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Russia-Georgia Relations
russian analytical russian analytical digest 68/09 digest the moment. So are specific steps aimed at resolving the usually are not focused on activities that cannot bring Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflicts. Harm reduction anything tangible in the short run. is the only realistic policy objective in that area. As to the long run, one should admit that nobody At the same time, Georgia cannot afford to lose ties can confidently predict what will be happening in the to the people who live in Abkhazia and South Ossetia region in ten–fifteen years time or beyond that. Georgia now – whatever political attitudes they may have. This has too much on its hands right now to be too involved is not easy, but Georgians – both in government and in speculations about it. It is rational to focus on ob- in society – should be creative and inventive on this jectives that can be achieved and not allow things that point. Apart from technical impediments for such con- cannot be changed for the time being to get one de- tacts, the trick is that there can be no short-term politi- pressed. cal advantages coming from such contacts, and people About the Author: Professor Ghia Nodia is the Director of the School of Caucasus Studies at Ilia Chavchavadze State University in Tbilisi, Georgia and chairman of the Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, a Georgian think-tank. Georgian Attitudes to Russia: Surprisingly Positive By Hans Gutbrod and Nana Papiashvili, Tbilisi Abstract What do Georgians think about Russia? What relationship would they like to have with their northern neighbor? And what do they think about the August conflict? Data collected by the Caucasus Research Resource Center (CRRC) allows a nuanced answer to these questions: although Georgians have a very crit- ical view of Russia’s role in the August conflict, they continue to desire a good political relationship with their northern neighbor, as long as this is not at the expense of close ties with the West. -
N E W S L E T T E R
Schools of Political Studies ISSUE 1, November 2012 ISSUE 0, October 2012 N E W S L E T T E R ISSUE 1 , November 2012 ISSUE 0, October 2012 Letter from the Director of Policy Planning, Council of HUNDREDS OF SCHOOL PARTICIPANTS AT THE FIRST Europe WORLD FORUM FOR DEMOCRACY Over 500 participants from the Schools of Political Studies converged on Strasbourg to join in the first World Forum I am delighted to preface this first issue of the Schools of Political for Democracy (5-11 October 2012). In addition to Studies’ Newsletter as I am convinced that the Schools are uniquely- attending the different events of the Forum, the placed to help build a Europe based on the core values of the Council participants exchanged views with their peers in regional of Europe. The aim of this quarterly Newsletter is to bring the meetings of Schools and achievements of the Schools to a wider audience thereby reinforcing a met their country’s sustainable and well-informed support network. judges from the European Court of Human Rights. The links between the Council of Europe and the Schools of Political Meanwhile the Secretary General of the Council of Studies create a win – win situation: the Council of Europe has gained Europe held several better access to tomorrow’s leaders and decision-makers and more meetings with the visibility amongst the population at large; whilst the Schools are Directors of the Schools assured their political independence and offer high standards of and hosted the diploma award ceremony. training and capacity-building thanks to the umbrella protection of the Council of Europe ‘label’. -
Who Owned Georgia Eng.Pdf
By Paul Rimple This book is about the businessmen and the companies who own significant shares in broadcasting, telecommunications, advertisement, oil import and distribution, pharmaceutical, privatisation and mining sectors. Furthermore, It describes the relationship and connections between the businessmen and companies with the government. Included is the information about the connections of these businessmen and companies with the government. The book encompases the time period between 2003-2012. At the time of the writing of the book significant changes have taken place with regards to property rights in Georgia. As a result of 2012 Parliamentary elections the ruling party has lost the majority resulting in significant changes in the business ownership structure in Georgia. Those changes are included in the last chapter of this book. The project has been initiated by Transparency International Georgia. The author of the book is journalist Paul Rimple. He has been assisted by analyst Giorgi Chanturia from Transparency International Georgia. Online version of this book is available on this address: http://www.transparency.ge/ Published with the financial support of Open Society Georgia Foundation The views expressed in the report to not necessarily coincide with those of the Open Society Georgia Foundation, therefore the organisation is not responsible for the report’s content. WHO OWNED GEORGIA 2003-2012 By Paul Rimple 1 Contents INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................3 -
Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International -
The EU's Eastern Policy in Light of the Georgian Conflict and the Gas
The EU’s Eastern Policy in light of the Georgian Conflict and the Gas War Abstract The EU is seeking to develop its relations with former ex-Soviet republics at a time of growing Russian opposition to the expansion of Western influence into what it considers its sphere of influence, coupled with increased tensions between Russia and some of the other former Soviet states. The EU should not accept the concept of a Russian sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. The circumstances leading to the Second World War and the Cold War have made it clear that the same principles of international law, and national sovereignty, must apply throughout the continent. Furthermore, the Georgian conflict and the Russo-Ukrainian gas war have shown that the state of Russia’s relations with its neighbours can adversely affect EU interests. Furthermore, there is a danger of a renewal of the Georgia conflict and of further interruptions of the Russian gas transiting Ukraine. The EU should therefore make the state of Russia’s relations with its neighbours a factor in the EU’s co-operation with Russia. For the EU to influence most effectively Russian policy, and for the EU to develop its relations with the other former Soviet republics without Russian opposition, the West has to deal with Russian fears of Western expansion by working out a new security arrangement for Europe. The West might place greater emphasis on engaging Russia constructively on a wide range of world issues. The West should also seek to involve Russia further in the Western network of organizations and agreements. -
Peter Nasmyth's Georgia
PICTURE STORY Peter Nasmyth’s Georgia January 2009 Peter Nasmyth’s Georgia Today's Georgia can only be understood if it is seen in the light of the events of the past two decades. The very difficult transformation the country went through after it declared its independence in 1991, and the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia which plagued the country since then, still largely shape its present day policies. And nowhere is this better described than in Nasmyth's "Georgia" which is a collection of personal stories of the author and author's friends in Georgia over the years. In his words: I collected stories of people, very specific ones, through which I tell the bigger story of Georgia over time… I never wanted to write about the political forces here, rather the forces that make the politics. This will always give a book a longer life. [Interview with Peter Nasmyth, Tbilisi, October 2008] In the next few pages you will get a guided tour of this excellent book. It is written and it reads like a novel, yet it is full of facts that give a complete account of Georgia's modern day history. The descriptions are so colourful that reading this book is the next best thing to visiting Georgia yourself. What makes the book special is also that the author has updated the book and added new chapters two times after it was first published in 1998. Here we discuss the 2006 edition which covers the modern history of Georgia up to the events of the Rose Revolution. -
Bendukidze and Russian Capitalism
Georgia’s Libertarian Revolution Part two: Bendukidze and Russian Capitalism Berlin – Tbilisi – Istanbul 17 April 2010 “Bendukidze’s wealth, as compared to the assets of Russian billionaires, was relatively modest, with most estimates placing it in the range of 50 to 70 million USD in 2004. In a recent interview, he jokingly called himself a “mini-oligarch” at best. However, Kakha Bendukidze was always more than simply an investor and manager. In a 1996 ranking produced by the polling agency Vox Populi, Bendukidze was ranked 33rd among Russia’s top 50 most influential businessmen wielding the biggest influence on government economic policy. A 2004 article in Kommersant credited Bendukidze with being the first to “realise the need to create a lobbying structure that would be able to promote the interests of big business in a civilized way.” Bendukidze cared about politics and he had ideas about the way the Russian economy ought to develop.” (page 8) Table of contents 1. A biologist in Moscow ........................................................................................................ 3 2. How to Become an Oligarch ............................................................................................... 4 3. Big Business and Russian Politics ...................................................................................... 8 4. Vladimir Putin‟s authoritarian liberalism ........................................................................... 9 5. Leaving Russia (2004) ...................................................................................................... 13 Supported by The Think Tank Fund of the Open Society Institute – 3 – 1. A biologist in Moscow Kakha Bendukidze was born in Tbilisi in 1956 into a family of intellectuals. His father Avtandil was professor of mathematics at Tbilisi State University; his mother, Julietta Rukhadze, a historian and ethnographer. Bendukidze would later proudly describe a family with deep entrepreneurial roots: “My grandfather was one of the first factory owners in Georgia. -
On the Economics of the Restructuring of World Railways, with a Focus on Russia
ECONOMIC ANALYSIS GROUP DISCUSSION PAPER On the Economics of the Restructuring of World Railways, with a Focus on ∗ Russia Russell Pittman † January 2021 EAG 21-1 EAG Discussion Papers are the primary vehicle used to disseminate research from economists in the Economic Analysis Group (EAG) of the Antitrust Division. These papers are intended to inform interested individuals and institutions of EAG’s research program and to stimulate comment and criticism on economic issues related to antitrust policy and regulation. The Antitrust Division encourages independent research by its economists. The views expressed herein are entirely those of the author and are not purported to reflect those of the United States Department of Justice. Information on the EAG research program and discussion paper series may be obtained from Russell Pittman, Director of Economic Research, Economic Analysis Group, Antitrust Division, U.S. Department of Justice, LSB 9004, Washington, DC 20530, or by e-mail at [email protected]. Comments on specific papers may be addressed directly to the authors at the same mailing address or at their e-mail address. Recent EAG Discussion Paper and EAG Competition Advocacy Paper titles are available from the Social Science Research Network at www.ssrn.com. To obtain a complete list of titles or to request single copies of individual papers, please write to Regina Robinson at [email protected] or call (202) 307 - 5794. In addition, recent papers are now available on the Department of Justice website at http://www.justice.gov/atr/public/eag/discussion-papers.html. ∗ The views expressed herein are entirely those of the authors and should not be purported to reflect those of the US Department of Justice. -
Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
After the rose, the thorns: political prisoners in post- revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the the right to life, liberty and security of person. -
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T. Allison, Director Editor: Ben Dunlap Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Production Director: Melissa C..Carr John F. Kennedy School of Government Researcher: Emily Van Buskirk Harvard University Production Assistant: Emily Goodhue SPOTLIGHT ON RUSSIA’S OLIGARCHS On July 28 Russian President Vladimir Putin met with 21 of Russia’s most influ- ential businessmen to “redefine the relationship between the state and big busi- ness.” At that meeting, Putin assured the tycoons that privatization results would remained unchallenged, but stopped far short of offering a general amnesty for crimes committed in that process. He opened the meeting by saying: “I only want to draw your attention straightaway to the fact that you have yourselves formed this very state, to a large extent through political and quasi-political structures under your control.” Putin assured the oligarchs that recent investi- The Kremlin roundtable comes at a crucial time for the oligarchs. In the last gations were not part of a policy of attacking big business, but said he would not try to restrict two months, many of them have found themselves subjects of investigations prosecutors who launch such cases. by the General Prosecutor’s Office, Tax Police, and Federal Security Serv- ice. After years of cozying up to the government, buying up the state’s most valuable resources in noncompetitive bidding, receiving state-guaranteed loans with little accountability, and flouting the country’s tax laws with imp u- nity, the heads of some of Russia’s leading financial-industrial groups have been thrust under the spotlight. -
Failed Prevention 35
Table of Contents Foreword by the Editors 5 PART I: CONCEPTS IN CONFLICT PREVENTION 9 Concepts and Instruments in Conflict Prevention 11 Frida Möller PART II: CONFLICT DEVELOPMENT AND FAILED PREVENTION 35 The Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict 37 Sabine Fischer Missed Windows of Opportunity in the Georgian-South Ossetian Conflict – The Political Agenda of the Post-Revolutionary Saakashvili Government (2004-2006) 59 Doris Vogl Failures of the Conflict Transformation and Root Causes of the August War 79 Oksana Antonenko PART III: VIEWS FROM THE REGION 95 Frozen Conflicts: The Missed Opportunities 97 Salomé Zourabichvili Failure to Prevent Violence – Lessons Learnt from the Georgian- Abkhazian Conflict Resolution Process 113 Liana Kvarchelia Missed Chances in the Georgian-South Ossetian Conflict – A View from South Ossetia 131 Alan Parastaev 3 PART IV: THE INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCE 139 OSCE Early Warning and the August Conflict in Georgia 141 Dov Lynch The Role of the United Nations in Abkhazia, Opportunities and Missed Opportunities between 1992 and 2009 151 Charlotte Hille United States’ and NATO’s Role in Georgia’s Territorial Conflicts August 1992-July 2008 169 Eugene Kogan Used & Missed Opportunities for Conflict Prevention in Georgia (1990-2008) – The Role of Russia 187 Markus Bernath Russia and South Ossetia: The Road to Sovereignty 207 Flemming Splidsboel Hansen PART V: CONCLUSIONS 235 Some Lessons Learnt in Conflict Prevention from the Conflicts in the Southern Caucasus 237 Predrag Jurekovi ć List of Authors and Editors 243 4 Foreword by the Editors The violent escalation of the Georgian/South Ossetian and Georgian/Abkhazian conflict in the summer of 2008 resulted in a significant deterioration of the regional security situation in this part of the Southern Caucasus. -
Colour Protest in Post-War Georgia – Chronology of Rose Revolution
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS DANUBIUS Vol. 11, no. 2/2018 Colour Protest in Post-War Georgia – Chronology of Rose Revolution Nino Machurishvili1 Abstract: The aim of this paper is to review political and material deprivation as a basis for social protest during the pre – revolution period in Georgia, within the framework of Relative Deprivation theory. The linkage between relative deprivation and the Gini coefficient, as well type of existing political regime and Soviet past is considered. The originality of this paper is conditioned by the new approach to Colour Revolutions, forgotten concept of Relative Deprivation is revisited and applied to the Rose Revolution in order to explain, why individuals decided to join demonstrations, as previous studies are considered a precondition for comprehending social protest against rigged elections, either the lack of democracy. This research is based on a qualitative research methodology, the basic methodological approach being the method of the case study. Among with in – depth interviews based on projective techniques with respondents grouped according to their attitudes towards Rose Revolution, quantitative data of World Bank and Freedom House coefficients are also reviewed. Empirical analysis of interviews proves the existence of political and material deprivation between social groups for the research period. This research shows the methodological value of Relative Deprivation to explain social movement motivation for the Rose Revolution in Georgia. Keywords: Colour Revolutions; Relative Deprivation; Social Inequality; Hybrid Regime Introduction 1.1. Relative Deprivation and Individual Decision to Protest This paper contributes to better understanding of causes Colour Revolutions in Post – Soviet space. It specifically deals with the case of Rose Revolution – peaceful change of Government in Georgia in 2003.