Nation and Identity...Once More
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Brian Jenkins, Spyros A. Sofos, eds.. Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe. London and New York: Routledge, 1996. x + 294 pp. $140.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-415-12312-9. Reviewed by Wim van Meurs Published on H-SAE (December, 1997) These days, nationalism studies tend to be‐ a wide variety of "nationalisms" in European na‐ come some kind of meta-discipline overshadow‐ tion-states. ing all other specializations in the social sciences. What (most of) the thirteen authors and edi‐ [1] A search in the UCLA catalogue produces al‐ tors of the compilation reviewed here have in most a hundred books published the past ten common is not primarily a special competence in years with at least two of the keywords "Europe," the feld of nationalism studies, but rather the fact "nation," and "identity" in the title. Consequently, that they belong to the faculty of the University of in order to be what reviewers like to call "a signif‐ Portsmouth, as lecturers in area studies or Euro‐ icant contribution to the discipline," a new book pean languages. The book Nation and Identity in in this feld should either offer a solid and inspir‐ Contemporary Europe is the work of a research ing overview of the theoretical state of the art or-- group of the same name, established at this uni‐ even better--become a hallmark in the develop‐ versity in 1993. In the preface, the editors admit ment of the theory of the nation in its own right. that this close collaboration did not lead to a "col‐ The third, less ambitious, but probably the most lective theoretical perspective," but at least they needed option would be to write a book that think they have found a minimal consensus in brings theory and reality together harmonically. their "shared insistence on the importance of The debate Gellner versus Anderson versus Smith global economic and political change as an ex‐ seems to be past its peak and there is no reason, planatory framework" (p. ix). A rather meager re‐ as Rogers Brubaker phrased it, to continue to fog sult, considering the fact that this book is "the the dead horse of primordialism.[2] Therefore, fruit of genuine collaboration, facilitated by a pro‐ the editors of this compilation are quite right to gramme of research seminars" (p. ix). deal pragmatically with the current theoretical Part I--"Nation and Identity, Theory and Con‐ debates and focus on the link between theory and text"--deals with questions of nationalism in con‐ temporary Europe on a more theoretical and/or H-Net Reviews comparative level. The theoretical cornerstone of Part II--"Nationhood and Nationalism in West‐ the book is the chapter "Nation and Nationalism ern Europe"--focuses on the (re)construction of in Contemporary Europe," written by the two edi‐ national identities in Britain, France, and Ger‐ tors. The other two chapters in this part--one on many. France and Germany being the classical ex‐ languages of racism written by Martin Evans and amples in any discussion of the relation between one on immigration and citizenship by Mark state- and nation-building, the authors of these Mitchell and Dave Russell concentrate on central two chapters obviously, did--as the idea of the questions of nationalism in Europe today on a book prescribed--read each other's texts and offer more concrete level of analysis. The editors' chap‐ a pair of solid, contrastive overviews for the con‐ ter does not open any new theoretical perspec‐ cept of the nation in Germany and France in the tives, but it is a good and, above all, matter-of-fact 19th and 20th centuries. survey of current theories that bodes well for the Kenneth Lunn's contribution "Reconsidering rest of the book. Evidently, economic globaliza‐ 'Britishness'" opens with the idea of "Englishness" tion, worldwide cultural assimilation, multicultur‐ on the cricket feld. A nice metaphor, really, but al societies, and European integration will change quite lost in the subsequent list of causes for the the nation, national identities, and nationalism re-emergence of fears about the dilution of British without, however, eliminating them. First of all, stock: the loss of empire, economic and diplomat‐ Jenkins and Sofos explicitly refuse to fog Brubak‐ ic decline as well as European integration. This er's dead horse. Secondly, in the Smith-Anderson fear, according to Lunn, leads to the urge to "es‐ debate the editors steer a pragmatic middle tablish continuity with a suitable past," to invent course: the nation has some "eternal" roots (in a traditions (Hobsbawm)(p.87). Here, Lunn inserts non-primordial sense), as Anderson's imagined an explicit warning that the histories on which communities have to be based on some "raw ma‐ these constructions of "Britishness" are based are terial." Yet, in the sense of what Yuri Slezkine de‐ not simplistic evocations of historical identity, but scribes as the "Great Ethnological Predica‐ rather selective constructions in a permanent ment,"[3] the editors underline that the possible process of (re)formation (p.86). Next, the author criteria of national unity--language, culture, terri‐ focuses the historical construction of "Britishness" tory, ethnicity, history etc.--are so heterogeneous in the interwar period. Having discussed some and non-congruent that they merely serve as raw ideas by Priestley and Orwell in detail, he concen‐ material and do not determine the structure. Con‐ trates on British cinema and newsreels in the sequently, the nation as a political artifact is the 1930s next. Here, the issue of national identities main interest of the editors: "(The nation's) power fades into the background and it becomes obvious therefore can be unifying, homogenising, as well that Lunn's main interest is in labor history. In his as democratising as far as the national communi‐ conclusion, Lunn is--in contrast to most readers, I ty is concerned. The way the nation is imagined is guess--surprised that "at the end of the twentieth therefore crucial in exploring the relationship be‐ century, and following an intense period of radi‐ tween nationalism and democracy" (p. 14). They cal political and economic change...the image of furthermore argue that the French voluntary and Englishness evoked remained significantly rural," the German ethnic versions of the nation are and that the "dominant sense of Britishness is a stereotypes. Consequently, the real interest lies manufactured product, engineered to appeal." where these types of nations and nationalisms This idea that history-based national identities are meet historically or geographically. This conclu‐ constructions should not come as a surprise, and sion basically opens the foor for the regional spe‐ yet, the fnal lines of the chapter seem to lead us cialists to present the relevant case studies. back in the other direction: "The retreat in the 2 H-Net Reviews 1990s to a vision of England and Englishness sation and economic growth encourage integra‐ which are in many senses mythological is an indi‐ tion and a weakening of parochial loyalties" (p. cation not merely of the barrenness of contempo‐ 169). Not only does this conclusion seem to be at rary political discourses in dealing with concepts right angles to the editors' "explanatory frame‐ of national identity, but also of the powerfulness work" quoted above, but a simple causal link be‐ of the historical making of what passes for that tween modernization and a decline of national‐ identity" (p. 98). ism also is not quite the state of the art, apart "Multiple National Identities, Immigration from the fact that "modernisation" seems to refer and Racism in Spain and Portugal" is one of two here to processes of industrialization as well as to chapters in Part III--"State, Nation and Region in postmodern "atomization of society" and "erosion Southern Europe" (the other chapter dealing with of class barriers" (p. 169). It seems doubtful, more‐ Italy and focusing recent regionalism and the cri‐ over, whether Basque nationalism should be sis of the Italian state). The author is David characterized as a "parochial loyalty": Current re‐ Corkill, who lectures the languages of the Iberian gional separatism in Spain seems to have definite peninsula at Leeds University. His article opens in overtones of a modern struggle for political pow‐ the same erratic way as Kenneth Lunn's: some‐ er and economic resources. how it has the look and feel of a conference paper For Part IV--"The Nation-State after Commu‐ for an audience of specialists in Iberian history nism"--the editors chose Poland, Russia, and for‐ and politics, moving back and forth through histo‐ mer Yugoslavia as case studies. Paul Flenley's ry in a rather associative way, hurrying from the chapter on Russia--no doubt, one of the most com‐ failure of nineteenth century nationalism in Spain plicated cases of nation-building around--is a re‐ to Franco's intolerant conservative nationalism in lief in terms of the clarity of its style and the con‐ the 1970s in less than two pages. At the same time, sistency of its argument. Flenley offers a well- Corkill has the irritating habit of naming the au‐ structured and up-to-date view of "the relation‐ thors of his quotations in the text without further ship between Russian and Soviet identity in the explanation, leaving the reader with the unpleas‐ Soviet period and analyse(s)the way in which the ant feeling he ought to know these names.[4] With concept of Russia emerged out of the collapse of the end of authoritarianism in the 1970s, the au‐ the Soviet Union" (p. 223). In all brevity, moving thor slows down somewhat, but the consistency of from nineteenth century Slavophiles to Lenin's the argument hardly improves, because he keeps national compromise and Gorbachev's nationality switching between daily politics, minority legisla‐ problem, his view is far from one-dimensional, ar‐ tion, and national symbols.