Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis ISSN 2382-6444 | Volume 7, Issue 7 | August 2015
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Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
Global Jihad in Sinai: an Extension of the Gaza Strip?
GLOBAL JIHAD IN SINAI: AN EXTENSION OF THE GAZA STRIP? Rob Bongers (Research Assistant, ICT) March 2014 ABSTRACT The ongoing Islamist insurgency that has taken root in the Sinai since the January 25 revolution has gone from bad to worse. Deteriorating following the Muslim Brotherhood’s ouster, the conflict is extraordinarily complex as it conflates the continued political turmoil in Egypt, the longstanding marginalization of Sinai Bedouins, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Libya’s lawlessness, internal friction in Gaza, transnational criminal networks, and the growing presence of global jihad- inspired fighters. Due to the security vacuum, Sinai has quickly become yet another fertile breeding ground for militant Islamists, and moreover, a base from which they can target both Israel and Egypt rather unchallenged. Through the lens of the concept of terrorist organizations’ ‘‘glocalization,’’ this paper seeks to analyze this relationship by examining the various interwoven local, regional and global features facilitating Gazan actors’ incentives to export subversion and terrorism to Sinai, the extent to which these networks have shaped the insurgency, and the security challenges they pose. It concludes that, even though some other non-local battle-hardened jihadists have likely influenced the rise of (sophisticated) attacks too, Gazan Salafi-jihadists have played a major role in the terrorist activity across the Philadelphi Corridor by means of exploitation of Sinai’s breakdown of security. * The views expressed in this publication are -
Terrorism in the Middle East: Implications on Egyptian Travel and Tourism
International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage Volume 6 Issue 3 Article 7 2018 Terrorism in the Middle East: Implications on Egyptian Travel and Tourism Tamer Z.F Mohamed Southern Taiwan University of Science and Technology, Tainan, [email protected] Tamer S. Elseyoufi Helwan University, Egypt, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/ijrtp Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, Emergency and Disaster Management Commons, International Relations Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Public Policy Commons, Strategic Management Policy Commons, and the Tourism and Travel Commons Recommended Citation Mohamed, Tamer Z.F and Elseyoufi, amerT S. (2018) "Terrorism in the Middle East: Implications on Egyptian Travel and Tourism," International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage: Vol. 6: Iss. 3, Article 7. Available at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/ijrtp/vol6/iss3/7 Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License. © International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage ISSN : 2009-7379 Available at: http://arrow.dit.ie/ijrtp/ Volume 6(iii) 2018 Evolution and Impact of Terrorism in the Middle East: Implications for Egyptian Travel and Tourism Tamer Z.F Mohamed PhD student, Southern Taiwan University of Science & Technology, Taiwan. [email protected] Tamer S. Alseyoufi PhD, Helwan University, Faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management, Egypt [email protected] This paper attempts to shed the light on challenging issues affecting travel and tourism industry especially in the Middle East such as political, socio-economic and security instability. -
[Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly. -
The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved. -
Ansar Al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST)
Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Name: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: ISIS–affiliated group Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Tunisia Year of Origin: 2011 Founder(s): Seifallah Ben Hassine Places of Operation: Tunisia Overview Also Known As: Al-Qayrawan Media Foundation1 Partisans of Sharia in Tunisia7 Ansar al-Sharia2 Shabab al-Tawhid (ST)8 Ansar al-Shari’ah3 Supporters of Islamic Law9 Ansar al-Shari’a in Tunisia (AAS-T)4 Supporters of Islamic Law in Tunisia10 Ansar al-Shari’ah in Tunisia5 Supporters of Sharia in Tunisia11 Partisans of Islamic Law in Tunisia6 Executive Summary: Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) was a Salafist group that was prominent in Tunisia from 2011 to 2013.12 AST sought to implement sharia (Islamic law) in the country and used violence in furtherance of that goal under the banner of hisbah (the duty to command moral acts and prohibit immoral ones).13 AST also actively engaged in dawa (Islamic missionary work), which took on many forms but were largely centered upon Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia (AST) the provision of public services.14 Accordingly, AST found a receptive audience among Tunisians frustrated with the political instability and dire economic conditions that followed the 2011 Tunisian Revolution.15 The group received logistical support from al-Qaeda central, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar al-Sharia in Libya (ASL), and later, from ISIS.16 AST was designated as a terrorist group by the United States, the United Nations, and Tunisia, among others.17 AST was originally conceived in a Tunisian prison by 20 Islamist inmates in 2006, according to Aaron Zelin at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. -
Tunisia on Razor's Edge After Assassination of Chokri Belaid
Summary: The assassination of leftist leader Chokri Belaid on February 6, apparently by Islamists, has brought into the open the long-simmering conflict that has pitted the ruling Islamist Ennahda Party against leftists, trade unionists, and secularists, who have staged the first general strike in 40 years and the largest street demonstrations since the 2011 revolution - - Editors Tunisia on Razor’s Edge after Assassination of Chokri Belaid Kevin Anderson February 13, 2013 February 6, a Day of Infamy The cowardly assassination of Chokri Belaid has thrown Tunisia into its biggest crisis since the overthrow of the Ben Ali regime in 2011. Gunned down as he left his home on the morning of February 6, apparently by Islamist militants, Belaid was one of the country’s most famous labor lawyers and leftist leaders. Known for having defended the Gafsa phosphate miners against state repression after their 2008 strike under the old regime, Belaid had been a prominent member of the secular left for decades. He was a lifelong Marxist who was a leading figure in the Popular Front, founded last summer as a potentially large grouping of leftist and secular forces. Having already served time under the old regime, Belaid was not intimidated by the death threats he constantly received from Islamists, with some imams openly calling for his assassination in their sermons. Within hours of Belaid’s death, crowds of youths gathered to protest in the center of Tunis outside the Interior (Police) Ministry, calling for the government to resign. The response was less verbal but more direct among the working classes. -
De-Securitizing Counterterrorism in the Sinai Peninsula
Policy Briefing April 2017 De-Securitizing Counterterrorism in the Sinai Peninsula Sahar F. Aziz De-Securitizing Counterrorism in the Sinai Peninsula Sahar F. Aziz The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha III De-Securitizing Counterterrorism in the Sinai Peninsula Sahar F. Aziz1 On October 22, 2016, a senior Egyptian army ideal location for lucrative human, drug, and officer was killed in broad daylight outside his weapons smuggling (much of which now home in a Cairo suburb.2 The former head of comes from Libya), and for militant groups to security forces in North Sinai was allegedly train and launch terrorist attacks against both murdered for demolishing homes and -
The Renewed Threat of Terrorism to Turkey
JUNE 2013 . VOL 6 . ISSUE 6 Contents The Renewed Threat of FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Renewed Threat of Terrorism Terrorism to Turkey to Turkey By Stephen Starr By Stephen Starr REPORTS 4 The Local Face of Jihadism in Northern Mali By Andrew Lebovich 10 Boko Haram’s Evolving Tactics and Alliances in Nigeria By Jacob Zenn 16 A Profile of Khan Said: Waliur Rahman’s Successor in the Pakistani Taliban By Daud Khattak 19 Tweeting for the Caliphate: Twitter as the New Frontier for Jihadist Propaganda By Nico Prucha and Ali Fisher 23 Rebellion, Development and Security in Pakistan’s Tribal Areas By Hassan Abbas and Shehzad H. Qazi 26 Peace with the FARC: Integrating Drug-Fueled Guerrillas into Alternative Development Programs? By Jorrit Kamminga People of Reyhanli chant slogans as riot police block them during the funerals of the victims of the May 11 car bombs. - STR/AFP/Getty or three decades, Turkey’s court-enforced blackout, but Turkish terrorist threat has been viewed authorities arrested nine Turkish 29 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity largely through the lens of men—believed to be linked to Syrian 32 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts Kurdish militancy. Yet just as intelligence groups—for their role in the Fone front closes down,1 a new hazard 4 attacks. has emerged, primarily as a result of the current war in Syria. On May 11, 2013, Mihrac Ural, an Alawite Turk from Hatay Turkey suffered the deadliest terrorist Province who has been an important pro- About the CTC Sentinel attack in its modern history when 52 Damascus militia figure in the conflict in The Combating Terrorism Center is an people were killed in twin car bombings Syria, has been widely blamed for the independent educational and research in Reyhanli, a town in Hatay Province bombings. -
Islam and Politics in Tunisia
Islam and Politics in Tunisia How did the Islamist party Ennahda respond to the rise of Salafism in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and what are possible ex- planatory factors of this reaction? April 2014 Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East Stéphane Lacroix Rebecca Koch Paris School of© International Affairs M.A. International Security Student ID: 100057683 [email protected] Words: 4,470 © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be repreoduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Table of Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 2. Definitions and Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 4 3. Analysis: Ennahda and the Tunisian Salafi movements ...................................... 7 3.1 Ennahda ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.2 Salafism in Tunisia ....................................................................................................... 8 3.3 Reactions of Ennahda to Salafism ................................................................................ 8 4. Discussion ................................................................................................................ 11 5. Conclusion -
U.S. Counterterrorism Priorities and Challenges in Africa”
Statement of Alexis Arieff Specialist in African Affairs Before Committee on Oversight and Reform Subcommittee on National Security U.S. House of Representatives Hearing on “U.S. Counterterrorism Priorities and Challenges in Africa” December 16, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov TE10044 Congressional Research Service 1 hairman Lynch, Ranking Member Hice, and Members of the Subcommittee: Thank you for inviting the Congressional Research Service to testify today. As requested, I will focus particular attention on current trends in West Africa’s Sahel region, which is within my C area of specialization at CRS, along with U.S. responses and considerations for congressional oversight. My testimony draws on the input of CRS colleagues who cover other parts of the continent and related issues. Introduction Islamist armed groups have proliferated and expanded their geographic presence in sub-Saharan Africa (“Africa,” unless noted) over the past decade.1 These groups employ terrorist tactics, and several have pledged allegiance to Al Qaeda or the Islamic State (IS, aka ISIS or ISIL) and operate across borders. Most, however, also operate as local insurgent movements that seek to attack and undermine state presence and control. Conflicts involving these groups have caused the displacement of millions of people in Africa and deepened existing development and security challenges. Local civilians and security forces have endured the overwhelming brunt of fatalities, as well as the devastating humanitarian impacts. Somalia, the Lake Chad Basin, and West Africa’s Sahel region have been most affected (Figure 1).2 The Islamic State also has claimed attacks as far afield as eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and northern Mozambique over the past year.3 The extent to which Islamist armed groups in Africa pose a threat to U.S. -
Algeria's Underused Potential in Security Cooperation in the Sahel
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT POLICY BRIEFING Algeria’s underused potential in security cooperation in the Sahel region Abstract Algeria is a regional power in both economic, political and military terms. Up to now, relations between the EU and Algeria have been mainly based on economic considerations. The crisis in Mali, the Franco-African military intervention (AFISMA) and the terrorist attacks at the gas facility In Amenas in eastern Algeria have opened a new window of opportunity for reinforced cooperation in the field of security between Algeria and the EU in order to combat common threats. Given its strong military power and political stature in the region, Algeria has the potential to develop into an important ally of the EU in the Sahel region. The probable transfer of presidential powers in Algeria will offer a chance for Algeria to reshape its policy in the region, as an assertive and constructive regional power not only in the Maghreb but also in West Africa. DG EXPO/B/PolDep/Note/2013_71 June 2013 PE 491.510 EN Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This Policy Briefing is an initiative of the Policy Department, DG EXPO. AUTHORS: Martina LAGATTA, Ulrich KAROCK, Manuel MANRIQUE and Pekka HAKALA Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department WIB 06 M 71 rue Wiertz 60 B-1047 Brussels Feedback to [email protected] is welcome. Editorial Assistant: Agnieszka PUNZET LINGUISTIC VERSIONS: Original: EN ABOUT THE PUBLISHER: Manuscript completed on 24 June 2013. © European Union, 2013 Printed inBelgium This Policy Briefing is available on the intranet site of the Directorate-General for External Policies, in the Regions and countries or Policy Areas section.