tan b 141 1. swing (tail) (LX) l i Id 2353. sunken, concave (MC) u o th y b 141 1. swing (tail) (MC) tua 2353. sunken, concave (natural) (LX) g u e 141 1 . swing, sway (MC) iao-tha b-s 1637.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 409 sw ing, sw ay (MC) d o u da 1637. tassel (LX) qa tsh u e 670. swing, sway (baby) (LX) m a ca 1637. tassel (MC) qe tou tsd k i 670. swing, sway (tree) (LX) l i la 1637. taste, flavor (LX) s it 1010. sw ord (MC) d e y e 900. taste, flavor (MC) te m i 1010. table (LX) b i 722. taste, try (LX) s a N ( d i) b,s 1702. table (MC) t§ue t s i b? 722. taste, try (MC) g in th a b 1702. tadpole (LX) zo p ia -ts u frog-small 431. tasty (LX) za -n a eat-good 1553. tadpole (MC) I a i k e p a d b? 431. tasty (LX) ia 'good' 1553. tael, liang (LX) zd 1310. tasty (LX) tie-n a eat-good 1553. tael, liang (MC) d% ou 1310. tasty (LX) s it q a 1524. tail (LX) su a ka 334. tasty (MC) y o u 1524. tail (MC) sua k e 334. tasty (MC) z d 1553. tailor (LX) pho-ja i-m y clothing-m-mrkr 239. taxes (LX) s u e i35 b 807. tailor (MC) p h ii- ^ i- m u clothes-sew-agt 239. tea (LX) ts it la q a STC 486 *la 6 io. take a beating (LX) d z i 1623. l. tea (MC) ca q e (leaves) 610. take a beating (LX) tsa 1623. l. teach (LX) sd 2040. take a nam e (LX) ts h d 2261. teach, study (MC) s o d 2040. take a nam e (MC) th e 2261. teacher (LX) qa b i s2=old 227. take aim (LX) da t/2181. teacher (MC) c i N s i 227. take aim (LX) p i d a b ? 2 i8 i. team (o f cattle) (LX) g u a 1329. take aim (MC) zd 2 18 1. team (o f horses, m en) (LX) bo 1297. take detour (LX) g o 2274. team (of horses, men) (MC) p h e 1297. take detour (LX) s u e 2274. team o f oxen (MC) g u 1329. take detour (MC) £ i k u e 2274. teapot (MC) t§ha fit b 780. take notes (LX) j a 2018. teapot(?) (LX) tsha y i t b. x& ~ u (once) take notes (LX) tc i d a b 2018. 780. take notes (MC) fia ca 2018. tear dow n (house) (LX) za z i 1695. take out (LX) tc h i t c h i has minimal tone pair tear dow n (house) (MC) d ^ i d ^ t 1695. 1737. tears (LX) m a It qa 194. take out (MC) §£ th e tone var. 1737. tears (MC) m u l e q e e ~ e 194. take out (from above) (LX) tee 1728. tell(LX )qa ja 1918. take out (from betw een) (LX) te 1728. tell(LX)/J^ 1918. take out (from betw een) (MC) §e s t Ia 1728. tell (MC)drtr 1918. take stroll (LX) su e l i 2293. tell fortune (MC) ku a dua 1764. take stroll (MC) da t§ h f- k i play-go 2293. tell fortune (MC) suan m itj-pit b-do 1764. take stroll (MC) s u e lit 2293. tell fortune, divine (LX) su a 1764. take turns (LX) i d z d dze 2 158. tell lie (LX) i z i (p u ) 2287. take turns (MC) a la d o u s l= ? l 2158. tell lie (MC) z e %a p it 2287. take, fetch (LX) tc h i t c h i 2260. temple (LX) tc h i d za 90. take, fetch (MC) th e 2260. temple (MC) sd -tc i god-room /hom e 90. take, fetch (MC) §e th e 2260. ten (LX) fia d z d ?STC *gip 1183. take, fetch (MC) (§e) th i the 2260. ten (MC) fia did (qo) ?STC *gip 1183. take, grasp (LX) ts e tak es a, z t 2192. ten m illion (LX) a to -ifu i thousand- take, grasp (MC) z y a 2192. ten.thousand 1217. tall, high (LX) b d STC 146 *m-rai) 1408. ten m illion (MC) a tsh e u i 1217. tall, high (MC) b ^ u STC 146 *m-raq (cf. ten thousand (LX) e u i b? 1214. ■horse') 1408. ten thousand (MC) a u i 1214. tan (hide) (LX) q h u a 2490. tender, delicate (LX) t s t 1509. tan (hide) (LX) n i 2490. tender, delicate (MC) le 1509. tan (hide) (MC) %ua 2490. tenth (LX) fia d z d (&■) y e i 1228. tangerine (MC) k i n t s i b? 499. tenth o f m onth (LX) fia d z d 1121. target (LX) z u e 904. tenth o f m onth (LX)2340. target (MC) b i 904. fia d z d 1121.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 410 tenth of month (MC) h a d iu 1121. they, them , those people (MC) h a g d 1368. test, examine (LX) k h a o d a b 2107. thick (of paper) (LX) lia 1422. test, examine (MC) k h o k i 2107. thick (of paper) (MC) lia (liu ) 1422. testicles (LX) poss = ba b- or bo jo 145. thick ( o f porridge) (LX) t c i 1480. testicles (MC) z u i z u i PTB *dzay. cf. 'pit, thick (o f porridge) (LX) h & 'dry' 1480. stone' 145. thick (o f porridge) (MC) lia 1480. than (comparative mifcr) (LX) s i 2642. thick, w ide (LX) p a ?STC 172 *bw am (cf. than (larger —, etc.) (MC) (la) sd (b%a) 2642. round) 1406. that (MC) fia 1384. thick, wide (MC) ts h u la ?STC 356 *tu-k that (less distant) (LX) th a 1384. 1406. that (more distant) (LX) th a 1384. l. thick, wide (MC) b%a 1404. that one (MC) fia q o 1385. thickness (thick-thin) (LX) p a -b e thick-thin that one (less distant) (LX) th o 1385. 1621. that one (move distant) (LX) th o 1385. l. thickness (thick-thin) (LX) b e -p a thin-thick that one, it, that person (MC) h a i fia j i 1385. 1621. that side, there (LX) tha tchi qhua 1388. thief (LX) m u k u m u 250. that side, there (LX) tha pia qhua 1388. thief (MC) q u 250. that side, there (MC) h a z i 1388. thigh (LX) d u a q a -p a leg-thick 126. the, DEM (LX) d i 2645. thigh (MC) d u a - b ^ a leg-big (caique?), cf. their (MC) h a g d k i 1368. l. STEDT *b(r)la 'thigh' 1 2 6 . them selves (LX) io lia 1375. thin (of fabric) (LX) q d 1483. them selves (dual) (LX) id n i 1375. thin (of fabric) (LX) tc h a 1483. there (LX) th a g d 1387. thin (of fabric) (MC) z^a 1483. there (MC) h a i q a 1387. thin (of humans) (LX) x u a 1474. there is (a m atter) (LX) g o 2540. thin (of humans) (MC) x u a 1474. there is (a matter) (MC) g a 2540. thin (of paper) (LX) b u STC 138? *pleq 'flat', there is (person) (LX) i STC 264 *s-ri 2538. etc. 1423. there is (person) (MC) z i STC 264 *s-ri thin (of paper) (MC) b u STC 138? *pleq 2538. 'flat', etc. 1423. there is (som ething on table) (LX) s i 2543. thin (of person) (LX) x u d takes sa pfx 2346. there is (something on table) (MC) t i 2543. thin (of person) (MC) x u d takes §ae pfx 2346. there is (tree) (LX) m ia 2539. thin, slender (LX) b e 1407. there is (tree) (MC) g d 2539. thin, slender (MC) d i 1407. there is (tree) (MC) u s 2539. thin, slender (MC) b i( i 1407. there is not (a m atter) (LX) m d h o thing, tool, gift (MC) p a n a 721. rhinoglottophilia, v. harm ony 2540. thing, tool, gift, property (LX) p a n a 721. there is not (a m atter) (MC) m i g a 2540. think (LX) ba lo 2478. there is not (person) (LX) m i i 2538. think (MC) b e d z o u affricate? 2478. there is not (person) (MC) m i z i 2538. think (about) (MC) b e d ^ o u 2137. there is not (som ething on table) (LX) m i s i . think ( o f V-ing) (LX) ba lo 2480. think (o f V-ing) (MC) b e d ^ o t i si has e? 2543. 2480. there is not (something on table) (MC) m i t i third (LX) ts h e & x e t 1221 - 2543. third day of month (MC) s e i tiu 1120. there is not (tree) (LX) m i u u d 2539. third of month (LX) ts h e te d 1120. there is not (tree) (MC) m i ga 2539. thirsty (LX) & 2112. there is not (tree) (MC) m i u i 2539. thirsty (LX) q a ta & 2112. these (LX) tea % e 1379. thirsty (LX) ts u ta p ia 2112. these (MC) tea g d 1379. thirsty (MC) p ia 2112. they two (LX) t s i n i 1367. thirteen (LX) h a s e 1186. they two (MC) ha ga-na-qo they-two-CL thirteen (LX) h a ts h e 1186. 1367. thirteen (MC) h a s i 1186. they, them (LX) t s i lia 1368. thirty (LX) ts h e s d 1195.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 411 thirty (MC) s i sa i ~ ai 1195. throw away (LX) s i d zu a 2281. thirty-one (LX) tshe sa a 1196. throw away (MC) §ue 2281. thirty on e (MC) s i sa q a a q o 1196. throw away (MC) (§e) tua 2281. this (dem. noun) (LX) tea 1377. throw on (garment) (LX) ( z i ) x e i 2222. this (demonstrative noun) (MC) f c /1377. throw on (garment) (MC) bia 2222. this one (LX) fed 1378. thrush (LX) tsh a k u x N 425. this one (DEM + CL) (MC) tea q o 1378. thrush (MC) th o ko 425. this person (MC) tea i i 1378. thumb (LX) lia so -p a finger-thick 136. this side, here (LX) tea p id q h u a 1381. thumb (LX) p a N bd q d m-big-front 136. this side, here (LX) ts a g d 1381. thumb (LX) lia so -m ia finger-mother 136. this side, here (LX) ts d 1381. thumb (MC) / nd qe-b%a-(ki) finger-big- this side, here (MC) tea z i 1381. NOM 136. thorn (LX) tc h i ?STC 276 *tsow 494. thunder (LX) m u g u 8. th o m (MC) t s h i b? 494. thunder (MC) m u g o 8. those (LX) th a x e i 1386. thunder (v) (LX) m u g d (g d ) 1791. those (MC) fia q d 1386. thunderbolt (LX) g u 9. thou, you (sg) (LX) u 1362. thunderbolt (MC) m il g o 9. thou, you (sg) (MC) n d 1362. thunderbolt (MC) m il d e g o 9. thou, you (sg) (D.O.) (MC) ii o [w o] 1362.2. thunderbolt (v) (LX) m d g d qa te 1789. thousand (LX) tu ?< WT stoij. STC 32 thunderbolt (v) (LX) m d g u d a g u 1789. *stoq 1212. thunderbolt (v) (MC) m u d e g o 1789. thousand (MC) (a ) tsh e b? ?STC 32 *stoq Tibetan (LX) la fid 206. 1212. Tibetan (MC) m a §a 206. thrash, w hip (LX) q a t e i 1730. Tibetan barley (LX) z t 522. thrash, whip (MC) tu a 1730. Tibetan barley (MC) d z i 522. thread (LX) sa q ,i 619. tidy up (LX) cd ts h e i 2337. thread (MC) se l i 619. tidy up (MC) sii s u e 2337. thread (needle) (LX) s t 1742. tidy up (MC) §a tb ie 2337. thread (needle) (MC) § e s t 1742. tie (belt) (LX) d e ?STC 421 *du-t - *tu-t three (LX) ts h e STC 409 *g-sum 1176. 2025. three (MC) s i q d STC 409 *g-sum 1176. tie (belt) (LX) ci c/ ?STC 484 *kik 2025. three days ago (LX) z i z i cJ 1088. tie (belt) (LX) d z i dzi = belt 2025. three days ago (MC) d z e d z e s e 1088. tie (belt) (LX) z u zu a 2025. three days from now (LX) d z i s o c ) 1091 . tie (belt) (MC) d i takes cognate obj. ?STC three days from now (MC) d i s o u 1091. 421 *du-t - *tu-t 2025. three thousand fifty (LX) tshe td (na) Kue sd tie (knot) (LX) (da) pha ja 2066. n.b. vowel in s2. VH 1213. tie (knot) (MC) ^ a g d 2066. three thousand fifty (MC) si tshe qa mia sd tie up (MC) tsd d ^ a 1643. 1213. tie up (MC) d i ?STC 421 *du-t ~ *tu-t 1643. thresh grain (LX) s d td 1777. tie up (cattle) (LX) ts u ?STC 421 *du-t - thresh grain (LX) tu e tu e 1777. *tu-t 2355. thresh grain (LX) z a td 1777. tie up (cattle) (MC) ts d ?STC 421 *du-t ~ threshold (LX) d z ii k h u 712. *tu-t 2355. threshold (MC) d id te 712. tie up (foot, e.g.) (LX) d e ?STC 421 *du-t ~ throat (eating) (LX) q u m u 175. *tu-t 1643. throat (eating) (MC) xoq noN-qua b-m tie up (person, thing) (LX) z ii z u d 1643.

q=N? 175. tie up loosely, gather (LX) k o 1643. throat (speech) (MC) x o q n o N b 176. tie up strongly (LX) ku l i 1643. throat, voice (LX) tc h i 176. tiger (LX) pia 377. throw (at target) (LX) c i 2418. tiger (MC) pi da s2 in wild animal names throw (at target) (LX) m ia ja 2418. 377. throw (at target) (MC) tua 2418. tight (LX) Cl 1491. throw aw ay (LX) Kua ja 2281. tight (LX) tc i 1491.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 412 tight (M C)se 1491. the pattern HL (two syllables), or LHL tight (belt) (LX) c i c i 1491. (three syllables) 1085. tight, close (LX) z b ci c i 2073. today (MC) pe-sp ?= sky-bright 1085. tight, close (MC) re s e 2073. tofu (LX) d o i 597. tight, crowded (LX) fci tc i 1491. tofu (MC) d e i d z i 597. tighten, close up (LX) a tcin d a b? 2074. together (LX) a s o 2631. tighten, close up (LX) ( z i) ci c i STC 370 together (MC) a io u 2631. *ts(y)i-p 2074. toilet, cesspit (LX) ts h e k ii 690. tighten, close up (MC) t c i STC 370 *ts(y)i-p toilet, cesspit (MC) tch e-q ii feces-pit 690. 2074. tom b (LX) m d p u 95. tighten, close up (MC) d e se z i 2074. tom b (MC) m 6 p u 95. tile (roof, e.g.) (LX) hua b? 702. tomorrow (LX) to b o i c j 1089. die (roof, e.g.) (MC) ia 702. tomorrow (MC) te p e i 1089. die maker (MC) ia p it da m il 240. tom orrow night (LX) to p e i35 d z i t s i w eird tile maker (MC) ia g u i m u 240. tone 1093. tim e (LX) ha 1084. tom orrow n ig h t (MC) t k p e i g ie t s t 1093. tim e (LX) tub 1084. tongue (LX) z b q b 172. tim e (MC) z i ts e 1084. tongue (MC) z i q S 172. time (go one) (CL) (LX) dii also "(come one) tonight (LX) pei35 dzi tst w eird tone (from time" 1345. syllable conflation?) 1092. tim e (hit one) (CL) (LX) tshii also "(kick tonight (MC) p e g ie t s t 1092. one) time" 1349. tooth (LX) s ii STC 437 *s-w a 170. tim e (hit one) (CL) (LX) c i 1349. tooth (MC) d z e k e 170. time (hit one) (CL) (MC) te p i 1349. to p (LX) q b t e i 1061. tim e (kick one) (CL) (MC) tsh ii 1350. to p (MC) lia y d 1061. tin(LX)rs/65. top, above (MC) q i te 1061. tin (MC) t c i 65. topple (v.i.) (LX) da d z ii 1802. tinder (LX) p u 747. topple (v.i.) (LX) h it hua 1802. tinder (MC) y o ts h a d b 747. topple (v.i.) (MC) §e d ^ u a V H ? 1802. tinea, skin d ingus (LX) c u k N b. 158. topple (v.i.) (MC) §e g u i 1802. tinea, skin fungus (MC) c y k N b 158. torch (LX) m u -g u fire-m 750. tingle (LX) b o b o 2368. torch (MC) m e ca d%a 750. tingle (MC) ts h ii ts h u - tshii ts h u 2368. tortoise (MC) 0 k h u k i b 427. tip (LX) ja qb tc y 1052. touch (LX) tsh a tsha in cmds 2185. tip (MC) tc in tc in b 1052. touch (LX) p h a ca 2185. tip (MC) t i N p o occurs in words for mtn top, touch (MC) i d z a 2185. roof, etc 1052. toward, counter-clockwise ego (pfx) (LX) z i tip over (LX) d z ii 1805. - 1077. tired (LX) da q o 2135. tow el (LX) (q a -y o la -) pha t s i face-wash- tired (LX) da ba STC 29 *bal 2135. tow el (b.) 667. tired (MC) ba STC 29 *bal 2135. tow el (MC) p h a t s i b 667. to (speak ~) (LX) z t g a POST 2641. tow er (LX) p a th a m-b(tower) 96. to dry (grain) (MC) i k h u k 1657. tow er (MC) l d d ^ i stone(?)-m 96. tobacco (LX) m u -q h u smoke-m 568. tram ple, step o n (LX) tchua f y i ) 1686. tobacco (LX) id b 568. trample, step on (MC) (ha) tc h u a 1686. tobacco (LX) ia b? 6 11. transcribe (LX) th b n da 1705. tobacco (MC) m u q h u e caique 'smoke'. STC transcribe (LX) ja 1705. 256 *kuw 568. transcribe (MC) ca 1705. tobacco (MC) m u k h u i caique 'smoke'. STC transfer possession (LX) da z t 2603. 256 *kuw 611. transfer possession (MC) d e z i 2603. tobacco pipe (LX) ideN -kdq b-m 568. l. transport (LX) s u -d a b-s 2340. tobacco pipe (LX) ia p u -lb m -stick.up 568. i. trap (n) (LX) y k it bird-basket 908. today (LX) p u c j LX "day" terms either have trap (n) (MC) cyyb-^e pit hunt-hole 908.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 413 trash, refuse (LX) m a s o 752. turn around (self) (LX) s u e 1821. trash, refuse (MC) t§a t§a 752. turn around (self) (MC) s o 1821. traveling expenses (LX) y p h u 801. turn around (self) (MC) h a lia 1921. traveling expenses (MC) p h a n tc h e 801. turn around (self) (MC) d e s u e tone var*s treasure (MC) q o - n a - k a silver-and-gold 657. 1821. treasured object (MC) p a d p e i b 657. turn around (self) (MC) d e 1821. treat, cure (LX) p o 2525. turn comer (LX) s i g o 2602. treat, cure (LX) i 3S d a b 2525. turn comer (LX) s u e 2602. treat,cure (MC) i t h a b 2525. turn corner (MC) g o u 2602. treat, cure (MC) d z i s i 2525. turn head, repent (LX) su a x& 1991 . tree (LX) ( c i ) p h u 465. turn head, repent (MC) dee tsa 1991. tree (MC) p h o 465. turn bead, repent (MC) d e s u e 1991. tree (CL) (LX) z u e 1251. turn head, repent (MC) d ie n o 1991. tree (CL) (LX) p h u tree 1248. turn inside out (LX) do g o 1871. tree (CL) (MC) p h o 1248. turn inside out (MC) §e q e to u 1871. tree (CL) (MC) kou 1248. turn on water (LX) ts u c i 1880. tree (CL) (MC) p h o 1251. turn on water (MC) ts u e le 1880. tree trunk (LX) c i - t b m -firew ood 466. turn water wheel (LX) t s h i 1708. tree trunk (MC) p h o zL / 466. turn water wheel (LX) k u 1708. treetop (MC) p h o t i N p d 468. turn, move (CAUS) (MC) te seN gou zi tremble, shiver (LX) tsh a t6 1864. 2604. trem ble, shiver (MC) le le - p u m -do 1864. turn, move (CAUS.) (LX) s u e z t best pfx. is tremble, shiver (MC) le s e s e 1864. da 2604. trip-hammer (MC) tchhxua la-ki-thio rice- turn, move (SIMP) (MC) te s e N g o u 2605. wash-NOM-m 8 8 1 . turn, move (SIMP.) (LX) s u e k d s2=? 2605. trip-ham m er (MC) th io ?STC 317 *tow 881. turtledove (LX) y g ii x d 422. tripod (LX) c e - m i iron-m. VH? 786. turtledove (MC) g u e g u e 422. tripod (MC) m u b o s e 786. tweezers (LX) c a -te iron-pinch 817. trunk, box (LX) ca q t s i b 726. tweezers (MC) (tc6n)-tca tsi m -b 817. trunk, box (MC) s o u 726. twelve (LX) h a n o som etim es na 1185. try, test (LX) k a o 3S da b. 2328. twelve (MC) h a n o tone change from 'two' try, test (MC) k a o th a b 2328. 1185. tube for blow ing on fire (LX) m u p h u liii twenty (LX) n d s a 1193. fire-light/blow-? 788. twenty (MC) n d s a 1193. tube for blowing on fire (MC) m u - p h u - d io twenty-one (LX) n o sa a 1194. fire-light/blow-door 788. twenty-one (MC) n s s e t t i 194. tuber of elevated gastrodia (LX) t i e N m a b twenty-one (MC) no si na a qo 1194. 573. twig fence (LX) ts a p ia 719. tuber of elevated gastrodia (LX) d z u a q a 573. twig fence (MC) a ts a ~ a tsa 7 19. tuber of elevated gastrodia (MC) th ie n m a b twig fence (MC) ts a k i 719. 573. twist rope (LX) l i tone notes 1759. tug (LX) k d ts e 2080. twist rope (MC) l i 1759. tug (LX) k u te a 2080. two (LX) n a STC 4 *g-nis 1175. tug (MC) s e sa 2080. two (MC) n a q o STC 4 *g-nis 1175. tum ble dow n (LX) h a qa te a 2350. two (liters) (LX) n o ku 1318. tum ble dow n (LX) h a qa lid 2350. two (liters) (MC) c e 1318. tum ble dow n (MC) h a ts h o ii 2350. two cupped hands-full (LX) p h o N b. 1288. tum ble dow n (MC) ha tu a 2350. two cupped hands-full (LX) k 6 1288. turban (LX) d 6 643. two cupped hands-full (MC) p h o q p h o q b turban, head scarf (MC) c d q t c i 643. 1288. turn (body) (LX) s u e takes zt 2601. two dollars (coins) (LX) n c -tc h a e N tw o-b turn (body) (MC) s u e 2601. 1314. turn around (self) (LX) z i 1821. two dollars (coins) (MC) na d z i 1314.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 414 two taels o f liquor (LX) c i a b z b ??? 1313. unravel (clothes) (MC) d ^ i d ^ i 1694. two taels of liquor (MC) a s d z o u 1313. untied, undone (LX) s i 2295. tw o years ago (LX) d z i p u ~ z tp u l 144. untied, undone (LX) da p h a ja 2295. two years ago (MC) d z i p it cf. tw o days ago untied, undone (MC) § i %a g u 2295. 1144. upper half o f body (LX) z o q h u a chest-part two years from now (LX) dza dza tcj 1 146. 1082. two years from now (MC) % oii p u 1146. upper h alf o f body (MC) c i p e i q e te 1082. ugly (LX) k h u 1513. upper m illstone (LX) z o k u 882. ugly (LX) m i s e 1560. upper m illstone (MC) n J e N t s i b? 882. ugly (LX) tsa q h d 1560. upside down, inverted (LX) d o g o 1446. ugly (MC) m i ta 1513. upside dow n, inverted (MC) g u i ~ g u i = left ugly (MC) m i p a §e 1560. (hand) 1446. ugly (MC) m i-p a § i m -b 1513. upw ard (pfx) (LX) tb - 1080. ugly (MC) m i ta 1560. upward (pfx) (MC) te - 1080. umbilical cord (LX) pu tsi sua pu 148. urge, advise (LX) q a c i 2270. umbilical cord (MC) p i t§ i t§4 148. urge, advise (MC) m i so d 2270. umbrella (LX) ts b sa 818. urinary bladder (LX) b i-s o q b urine-pocket umbrella (MC) saeN b 8 18. 186. unclear (LX) fia n i 2001. urinary bladder (LX) rib p h o 186. unclear (MC) / u e / la sl=b? 2001. urinary M adder (MC) b ie ta p o 186. uncover, take off (lid) (LX) q a ?STC 479 urinary bladder (MC) b ie p h o d a 186. *klup 2061. urinate (LX) ca p o ?STC 77 *ts(y)i 2286. uncover, take off (lid) (MC) § i d z i 2061. urinate (LX) (d a ) b i 2286. under (a building) (LX) q a tb 1068. urinate (MC) b ie b ie 2286. under (a building) (MC) q a ta 1068. urine (LX)b/ 188 . under (a building) (MC) (lou) qa ti 1068. urine (MC) b ie 188. under (a m ountain) (LX) q a tb 1073. use (n) (LX) p o i 1031. under (a m ountain) (MC) s u qa ta 1073. use (n) (LX) p o s i 1031. under (the table) (LX) qa tb 1066. use (n) (MC) io s i qa 1031. under (the table) (MC) q a ta 1066. use, em ploy (LX) mi-faq pien m-b gloss?? underground (LX) qa tb 1070. o r is sl= p e rso n 2332. underground (LX) qa t c i 1070. use, employ (LX) m a 35 ta to n e var's 2332. underground (MC) zu i pe-qa ta field-under use, em ploy (MC) z v a b - [K w a^J 2332. 1070. uterus (LX)phi ci 149. understand, comprehend (LX) tb tsha 2137. uvula (LX) z b q b tc y s3 cf. tip. bud, appear(?) understand, comprehend (LX) tsh a tsha 2137. 173. understand, comprehend (MC) s i ua 2137. uvula (LX) z b q b -tsa tongue-sm all 173. understand, know (LX) s i STC 182 *syey uvula (MC) z i q e -ts u tongue-sm all 173. 1832. vapor (LX) lb 23. understand, know (LX) ts h a 1832. vapor, steam (MC) (tc h i) le 23. understand, know (MC) s i ua ca STC 182 vary, change (v.i.) (LX) m ie ua 1669. *syey 1832. vary, change (v.i.) (MC) t i la STC 283 *lay understand, know (MC) s i (z J l) STC 182 1669. *syey 1832. vat, jar(LX) q h a 781. understand, know (MC) t i x u e ca 1832. vat, jar (MC) ts u e -tsh o d water-m 781. undress (LX) z b takes d a- 2432. vegetable (LX) k u ts u 530. undress (LX) x& takes da- 2432. vegetable (MC) tc h o u t i includes cabbage, undress (MC) lo d 2432. celery, rapeseed, chives, etc 530. unit of weight equal to 5 kilos (LX) tc h i STC vegetable (w ild, sp.) (MC) p ia t i k d 369 *ki-n 1315. Sichuanese /tser31 gen55/ 530. unit o f w eight equal to 5 kilos (MC) tc h i vegetable d ish (LX) k u ts u 583. STC 369 *ki*n 1315- vegetaM e d ish (MC) tch o t i 583. unravel (clothes) (LX) z a z i 1694. vegetable oil lam p (LX) s o i-m u - g d

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 415 vegetable.oil-fire-m 739. warm (water) (MC) d u e 1517. vegetable oil lamp (MC) ta q -t§ a b-m 739. warm self by fire (LX) k h u a 2108. vertical flute, Qiang flute (MC) cao b (Qiang warm self by fire (LX) ( m u ) 16 ?STC 381 flute not used in Mianchi) 952. *lum 2108 . vertical, upright (LX) ts h u 1448. warm self by fire (MC) m u - k h u e fire-roast vertical, upright (MC) zd 1448. 2108. very (heavy) (LX) ( z i ) x u a (how to gloss wash (bowl) (LX)xd la ?STC 493 *(m- this?) 2628. )syi/al. or, more likely, syll. breaking from very (heavy) (MC) qe qe (dzi) 2628. NQ. 2459. vest (LX) kha i\d tsi b? 633. wash (bowl) (MC) ( h o ) y u a la ?STC 493 vest (MC) khan tcin tsi made of fabric, b? *(m-)syi/al 2459. 633. wash (clothes) (LX) y o la ?STC 493 *(m- vest (MC) p h a d%a 633. )syi/al 2460. village (LX) ts h u a -k u village-place ?STC wash (clothes) (MC) (phu) xua la ?STC 493 *tyal 79. *(m-)syi/al 2460. village (MC) ts h u a ?STC *tyal 79. wash (face) (LX) y o la ?STC 493 *(m-)syi/al village (MC) tshua-(b^a) village-big. ?STC 2462. *tyal 79. wash (face) (MC) nua la 2462. village (MC) ts h u a q o village-this. ?STC wasp (MC) b ia -b ii wild-bug 455. *tyal 79. waste (MC) m i la p u 2555. vinegar (LX) ts h u b 598. waste (MC) c i tc h } 2555. vinegar (MC) ts h u b 598. waste (grain) (LX) p h u s e e.g., wasted by violm (LX) f i i t c h i n b 953. people(check exact meaning?) 2555. violin (MC) fu tchin tsi b 953. waste (grain) (LX) n ua l i 2555. visit doctor (LX) id tsa m l= sic k 2104. waste (grain) (LX) p h u Id e.g., eaten by visit doctor (MC) dzi si (ki) m3?= 'de' ptcl animals 2555. 2104. water (LX) t s u *twiy STC 168 52. voice (MC) t c h i b? 197. water (MC) ts u e *twiy STC 168 52. vomit (LX) j a q u 2202. water drop (LX) ts u -c u q a water-m 55. vomit (MC) i other form s 2202. water drop (MC) ts u e -te water-m 55. vow, pledge (v) (LX) fa s i b. tones vary watery, dilute (LX) z b 1481. 1863. watery, dilute (MC) 1481. vulva (LX) p h i t s i 146. wave (n.) (LX) ts u q a 53. vulva (MC) th a ba 146. wave (n.) (MC) ts u e b u 53. wad, pile, pack (LX) th u a 1281. wave hand (LX) l i t c h i 1763. wad, pile, pack (MC) Id 16 1281. wave hand (MC) read th a b? 1763. wad, pile, pack (MC) hie 1281. way, means (LX) thiao tshan or HH. b? 990. wad, pile, pack (MC) d % o u 1281. way, means (MC) p§ u th e 990. w aist (LX) ta q a 124. we (MC) a l e 1361. waist (MC) d i d i - s i m-place 124. we (MC) q d le 1361. wait (LX) z b 1809. we (excl) (LX) qalia 1361. wait(M C) z o ii 1809. we (inclusive) (LX) u lia w/v variation 1369. w alk (LX) k b 2614. we two (MC) qa-le-(na-qo) I-he-two-CL w alk (MC) k e g u cf. 'go', 'foot' 2614. 1360. w alk (MC) k e c i 2614. we two (MC) too le 1360. walnut (LX) bu dii ja qhu s3=separated 508. we two (exclusive) (LX) q a r i i 1360. walnut (MC) h o I d 508. we two (inclusive) (LX) u n , i 1370. want (LX) c a 2524. wear (bracelet) (LX) ts e 1798. want (LX) tc h d 2524. wear (bracelet) (MC) t s i 1798. w ant (MC) k h i 2524. wear (clothes) (LX) g u 1740. warm (LX)/e?STC 381 *lum 1518. wear (clothes) (MC) (te ) g u STC 160 *gwa warm (MC) d u e 1518. - *kwa 1740. warm (w ater) (LX) d a 1517. wear (hat) (LX) ta 1797.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 416 w ear (hat) (MC) ta b? 1797. while (CL) (LX) tu a 1336. w ear (head cloth) (LX) de 1796. while (CL) (MC) t i p a 1336. wear (head cloth) (MC) ta 1796. while (CL) (MC) tu d 1336. w ear (jew elry) (LX) Kue 2235. whimper in pain (MC) d z i s i s f 1970. w ear (jew elry) (MC) ta 2235. whip (LX) K ua-bai m-rope 837. wear (jewelry) (MC) t s i 2235. whip (MC) nua t s i 837. w ear (shoes) (LX) t s u 1741. white (LX) p h e 1453. w ear (shoes) (MC) te ts u 1741. white (MC) p § f 1453. wear a hole into (LX) (d a ) bia 1743. white cabbage (LX) p h a ts e i b 531. wear a hole into (MC) (%i pu) §i tci 1743. who (LX) s f 1390. wear clothes (MC) p h u g u STC 160 *gw a ~ who (MC) § f le 1390. *kwa 2222. why (LX) n a g a 1398. weasel (?) (LX) t c h y I f q a Sichuanese d ia o why (MC) na k f li ni 1398. lin g z i . cf. squirrel 398. wick (LX) m u I f q a gloss? 740. w eather (LX) m u 6. wick (LX)%d ts h a d 740. weather (MC) m u p ia 6. wick (MC) m i c a -tie m-heart 740. weave (basket) (LX) k a 1668. wick (MC) ta g ts h a d b 740. weave (basket) (MC) ty a STC p21 *tak 1668. wide, broad (LX) la 1418. wedge (LX) c f 872. wide, broad (MC) Id 1418. w edge (MC) (s e ) go 872. widow (LX) k u a m a t s i b 310. w eek (LX) b a i 1157. widow (MC) k u a m u t s i b in past could re w eek (MC) b a -d ie rest(?)-m 1157. marry relative(?) 310. weigh (grain) (LX) tchi fch/STC 369 *ki*n widower (LX) kua kdij tsi b 311. 1710. widower (MC) kua kog tsi b in past could weigh (grain) (MC) tc h e STC 369 *ki-n 1710. remarry relative(?) 3 11. w eld (LX) him da b 1962. wife (LX) te e m i ?STC 297 *mow 307. w eld (MC) y a n th a b -n ~ - 0 1962. wife (MC) ted (tsi) m ei ?STC 297 *mow w eld (MC) d% u 1962. 307. w eld (MC) d e i 1962. void carnivore (LX) p ia -x o tiger(?)-w ild 375. w ell (n.) (LX) ts ii- k u w ater-pit 37. w ild carnivore (MC) cy 375. well (n.) (MC) t s u e - k u water-pit 37. wild goose (LX) g a 35 n o b? 412. Wenchuan (name of county and county seat) wild goose (MC) gae3S u o b? 412. q h o -tsa . w ild herbivore (LX) id x d 376. w est (LX) m i l n f-d a k u sun-opposite- wild herbivore (MC) c y 376. direction 1038. w ild pig (LX) p ia x d 385. w est (MC) me sf-fia-da-si sun-down-go- wild pig (MC) p ia x d 385. place 1038. w ild radish (LX) z u a m u "mountain radish" w est (MC) m i na-Ra-da-si sun-down-go- 573. place 1038. willing (LX) KO - KO 2552. wet field (LX) ts u - z u water-field 45. willing (MC) kou %a - kou zja 2552. w hat (LX) n a i cf. '-self words 1391. w illow tree (LX) isN liou-phu b-tree 482. w hat (MC) n f le 1391. willow tree (MC) ia liu -p h d b-tree 482. wheat, barley, etc (LX) tfa STC 150 *mruw willow tree (wild) (LX) sa & a- - ra 482. 524. win, beat (LX) ta q b 2528. wheat, barley, etc (MC) Is ?STC 150 *mruw win, beat (MC) qa 2528. 524. win, triumph (LX) ta q b 2323. wheel (MC) k u i N k u i N 824. win, triumph (MC) t i qa VH 2323. wheel (MC) k u i N k u a - new form (?) 824. wind (LX) m u v o u / o in first syll 11. where (LX) n a g d - ts h d which-place 1393. wind (MC) me me li. where (MC) a ta ( l i ) 1393. wind (MC) m e m e 11. which one (LX) n 6 g a - o which-CL 1392. wind (thread), tangle (LX) ko l i 1699. which one (MC) § f l e o f people 1392. wind (thread), tangle (MC) d%a 1699. which one (MC) n f l e o f things 1392. window (LX) tsh a n d z i b 714.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 417 w indow (MC) ts h d n t s i pronunciation varies. w ool clo th (LX) n i t s i b 624. b 714. w ool clod) (MC) n i t s i b 624. w ing (LX) dzu a ja 370. w o rk o n a job (LX) d z i p u 1915. w ing (MC) za k e 370. w o rk o n a job (LX) d z i ba la 1915. w innow (LX) fsa k o 2513. w o rk o n a job (MC) d%ipu ke 1915. w innow (LX) s u ta 2513. w o rk o n a job (MC) d ^ ip d k i 1915. w innow (MC) z a t§ i grain + winnow (?). w ork song (MC) § d N k d - b 940. This is a verb phrase and not a single word, w o rry

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 418 year (of animal's age) (MC) p u 1292. yudn (Chinese dollar) (MC) k o 1332. year, next (LX) d z a t c j 1145. zero (MC) m i- ija NEG-have 1 2 1 0 . year, next (MC) d ia tc h / 1145. zh an g (3 1/3 meters) (LX) z a b? some tone year, this (LX) ts e p u 1142. var. 1322. year, this (MC) ts e p y pu ~ py 1142. zh an g (3 1/3 meters) (MC) d^a b 1322 yellow (LX)^a 1455. yellow (MC) y a 1455. yellow w easel (LX) te a q o 399. yellow weasel (MC) yuatj suei & b 399. yesterday (LX) n i c j ?STC 368 *nig 1 0 8 6 . yesterday (MC) n a sp ?STC 368 *niq 1 0 8 6 . Yi nationality (LX) Id 16 205. Yi nationality (MC) m a §a 205. yield, surrender (LX) fia s i 2481. yield, surrender (MC) te y o e/ae? 2481. yoke (LX) to l i 839. yoke (MC) n e ts u 839. yonder, w ay o v er there (MC) fia le 1383. yonder, w ay o v er th ere (furthest) (LX) th a g a 1383. you (pi) (LX) u lia 1365. you (pi) (MC) u le 1365. you tw o (LX) u n , i 1364. you tw o (MC) u le n a q o 1364. young (of person) (LX) p u - s u tsa year-age- young 1511. young (of person) (MC) § u -tsa tsa age-sm all 1511. young m an (LX) b ie p h a 2 17. young m an (MC) b e liu ts u 2 17. young m an (MC) 217. young w om an (LX) tea 218. young woman (MC) tee tsu tsu 218. younger brother (LX) tu - ts u 3d pers. m- small. STC 309 ♦d/toy 285. younger brother (MC) p i m u said by elder sis 285. younger brother (MC) to u ts u said by eld er bro 285. younger brother (direct) (LX) a c 6 N 285. l . younger siblings (LX) sa n i 295. younger siblings (MC) m e tie ?STC 309 *d/toy 295. younger sister (LX) sa ts u 3d person 286. younger sister (MC) liu said by bro/sis 286. younger sister (direct) (LX) i m i 286. l. your (pi) (MC) u le k i 1365.1. your (sg) (MC) u k i 1362.1. yourself (LX) u 6 i 1 0 / -> [0] / u cf. 1362 1374. yourself (MC) u i n a 1374. yourselves (LX) v e t lia ~ v i lia 1374. yuan (Chinese dollar) (LX) p ia 1332.

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 419~~

~~Appendix C: Maps and Charts~~

~~This appendix consists of the following maps and chaits:~~

~~1. Map of the Qiang area (SIL).~~

~~2. Dialect names, locations and map from QY7Z.177-179.~~

~~3. Dialect names, population figures from LIU 1998b:16-18, corresponding to tables 1.2 - 1.4.~~

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 420~~

~~Below is a map of the Qiang-speaking area (cross-hatched and labeled ”95 & 146"),~~

~~provided by Barbara Grimes, editor of the E th n o lo g u e (Summer Institute of Linguistics).~~

~~Note that the area called "MAOWEN" is also called M a o x ia n or "Mao county." Chengdu~~

~~is south of the area included in this map.~~

~~95 Zhenjlangguan~~

~~Y u -p a - 146~~

~~y ^ 1 4 0 Z hic MAOWEH o XUECHEHG ° WEHCHUAH L I XIAH o EH o MIAHZHU 95&146 SHIF~~

~~itszui r~—- H ^^vrH iH G r r ^~~

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 421~~

~~The following lists of dialect names and locations, and the dialect map are taken from~~

~~QYJZ: 177-179.~~

~~&)W£kto±Ufri&&. a S ri^ f^ SBifcE, * j* fA 7 jA .~~

~~#3E^±i§, ##*f#«*& *nT.~~

~~1.Attdj±is, T i .$*» .u- m . * j * j . . * - f c ,'fr * k . lia i^ a ,*j *r a t a . 2.«^±i§,±^^aamsiJtti¥—^ i - as. = » , t o j . ssiij, aft. ft^BfAo~~

E#. T£. *±IMfe. ft^H fA . 4.Hte±B. ft £«r. *K, JK n . mm. mb. -t&ft, **a&Eft**a&. be*. a ± 4 * . £ ft. a ffr&ftm Jr. gij£—« , ft*r—t jh t Ao 5 .m j* ± iS : i*. a. ±n. »m. &j&s?e, &«&as. h *. @*. * £ . % «, ±¥. fin, ftp. MtMfeaaa:*. & 4* h^ a . 177

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue it n o i s n e p wittr eproduced R~~

i t U t t 5fc t f ai 43 t f t f ■Hi t f -& t f 11 3b t f » t f te 40 44 1§K is n? in « t f l o f* . . f* o • 0 0 « -Hi t f 4o S£ .g s « s t f e -H -H H- « H- = t ■=3 f te te te 1as 11 1 # 0 0 0 o oyih r de erdcin wto,pension. n o i s n e p witdou, d e v o r p reproduction udder R er n w o copyriph, t f se -H t f -* * ft 1*" f t f « t f Bg oft & g£ 31 43 CM u h h • 1 w m •. 0 m m K ® -3 s. □Z t f e * te S & £ “ 43 -< ft f W 0 0 • 0 e * t f as « •44 ■Hi t f 4$ "s’ H t f lsl 0 1 • e £■ HR 4£ ■ 4e t f H 4 ■ « ■ W - . - K • £ t f t iu iu t f ft f m ~ t f f . df S * - - K - . B l s I ' B- t f te C 1 i f i e t M C ti--'4a F? ■ . 1 S M S f t f t « t f 4n t .f r t j f . - e S M S ft * * t f W 1 < 1 s *3 ss 11 .= -!ta- . W , , W . .= -!ta- , , ■f t- t f ti- ft .■ k

~~m J r Ute JJ ' kJrr •« t f « t » e b & , «n W" nft 43 )L & * < h t f - & t f W * -W b t . . .~~

e ft ft t f t f t f te s e a se ss s 4?» * . MS«h e R t f . * t HR f te £ 4 14-4* * 4* £ 1 f 4+4*? S ft fa . s a * * I . K- . I * * -H 3T to : , * , : 3Tto s -H * * 3? * fih « * bl Jri iie * t *K f * S F -W UTSW - •F* b? i* * * * i w m m m . . . t f b - k 4fc .. m . e t i te « t Jl I Jol ■te rtl se # s * «? * as t f «- • # t f . £ t f ' - t ^ f 5S S IB * « *° # s a #o -Hi S k- »• « MB ita *« « t f ±J as y . m « k . 4 ft f 40 , ft f . . 4i> s a & m e IB te t f s i t f » - h k * “ 4*? s 423

~~The following table corresponds to Table 1.2 in this dissertation (Liu 1998b: 16).~~

~~& A □ (1990) £*& £«<£«£ tt ft £ 89000 72000 80.9%~~

~~i n 16000 9700 60.6%~~

~~a w % 29000 18000 62.1%~~

* 2300 1700 73.9% jfcjn £ 48000 100 0.02% £ 1200 0 0

~~f t* . m 58000 49600 85.5%~~

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 424~~

~~The following table corresponds to Tables 1.3 and 1.4, although the dialects are arranged in~~

~~a different order, with SQ dialects coming first (Liu 1998b: 17-18).~~

~~3ra ttfflAD~~

tfa.*'l?'l.;h.T. 7400 m m *

~~m&Jrm 4900~~

~~3300 £ .* ± 3 ?~~

~~m&1rm 15700 ffeilfeE /£&Mi*dE.#J!ni^~~

~~turn i¥ft^Jt!ifate*&«zl£«® 19000 •UftELU&dtJilfiW'MMJtK~~

it&JTm 23000 f t* *

~~J tS fl# sf «* 11000~~

~~li*.*? JtftTfS m m 120(H)~~

~~i t t *** 9800~~

~~J t ft i f 3 14000~~

~~Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 425~~

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