Soviet Union's Balkan Opening During the Khrushchev Period
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The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
20 Ho Chi Minh's Thought on Preventing War, Settling Disputes
The Journal of Middle East and North Africa Sciences 2021; 7(06) http://www.jomenas.org Ho Chi Minh's Thought on Preventing War, Settling Disputes, Contradictions BY Peaceful Measures Ph.D. Le Nhi Hoa Regional Academy of Politics III, 232 Nguyen Cong Tru, Son Tra District, Da Nang city, Việt Nam [email protected] Abstract. Respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity; not to use force or threaten to use force in international relations; equal and mutually beneficial cooperation; the peaceful settlement of disputes and disputes are core principles and values of international law, the Charter of the United Nations; achievements and efforts of all nations in the world, including Vietnam. With the historical approach, the article in-depth clarifies a number of prominent points in Ho Chi Minh's thought about war prevention, settlement of disputes, disputes by peaceful means and their application in fight to protect the sovereignty and legitimate interests of Vietnam in the East Sea. To cite this article [Hoa, L. N. (2021). Ho Chi Minh's Thought on Preventing War, Settling Disputes, Contradictions BY Peaceful Measures. The Journal of Middle East and North Africa Sciences, 7(06), 20-25]. (P-ISSN 2412- 9763) - (e-ISSN 2412-8937). www.jomenas.org. 4 Keywords: Prevent War; Peaceful Measure; Ho Chi Minh.. 1. An assessment of Ho Chi Minh's outstanding countries and the determination of the Vietnamese people contributions: in protecting the national sovereignty and territorial An assessment of Ho Chi Minh's outstanding integrity of the country. “Vietnam has the right to enjoy contributions, the United Nations Educational, Scientific freedom and independence, and in fact has become a free and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued Resolution and independent country. -
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process. -
Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact. -
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe. -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
Battle the Balkan·S
' - ) LET OFFIC There are two possibilities. One is a part and parcel of the democratic war itself South Slav Federation comp?sed of Serbs, and that they can be of help not only in Croats, Slovenes and Bulgarians with which shortening the war greatly but in solving the other Balkan nations-Rumania, Greece a variety of problems. and Albania - would collaborate. Russia, In the matter of the terrible devastatiqn The which qoes not look sympathetically on the wrought by fascist Italian troops in the Bal idea of any bloc federated on the basis of kans or by satellite Bulgarian fascist groups, regionalism, favors this possibility. The the round table has agreed it is vital that other solution is a Balkan Federation, with full restitution be made· for the devastated all the Balkan peoples participating and areas. You have concurred in recommend BATTLE renouncing their small nationalisms in .a ing that all resources (particularly those bf federated state within a democratic frame- the Axis nations) be po9led in order· to re work, each country ret.aining a ~ imited .establish prosperity and help·the victimized sovereignty. The great powers must' not peoples to cope with the problems of divide the Balkan community into spheres disease, ruined property and so forth. ·for of influence; a united democratic, inde- In the matter of boundary problems the pendent community of the Balkan peoples members of the round table were of the would constitute the firmest of links be- unanimous belief that those areas which tween Russia and the rest of Europe. have ·been occupied by the Axis countries THE BALKAN·S Dolivet - May I now submit the conclu- and which have suffered so terribly from sions we have reached? The round table the enemy should be returned immediately. -
Afghanistan and the Peace Through Development Paradigm: a Critical Assessment
E-journal promoted by the Campus for Peace, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu CONFLICTOLOGY IN PRACTICE Afghanistan and the Peace Through Development Paradigm: A Critical Assessment Katharina Merkel Submitted: December 2010 Accepted: March 2011 Published: May 2011 Abstract A plethora of academic literature indicates that, in the post Cold War political landscape, poverty and development deficits are key in sparking civil conflict. Out of this recognition a new paradigm has emerged which underpins the idea that, by working to overcome these deficits, the risk of conflict can be essentially reduced and/or mitigated. The ‘peace through development’ paradigm supports the assumptio n that development and security are essentially intertwined. In this paper I discuss the challenges and opportunities associated with the paradigm within the Afghan context, addressing the two core questions: (1) how are poverty and development deficits connected to violence and conflict? and (2) what are the prerequisites for development to play a conducive role in the peacebuilding alchemy? This paper argues that at large, sustainable peace in Afghanistan can only be achieved through sustainable development. However, it also recognises the tremendous challenges faced to fully capitalise on the peace dividend that development might be able to provide, and at the same time develops a roadmap for more conflict-sensitive development programming. Keywords peacebuilding, development, conflict resolution, poverty, Afghanistan, horizontal -
Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-1967 Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis Christine Deichsel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Deichsel, Christine, "Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis" (1967). Master's Theses. 3240. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3240 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. YUGOSLAV IDEOLOGY AND ITS IMPORTANCE TO THE SOVIET BLOC: AN ANALYSIS by Christine Deichsel A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo., Michigan April 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of Professors George Klein and William A. Ritchie. My thanks go to them and the other members of my Committee, namely Professors Richard J. Richardson and Alan Isaak. Furthermore, I wish to ex press my appreciation to all the others at Western Michi gan University who have given me much needed help and encouragement. The award of an assistantship and the intellectual guidance and stimulation from the faculty of the Department of Political Science have made my graduate work both a valuable experience and a pleasure. -
Book Reviews Ivan Lakovic and Dmitar Tasic, the Tito-Stalin Split
Book Reviews Ivan Lakovic´ and Dmitar Tasic,´ The Tito-Stalin Split and Yugoslavia’s Military Opening toward the West, 1950–1954: In NATO’s Backyard. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016. 285 pp. $95.00. Reviewed by Lorraine M. Lees, Old Dominion University The relationship that developed in the early 1950s between Communist Yugoslavia and the United States and its democratic allies is one of the more fascinating episodes of the Cold War. The break between Josip Broz Tito and Iosif Stalin in 1948 had not been foreseen by Western governments, but it provided the United States with an opportunity to pry open the Soviet bloc and demonstrate that Soviet imperialism, not Communism in and of itself, was a danger to the free world. Tito was an unusual and often reluctant partner in this endeavor, retaining his commitment to socialist principles and, above all, to his country’s survival. To secure the latter, he accepted U.S. military assistance and even appeared open to membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Over time, however, he forged a rapprochement with the USSR and soon became adept at balancing one power against the other. Rather than adhere to either bloc, Tito eventually emerged as one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement, and by the late 1950s he moved away from some aspects of the relationship he had established with Western countries and with NATO. The rise and fall of the military relationship between Yugoslavia and NATO is the subject of this volume in the Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series by Ivan Lakovic´ and Dmitar Tasic.´ Lakovic´ is a research assistant at the Historical Institute of the University of Montenegro, and Tasic´ is a postdoctoral fellow at the Centre for War Studies, University College Dublin.