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Printer and publisher 2 • Briefings Red Pen Publications P/L, 4 Dixon Street, Sydney 2000 Broad Left Conference Superannuation Editorial Collective Reporting from Marvellous Melbourne Brian Aarons, Eric Aarons, Hilda Debate at the Marxist Summer School Andrews, Malcolm Andrews, Steve Catt, Mike Donaldson, Gloria Gartori, Cotin 8 • Money, Men and the Motor Car: John Wlshart Griffith, Juliet Hollingsworth, Ian Llsser, David McKmght (Sydney). The Grand Prix comes to Adelaide and John Bannon wins both the race and the Sfieril Berkovitch, Louise Connor, Jim election, Crosthwaite, Philip Edmonds, Hans Lofgren, Pavla Miller, Antra Nelson, 12 Behind Marxism Today: An Interview with Martin Jacques Ken Norling, Derek Paine, John • Schmid, Henry Zimmerman. Louise Connor speaks to the editor of the popular English magazine Marxism Today. Accounts and distribution Hilda Andrews and Malcolm Andrews 16 • The Left In Crisis: Lindsay Tanner (Sydney), Olga Silver and Derek Payne (Melbourne). With the serious decline in support for the left, socialists need to reassess seriously their policies and strategies. Design and Layout Colin Griffith, 20 * The New Right Is New: Trlcla Caswell

Typesetting Gone is the pre-modern moralism of Santamaria, replaced by the hard-headed and Gloria Garton influential logic of economic rationalism. Correspondence and enquiries Australian Left Review, Box A247, Sydney *24 • Greening the Left: Trevor Blake South PO. Sydney 2000. With the coming of the Broad Left Conference and the Getting Together Conference in Easter, socialists and environmentalists can only ignore each other to their mutual detriment.

28 • Rethinking Socialism: Eric Aarons

A new vision of socialism is needed both to incorporate the diversity of radical movements and to inspire confidence for the future. ALR welcomes contributed articles and reviews within the framework of an open 3 3 • Manufacturing Matters: Rob Smith concept of marxism Contributions should be typed, double-spaced, on A4 paper or smaller. Manuscripts which are Despite the current high growth rates, the prospects for long-term growth are poor noi clearly typed andeasily legible will not unless unions pressure the government to direct investment in industry. be considered for publication. Unused manuscripts will be returned if 42 • Reviews accompanied by a stamped, addressed envelope Maximum word length for Sound of Trumpets by Jim Moss articles 4,000 words, and for reviews 1,500 Health and Safety at Work by John Mathews words. Steel City Blues by Julianne Schultz.

Australian Left Review 1 K B R IE F IN G S C'~ S r- SP- S P P S S P

BjelkePetersen gevernment, neither because "unity is strength" but BROAD LEFT the Accord, nor Labor's carefully because, in advanced capitalist CONFERENCE nurtured relationship with business, societies, the contradiction between nor even the strength of the ACTU, labour and capital is intersected, has been of much use. overlain and mediated by other The statement issued by sponsors Yet all three have been part of the central contradictions such as those of the Broad Left Conference chemistry of Labor's electoral concerning patriarchy and the nominates two strategic issues for success but, meanwhile, the labour environment. discussion. First, the emergence of a movement and the idea of unionism The meaning of socialism in the more extreme and ideologically itself have suffered major defeats. West has itself been revitalised and confident right wing and, second, the Some on the left blame the altered by the emergence of these challenge of winning reforms and Keatings, Burkes and Hawkes of the movements (as well as by the farreaching changes in a period of labour movement for the rise of the experience of "actually existing Labor governments. New Right, and see "misleadership" socialism"). It's no accident that It is sometimes hard for politically of the unions, and the Accord, as the those dogmatists who denigrate committed people of the left to admit root of all evil. But this is absurd. The "middle class" issues have a that their opponents are making New Right stems from a crisis of shrivelled up authoritarian and gains, but this is what is happening conservatism which has its roots in colourless vision of socialism. now, despite Labor holding office in the social crisis of the 1960s and To talk about such an alliance, and four states and federally. 1970s, in the economic crisis of the nod in its direction, is easy. Much mid-seventies, and further back in the harder is to develop an attitude ruling class' historic compromise among the left that instinctively during World War II. (See Summer ’85 responds to day-to-day issues in a issue of ALR for an extended way which uses the insights of the discussion of this.) social movements as well as the Nevertheless, the actions of the experiences of the labour movement. new style of Labor leadership skew This approach is needed because the political agenda towards the alternative is the enshrining of the conservatism in a way which assists differences between the different the right to make its message all the movements rather than seeing their Some on the left believe that the more credible. intersection. To discuss what to do defeat of the Liberals in the recent But if the right of the labour about unemployment now means South Australian and West Australian movement and the A LP do little to looking at options about the nature elections, and the lukewarm media stop the drift to the right, what does and place of paid work in our lives, its response to John Howard are the left offer? relationship to unpaid, domestic conclusive evidence that the New Here, the calling of the Broad Left work and child rearing, leisure, Right is of little consequence. Yet a Conference may offer a "shot in the consumerism, education, culture, close look at the WA elections shows arm" if it results in a new confidence technological change and the the deeper processes at work which for the left and radical movements. environm ent. In these fields, have given the right ascendancy. But confidence which is not founded traditional socialist theory can be In WA, the issue of land rights is a on the realisation that the left faces a useful, but on its own it is inadequate. touchstone for progressive and long and hard battle to build mass Finally, there are problems to be reactionary attitudes because the support will be confidence which will faced by the left about its own mining companies, business, and the crumble. Mass support means strength, its beliefs and practices. Liberal Party have effectively support for campaigns, not only mobilised latent racism into a within the safe confines of the labour powerful force, before which the movement or the social movements, Burke government has bowed. but within the wider society. This, while Labor won re-election, Mass support emerges not just it has done so on the terms of the when the left sets its slogans and right, and this process is being policy documents correctly, but replicated in all Labor governments. when it taps deep feelings within It's true that Labor should be careful society at large and when it begins to if it has to make policy against the set the political agenda. This has The left in Australia is now weaker drift of public opinion, although this been so in the case of the nuclear and more fragmented than it has is usually an excuse for inaction. But disarmament movement and, been for fifty years. The working what is hardly ever discussed is the significantly, this is one of the few class itself is also more divided, and notion that Labor and the whole issues on which Hawke has been even the term "working class" as labour movement should play a rolled (the MX testing). denoting certain characteristics is continuous and active role in shaping Another defeat for Labor's drift to less and less useful as the differences public opinion. In this, the right has the right occurred at the tax summit between sub-sections of the working something to teach us. when the unions and the social class grow. Stilt less can the political Similar events concern the movements in the welfare sector and social attitudes be deduced from imposition in Queensland of some of stopped the indirect tax plan, someone s status as a worker. the harshest anti-union laws In the long term, this kind of The New Right has probed a Australia has seen in 40 years. In the alliance is crucial and of historic number of weak points of the left, for campaign to roll back the importance. This is so, not simply example, the "statist" version of 2 A ustralian Left Review BBPB'R^WTJp^PBRIEFINGSPS FF FF SFF3S F socialism held by some on the left employees. Current economic and the tendency to be uncritical of practices are not to be upset or existing forms of state ownership, endangered. Various restrictions are reinforcing popular conceptions of to prevent a superannuation fund socialism representing bureaucracy, from becoming too influential in any nol liberation. one company. As such, unions are Another weakness is the lack of a unlikely to gain a major influence on popular broad left party or movement investment criteria or decisions in the which is independent of the ALP short term. while avoiding fringe politics and Notwithstanding the pathetic anti-Labor sectarianism. Such an quality of much of the rightwmg organisation is needed to project in rhetoric, there is a grain of truth in theory, and develop in practice, a their accusation that union- vision of socialism which unites the influenced superannuation funds different strands emerging from the could affect relations of power in the experiences of the left over the last 20 economy. Through directing years. investment in. and restructuring of. While some of the above issues will the Australian economy, workers and appear at the Broad Left unions could creafe a sound basis for Conference, the conference itself employment and welfare. cannot pronounce definitively on On the other hand, the parasitic these questions. It can, however, "entrepreneurs" worshipped in the improve the networks among the left, conservative media, engaged as they thus co-ordinating it better as well as are in non-productive take-overs and providing a forum for discussing the have been disadvantaged. Vast speculation, have no such multitude of questions facing the left. differentials between social groups in "o b je c tiv e " interest in the If it is very successful, elementary terms of wealth and income have strengthening of the foundations of priorities and strategies for righting been further reinforced by the the Australian economy. A high level patchy, unjust and inefficient system of employment, not to mention "full" priorities for fighting conservatism of superannuation. As highlighted in employment, cannot be achieved and pressuring Labor may emerge. a headline in The Age: "Super with a reliance on private investors. In any event, what results from this campaign should have begun years At a fairly high level of abstraction, unique conference will be an ago" (16.72.85). it ca n be shown that u n io n indication of the maturity, strength In the longer term, one national intervention in the form of influence and vision of the left and radical superannuation system for all on investment decisions is likely to movements. workers must be the objective of the have a favoruable impact on the labour movement. Against the health of the economy. Unions would David Me Knight. background of a union movement have to take a long-term view of divided by craft and sectional investments, as distinct from private interest, this is hardly attainable in investors, who are more sensitive to the foreseeable future. However, temporary ups and downs in various SUPERANNUATION industry-based superannuation, markets. Private capital has no providing a measure of real economic preference for productive invest­ security in old age for all workers, is ments: it goes to wherever the highest Superannuation is now a major now within reach. profits are, which leads to financial industrial and political issue. The The employers are divided in their manipulations, real estate Accord between the ACTU and the response to the ACTU campaign. The speculation and other forms of non­ ALP government has made it possible overwhelming strength of the productive. wasteful use of social for the union movement to push arguments favouring reform, coupled resources. successfully for an extension and with the unity between the ACTU and Investment/superannuation funds improvement of superannuation the government on this issue, have influenced or controlled by unions benefits available to workers. led some employer groups to accept would have to guarantee a Traditional superannuation these changes as inevitable. From reasonable level of real return, but, arrangements have been highly other employer quarters, as well as once such a level of return has been inequitable. The interests of from right wing forces, including The attained, potentially other objectives employers have ruled rather than the Australian, superannuation is than profitability cOuld be taken into objective of securing genuine depicted as a grab for economic account. It may. for example, be in retirement benefits for employees. power by unions. the interest of unions to accept a Currently, only around 40 percent of The sums accumulated in higher level of risk in some major the workforce is in receipt of superannuation funds within a few investment decisions in order to superannuation. years become very significant, bring about a restructuring of the While most low-paid workers have making up a major source of economy in the interest of workers. received no superannuation benefits investment capital. In the guidelines Reform of the superannuation whatsoever, they have been issued by the federal government in system resulting in a degree of union contributing to the tax subsidies of December, it is made clear that influence on the use of investment the superannuation schemes ofhigh- industry funds shQuld be under the capital does not have to form part ol a income earners. Women in particular joint control of employers and radical project. In certain forms, and Autumn 1986 3 in certain favourable circumstances, Workshops held on socialist Socialist metropolis groups took as investment funds of one kind or industry, socialist metropolis and their underlying philosophy (which is another can be part of a strategy for coalition for socialist change. The also that of the draft program) that economic democracy and social day was organised to get feedback on urban planners currently do not take change, but this is not necessarily the the document, and to explore further enough account of social issues in case. In the current Australian issues and problems. physical planning exercises; they context, the radical ed g e of Some of the issues discussed plan for the market and they plan for superannuation reform is an included the macroeconomic the car industry. It was argued that extremely mild one. All sections of policies needed to ensure the campaigns for the restructuring of the labour and union movement, success of the aims of the program, urban development would sharpen including the right wing, are able to such as the creation and expansion of the conflict between restructuring support the ACTU campaign. ecologically viable and socially costs and the current economic Superannuation funds with an desirable industries; the restruct­ system. However, in the long run the employee influence on their uring and democratisation and social and ecological benefits, and operations mean the addition to the expansion of the public sector even economic benefits such as capital market of another group of big needed to implement progressive savings in energy production and shareholders, alongside such entities policy; the relationship between distribution, would outweigh the as insurance and investment trade unions, public sector and initial costs. companies. It has nothing to do with community groups; the difficulty in With the discussion of the increased state planning or control. mobilising the trade union movement consequences of technological The market economy would not be around the issues of industry change, where greater productivity is weakened, it may even be development and urban planning. accompanied by technological invigorated. Other advanced unemployment, the campaign for a capitalist countries have long ago social wage and the empowerment of embarked much further on the non-waed labour was considered an course of collective capital formation important long-term goal. An and union participation in economic alternative set of values and vision policy and investment matters. " were needed to combat the IEDISCDISCUSSION Nevertheless, the benefits to increasingly popular arguments of workers of superannuation reform US! the right. are considerable. And it is not a Other short term problems SOCIALIST matter of indifference to unions — discussed included the way and should not be to the left — in ALTERNATIVE neighbourhood centres and which direction th capitalist system is community co-ops tend not to evolving. Relatively less power to the MELBOURNE perceive themselves fitting into an Bonds and Holmes a'Courts and overall plan and, hence, are often ad relatively more power to the unions hoc in challenging overall urban would be a good thing. planning and industry development

Rightwing forces always seek to W R I T T E N B Y of the government. But these issues detract from the public image of the are especially relevant when public union movement. The superannuat­ THE SOCIALIST transport, location of services and ion issue is one which may present industry policies directly affect the ALTERNATIVE unions in a more positive and functions of neighbourhood centres. constructive context than is MELBOURNE commonly the case. The twin The dominance of car-based objectives of improving security in COLLECTIVE transport, and urban planning old age for all workers, and making reinforcing that dominance, along the economy operate somewhat less with the run down of public transport, irrationally, should make it possible The New Rights' arguments that has serious social and environmental to mobilise widespread popular the public sector is itself a barrier to consequences. The conference felt support for the ACTU campaign. economic growth was seen as an that there was room for campaigns Hans Lofgren. ideological campaign which needed linking ecologists, community to be fought. Another possible short­ workers, socialists and public term campaign suggested by the transport workers around these socialist industry group and an issues and that Make Melbourne REPORTING FROM introductory speaker was the need to M arvellous provided a starting point fight for socialist and environmental for an alternative strategy to car- MARVELLOUS criteria to be adopted by based urban planning. MELBOURNE governments when determining The Socialist Alternative which industries receive industry Melbourne collective's housing development grants or government policy was heavily debated and the In October 1985, ALR and Chain contracts, incorporating such criteria SAM Collective is in the process of Reaction sponsored a discussion day as industrial democracy, equal redrafting the housing section of the on the ideas put forward by the opportunity, quality of working program to avoid some of the Socialist Alternative Melbourne conditions, health and safety, social problems and confusion in the Collective in their draft program usefulness of products, ecological original suggested strategy of shelter Make Melbourne Marvellous. aspects of the company's operations. titles. 4 A ustralian l.e/t Review BB BP p p PB pp ^BBRIEFINGS ?

The problems are. given the strong experiences and practices within key popularity of home ownership among movements linking political, personal the Australian working class, are: and cultural transformations such as how does one ensure equality of with the women's and community occupancy, provide security of control movements. tenure for tenants and, at the same Rather than over-emphasising time, end the exchange value of o rg a n isa tio n a l form s it was housing and land dealing with the suggested that ongoing communic­ problem of inheritance, to provide the ation was needed between the most democratic and equitable respective movements to explore system for "ownership" of land and common ground and develop a housing? mutual understanding of concerns. The themes that came out of the This was considered a major priority, groups discussing coalitions for and that Make Melbourne Marvellous socialist change were the problems had been an enjoyable part of this encountered in attempting to form process. coalitions in the context of both Derek Payne. profound ideological differences between movements, yet with a If you have any comments on Make shared radical culture and interaction Melbourne Marvellous, please send creating a convergence of opinion. them to SAM Collective, c/- 12 One of the key points of difference Exploration Lane, Melbourne 3000. within and across movements was You can buy a copy by sending $5 ($3 Joyce Stevens began by noting the varying approaches to the state unwaged), plus $1 postage, to the that the crisis of the left was both a in their strategies. same address.. social and an organisational crisis. Alliances between movements, it The basic challenge lay in the "range ALR is interested in articles on any was suggested, must inevitably form of new movements that have of the issues raised, e.g. industry primarily out of pragmatic and developed in the last twenty years, policy, coalitions for change, somethimes even defensive political which have both created new areas of socialist cities, etc. Please contact motivation. However, broad political cocnern, and are redefining principles or values outlining an the Sydney or Melbourne ALR old areas of political concern". alternative vision were seen as collective if you are interested in Among other things, this suggested essential in forging longer-term, writing on any of these. that the Left and progressive more challenging political unity. movements required new organisat­ Three different forms or political ional forms, she said. "It also raises struggle were discussed, most the question of whfether the Left, as a immediate being decentralised whole, can renew Its program, its alliances of people around local WHICH WA Y politics, its theory, and take account issues, spontaneous and possibly THE LEFT? of the questions these new transitory, based on direct movements have raised and are experience of solidarity, which are Debate at the pursuing." normally defensive and crisis in this light, the Broad Left oriented. Secondly, the development Marxist Summer Conference could play a germinal of a more permanent, organised School role. In fact, the basic function of the coalition of movements which would conference — to establish some sort be able to challenge the centres of of programmatic unity for the social power, in particular the state One of the final forums of the Ninth immediate future — was not, in itself, and transnationals. Thirdly, a more Marxist Summer School, entitled a very fundamental or far-reaching tightly integrated party which would "Which Way the Left?", attempted to one, although it was a necessary first participate in the parliamentary look at a range of questions together step on the road to renewal. It was sphere, It was felt that the movements under the general headings of the impossible to establish common sets should be autonomous and crisis of the Left, the role of the of priorities "unless we engage in independent of any party, allowing forthcoming Broad Left Conference, debate as to why people choose ongoing political interaction between and the possibility of a new broadly- particular sets of political priorities. the party and associated movements. based Left party. The speakers were In engaging in that sort of theoretical Problems were seen with the Joyce Stevens, lately of the debate, we will change one another's difficulty of linking macro-level Communist Party's national office, attitudes to what our immediate political-economic analysis and and now with the Women's priorities or immediate program strategy, with community concerns Employment Action Centre; Chris should be." and actions, building links between Warren, NSW president of the Such a conference would not have community based movements and journalists' union and a member of been possible ten years ago, she the labour movement, all seen as the staff of Social Security Minister added. "Certainly, very few women essential in both assisting and Brian Howe, and ALP member: and would have gone to it, and those supporting each other. Claudio Crollini, from the women who went to it would have had It was felt that the movements had a Associazione Progressista Repubb- very little feminist analysis. It would lot to offer each other, and that it was licana and FILEF, the Italian workers' have been totally dominated by the desirable to draw more on the group. traditional left, by the labour

Autumn 1986 5 ■RBTrep-Ri ip. v v . ^ -B R IE F IN G S''" Sr- 3' 3 3 3 3 3 movement, and by ideas which did consultation, while the ACTU under not incorporate many of women's Hawke had refused to play a role in concerns. Indeed, it is that very shoring up the beleaguered struggle of women which has made it government. possible for a different sort of Left conference to take place in Australia today." In his opinion, the Hawke government was much more a social- At the same time, while there was a democratic government in the new openness around specific Chifley mould- In fact, in comparison programmatic questions, there had with social-democratic governments been no corresponding growth in around the world — from the Wilson ideas in most parties of the Left about and Callaghan governments in the nature of political parties and Britain to the present Mitterrand political formations, or about "what government in France — it was sort of political parties or important to remember "just how organisations best serve the interests radical it is. And the reason I say it's of the Left". Here the field was still more radical is that it has a sense of wide open. There had been valuable itself as a party and its base, and an discussion among feminists on the understanding of the need for unity" question of organisation, but "that — as reflected in the Accord. At the debate has virtually run its course, same time, one of the chief reasons and I do not think it has arrived at a for the marked philosophical point that suggests overall solutions feminist theory; providing MnKs with conservatism of the Hawke to the problem". past traditions, but also recognising government was the Left's inability to "think through a strategy which She believed there was a necessity the radically new political situation. for a new form of political "And I believe that enough of us are would enable them to work through a organisation which she called a convinced that such a party is Labor government". This had party, "not because I'm wedded to all necessary that we have the building become obvious in the 1970s, when the notions of what a party might be, blocks," she concluded. the Left had failed to face up to a new but because I think you need For Chris Warren, the crisis of the historic situation — a failure which something more than loosely Left stemmed from a quite different had allowed the right, both inside and connected groups of people". Not basis in which the cornerstone was outside the labour movement, to only would such a party have to the failure of the Left to develop a come back on the offensive. acknowledge the range of different clear understanding of the centrality perspectives present in the Left of Labor governments to any idea of The Left had the potential to have today, but it would also have to constructing a socialist hegemony. "a profound influence" upon the accept that "no single party can This was not to suggest, he stressed, political direction of the Hawke encompass the whole of the Left in that "you have to give up any idea of government, as the tax summit had Australia today". And, at the centre of struggle, and concentrate on being a shown. What was needed, he argued, this new conception of Left politics cheer-squad for the Labor was the ability to turn the social* would have to be the recognition that governments". But it required the democratic consensus — "notwith­ “there are more than class recognition for the need for a standing the New Right, which I oppessions in this society. There are fundamentally different strategy for believe has run its race and is on the also race and sex oppressions, and the Left In a period of Labor way out" — into a strategy for very great contradictions between governments to that of a period of socialist hegemony. And a central technological development and the conservative rule. part of this was the need for the environment". Historically, he argued, Labor "constituency for change” , which governments had been "among the included forces far broader than the Such a party could not hope to take most radical social-democratic labour movement, to have "a sense of the place of mass movements, "but it governments In the world". The its own identity" that it did not has to build strong links with these Chifley government had used a basis currently possess. mass movements, and it has to try to of full employment to try to move a On the whole, though, he was not learn how to integrate their various social-democratic consensus pessimistic about the future. and often contradictory interests". It towards more radical solutions, Historically, the Left and Labor would be an attempt to bring together building upon "an implicit accord governments had had their ups and all the various strands of the Left in a between the A LP and the ACTU. By downs. And the existence of a new way, with a sense of common contrast, the Whitlam government federal, and four state, Labor activity and united purpose. Without had not been very successful in its governments gave the Left an such an organisation today it was not aims. "There was no attempt to work "unequalled chance to move to a possible "even to begin to formulate out a set of political priorities, and socialist consensus". strategies which take account of all there was no attempt to set political Claudio Crollini was not so the forms of oppression, ali of the priorities within a strategy for sanguine about the Left's position. It obstacles there are to building a change". Nor had there been a was, he suggested, useful to view the radically different sort of society". working accord between the ALP and contemporary Left as three distinct The goal was "a party of a new kind", the ACTU: the ALP had launched the schools of thought. The first was the taking up the best in socialist and 25 percent tariff cut without any Left which believed that "there is the

6 Australian Lt]t Review BBBB*B} ™ T-^BRIEFHTGSQS SS SP S SSS S ? need for a new political instrument being the development of elements of society. "We do not believe," he which is capable of transforming programmatic unity. The question concluded, that a vanguard party can Australia into a democratic here, as Joyce Stevens had noted, operate successfully in these progressive republic and which is was not the immediate formation of a conditions. It is an open society: the capable of leading Australia into the new group or party, but rather "how party must be open and public". It twenty-first century". to begin the political process also had to be a mass, activist party — necessary for working together, something the ALP demonstrably His own organisation, along with which will eventually blossom into a was not. others, belonged to that Left, he said. new party". The initial stage of this Then there was the Left which — like process was to meet the need for the The debate, and the discussion Chris Warren — believed that the way development of common programs which followed, was open and self- forward lay in "a new, reformed Labor on key issues — an economic critical. It augured well for the Party". Finally, there was the quite program, a program for foreign success of the Broad Left Conference heterogeneous Left which believed policy issues, and so on. This would in Sydney over Easter weekend, that "their particular organisation is require long and open discussions where the same issues are sure to be the organisation which will be and public meetings — and also'joint of paramount importance. capable of leading the Australian meetings and joint seminars embracing different parts of the working people to the final victory". David Burchett. When he talked about the future of organised and non-organised Left. the Left, it was of the first of these three Lefts that he was thinking, he The ultimate aim was the creation said. of a political instrument sufficient to He saw several fundamental tasks the task of displacing the hegemony facing the Left today: a program of of the ruling block. What was needed immediate unity was one; the was a "modern, mass, progressive building of a new party, a further, party” — "modern" and "mass" more profound one. His organisation because Australia was, despite its saw the key to this first objective limitations, an open and democratic

Is the Left relevant to Australian society in the 1980s? * Does the Left have a future within the Labor Party? What about a Green party — or a new socialist party — or perhaps none at all? * Are the trade unions still the foundation of socialist activity? Have they been superseded by the women’s movement, the ecologists and the peace movement? * Is the Accord the first step towards social transfor­ mation - or is it a dead end? * Can the traditional sexual division of labour be altered to ensure that men assume equal responsibility for children? These are just some of the crucial questions facing the Left which are discussed here by nine of Australia’s lead­ ing radicals. Moving Left is a highly provocative collec­ tion of essays, as well as a significant contribution to current debate about die socialist future in Australia. The contributors — who represent a broad spectrum of Left opinion are - Eric Aarons, Patricia Caswell, Bob Connell, Jim Falk, Brian Howe, Marilyn Lake, John Mathews, Belinda Probert and Joyce Stevens. Edited by David Me Knight. Aust. $11.95 (rec.) ISBN 0 949138 06 1 Current Affairs

P1uto4^Press

Autumn 1986 7 John Wishart Money, Men and the Motor Car: The Grand Prix conies to Town

The first Formula One Grand Prix motor race to be held in Australia took place in Adelaide on Sunday, 3 November, 1985. In this article, John Wishart looks at how the race was successfully marketed, the values being promoted, and the significance of the Grand Prix in the re- election of the Bannon Labor government.

"KEKE IS KING. BUT ADELAIDE YOU ARE THE Board, established to commemorate 150 years of (white) N U M B E R O N E " — So scrcamed the banner headline on settlement in South Australia, negotiations for staging the the day after the big race. event in Adelaide commenced. Kim Bonython of the establishment Bonython family, and Bill O'Gorman, y ^ eke Rosberg. a tough-looking 36-year-old Finn. another Adelaide businessman fond of fast cars, were very P t had just outdriven 24 other kamikaze he-men to active lobbyists at this stage. So. too. was Wendy *■ become the winner of the Australian Formula One Chapman, Adelaide City Council's Mayor and tourist Mitsubishi Grand Prix for 1985. Grand Prix razzamatazz businesswoman. showered on Adelaide. A new set of daring heroes had The Jubilee 150 Board was primarily interested in been created overnight. A glamorous international introducing the race in 1986. the Jubilee Year, but the motoring elite of enormous wealth blew in and out of town Formula One Constructors' Association (FOCA) was in the space of five days. Over 107.000 people ringed the looking for a new venue commencing in 1985. Perceiving track to be bombarded by noise and fumes. Adelaide came the political and economic advantages of securing the alive, as we were endlessly told, and Premier Bannon event in late 1985. close to the end of his first three-year pulled off a remarkable political coup. term. Labor Premier John Bannon threw his weight The Grand Prix was a celebration of commercialism behind the bid to get the race. This culminated in a trip to elitism and wealth, a long weekend of homage to money, London in October 1984 where he hammered out a deal the male and the motor car. Big time sport had once again with the chief of FO C A , Bernie Ecclestone. become a powerful instrument of mass integration and identification — in this case, playing on the parochialism of Adelaide and South Australians, and reasserting a "The Grand Prix was a celebration of particular form of materialist values. commercialism, elitism and wealth, a long How did it happen? What was the role of the Bannon weekend of homage to money, the male government? And how important was the race to the A LP's convincing electoral victory one month later. and the motor car."

Background to the Race Without inside knowledge, it is ditlicult to say exactly what clinched the race for Adelaide, but the preparedness of the South Australian Premier to involve himself TM he Formula One Grand Prix originated as a high personally in the negotiations impressed FO C A. Another class West European sporting contest among the factor was the proposed race circuit and surrounds a manufacturers and designers of prestige cars. In recent route through the eastern sector of Adelaide's broad years, race organisers have been keen to turn the event into streets, taking in the Victoria Park racecourse, against the a truly world-wide phenomenon, adding to the existing backdrop of the attractive and spacious Adelaide circuits in Europe, the Americas and South Africa, and park lands. From a race promoter's point of view it offered delivering new audiences to the advertising industry. a first-class street circuit with plenty of room for ancillary Various business people and motor enthusiasts in facilities. Australia had been interested in the idea of an Australian T he deal awarded the race to Adelaide fora minimum of Grand Prix for five years or so. with Canberra and three years commencing in October 1985, with a probable Sydney as possible venues. extension to seven years. It was to be sponsored and In earlv 1983. on the recommendation of the Jubilee 150 organised by the South Australian government: FO C A

Australian Left Review Money, Men and I he Motor Car and the government wouid split income from sponsorships Council. on a 50 50 basis. Rights lor T V coverage were to be the This alliance of state government, local government and subject ol separate negotiations between FO C A and the business people set to work, ably assisted, as the event drew networks. near, by the large motor companies and the other The SA government had just 12 months to prepare the transnationals which use the Grand Prix races for product circuit — and the people. No time was wasted. promotion. It was a formidable machine which smoothly quelled the initial fears and scepticism of many of the Marketing and Managing the Event locals, and stroked the egos of Adelaideans until this foreign motoring extravagan7a became their very own TJ he SA government, while financially underwriting carnival on wheels. the race and assisting, along with the Adelaide City There were some doubting Thomases, nonetheless. The Council, to provide the infrastructure, allowed the private idea of turbo-charged racing cars roaring through the sector to play a big role in promoting and organising the sedate park lands at speeds of up to 300 kms per hour did event. A Grand Prix Board wasestablished immediately to not appeal to all. The race was to pass some of the inner oversee preparations, and this board, in turn, awarded city's most exclusive residences, as well as a few hospitals

contracts for work and services and concluded and commercial properties. To some, it was. initially, a sponsorship deals with various private companies. somewhat ludicrous combination, an ill-fitting addition to Legislation was pushed through the stale parliament very the image of Adelaide as the city of churches. Others quickly, giving the Grand Prix Board wide powers to act. wondered how they would get to work in their own cars, and exempting it from six Acts of Parliament which given that major Streetswere to be sealed off fora week and normally place controls on the use of public lands where surrounded by grandstands, wire mesh and concrete safety noise, traffic and planning matters are concerned. barriers. The composition of the Grand Prix Board helped seal the "partnership" of big business, government and the Public Relations Gloss public service. It comprises: Chairman - Tim Marcus acc organisers stressed the commercial benefits of Clark, managing director of the State Bank of SA ; Deputy the race, the fame it would bring to Adelaide, and Chairman - Ian Cocks, managing director of Direct Mix the careful steps that would be taken to minimise Holdings; Executive Director - Max Hemmerling. former disruption and inconvenience. In a letter of reply to one director of Cabinet Office. SA Premier's Office; and the critic. Premier Bannon gave an assurance that "every effort following ordinary Grand Prix Board members: Jim w ill be made to minimise the impact of the Grand Prix on Jarvis, present Lord Mayor of Adelaide: John Hadaway. the environment". No well-established trees would be city engineer. Adelaide Council: Wendy Chapman, removed, not permanent structures would be erected in the director ol Sandford Travel and former l ord Mayor of parklands,1 Residents were to be given special Adelaide: John Large, chairman ol the Confederation ol consideration with parking and access to thetr homes. Australian Motor Sport: Bill O'Gorman. National They would be fully compensated for any damage to Development Manager, Elders IX L ; and Geoff _ property caused by errant racing cars. Before the SA Whitbread, city manager of the Kensington and Norwood Parliamentary Committee on Public W o rk s, Dr Mai 9 Autumn 1986 Money, Men and the Motor Car

Hemmerling toyed with the idea of following the L.os exaggerated claims about the resultant economic impact Angeles Grand Piix model where residents were bussed, This has sometimes served to overcome popular out of the area on the day. "We could consider doing a opposition to a project, as occurred over the Roxbv similar thing here." he said, "perhaps a trip to Victor Downs uranium-copper-gold mine or. more generally, to Harbor with lunch supplied for these people as a little reassure an electorate nervous about the closure or consideration."- contraction of what were considered to be rock-solid enterprises (e.g. Kelvinators. G M H Woodville. Whvalki " .... what more fitting place for this to shipyards). The promotion of the Grand Prix as a massive occur than in Adelaide, heavily boost to the state's economy fits into this pattern. dependent on GMH and Mitsubishi car Grand Prix Values plants .... " TM he Grand Prix was a great celebration of the motor I The Grand Prix Board established a Community car. And what more fitting place for this to occur than in Liaison Committee which its chairperson, Wendy Adelaide, heavily dependent on G M H and Mitsubishi car Chapmen, described as "The human element of the Grand plants, and still smarting from the closure of GMH Prix organisation". The committee worked tirelessly Woodville which cost over 3.000 jobs. Mitsubishi Motors getting information out to residents, traders and schools. became the principal sponsor of the race and. for the sum Thousands of Grand Prix community information kits of SI .5 million, it earned the right to have its name liberalh were distributed voluntarily by the Boy Scouts in affected plastered around. In keeping with tradition, the race was areas and. closer to the event. a special information office officially titled the Australian Formula One Mitsubishi was set up to handle inquiries. Grand Prix. Then there were the prestige cars in the race [ The major public relations emphasis, however, was not itself — the BM W s. the Rcnaults. the Alla Romeos.andall defensive, but positive. Extensive media publicity the associations these names conjure up. accompanied the race build-up. trumpeting the latest Luxury and glamour were very much to the fore as we construction achievements and developing a sense of were told about the fabulous wealth of the successful excitement. Adelaide would be put on the international drivers and designers. Each team spends millions ofdollars map. One glossy brochure from the Grand Prix office per year on the circuit, as much as $50 million for some. noted that "Formula One Grand Prix races are seen by more people than any other sport except the Olympicsand ".... the race became, on TV footage, a set soccer's World Cup". In 1984. it boasted, the race was shown in 47 countries reaching 650 million viewers. This of dedgem cars weaving in and out huge, world-wide audience could now be reached by a between a panoply of brand names." single commercial. Teams tour with their owm chefs and hundreds of support staff. The phrase Grand Prix Glitterati was coined by the AUSTRALIAN FORMULA media to describe the travelling circus of famous people GRAND PRIX ADELAIDE accompanying the teams. Ringo Starr was sighted: Paul NOVEMBER 3 1985 Newman was rumoured to be in town: would Frank Sinatra make a visit: and so it went on. The emphasis on personal wealth intruded into the race commentary itself with the TV presenter excitedly shouting comments in the TJ L he race was touted as an economic bonanza Irom following vein: "An here's Keke Rosberg who lives in which all Adelaide residents would benefit, not just the Boffa. drives his own private plane and is immensely business community.' Much was made of the need for wealthy — a great wheeler-dealer coming up to accommodation as an anticipated 80.000 people challenge Johansson for the lead." descended on Adelaide. Early in I985. hoteliers and Above all, it was a great field day for the advertisers. We landlords began doubling and trebling tariffs for the are accustomed to seeing Australian footballers and Grand Prix period, and many householders began shem- cricketers w ith product names on caps and clothes, but this ing to vacate their houses for the week and make a kill­ is small beer in comparison to the Grand Prix. with drivers ing as interstate and overseas visitors scoured the city and vehicles moving, walking, talking billboards almost looking for a bed. As things turned out, unregulated completely covercd by multinational corporate sponsors profiteering was largely avoided by the Grand Prix Board — Marlboro. Cannon, 1C I. Mobil. Goodyear. Shell. establishing an accommodation system run by T A A . Pirelli. Simod. Dow. Olivetti and the car companies to Visitors were mainly catered for by utilising existing boot. Add to this the billboards lining the track and the commercial accommodation in Adelaide and surrounding race became, on the T V footage, a set of dodgem cars districts. weaving in and out between a panoplv of brand names. From the mid-1970s. South Australia had experienced a decline in its manufacturing industries, with the significant Media Enthusiasm rationalisation and job losses in the auto, white goods and engineering sectors. In this climate, it has been a common TM he day following the race. Adelaide journalists put practice of business leaders and successive state the final touches on the cultural message the race governments to "talk up" new initiatives, making promoters had been trying to construct. Nigel Hopkins, in

10 Australian Left Review Money, Men and the Motor Car

MITSUBISHI AUSTRALIAN JOSMULAONE GKAND PRIX Grand Prix circus had just come fresh from a race in jack- booted South Africa, no hard-nosed analyses about alternative productive uses of the enormous amounts of money spent on the race. The promise of a dollar to be turned and a job to be found, however transitory, received the emphasis. The Grand Prix project reinforced a number of key values which are widely held in the society - rampant materialism, adulation of money and what it can buy in lifestyle, the excitement of fast cars, unquestioning support for new whi/z-Bang technologies, the necessity for star people and the notion that big is beautiful. Playing on parochial attitudes, the race promoters suggested that everyone could benefit from life in the fast lane, however vicariously. The hype further legitimised conspicuous consumption by the well-off at a time of growing poverty and persistently high unemployment. It pushed aside concern about the expenditure of public money on froth and bubble economic projects while funds for basic social services remained in short supply. It was in this atmosphere that the state elections took place. The part of the Grand Prix in Labor's re-election

n Sunday. 10 November, a week after the race. Premier Bannon announced 7 December as the stale election date. This dale had been one of the A LP's favoured options, coming just three years alter they defeated the Tonkin Liberal government in 1982. la p -M'; m The electorate endorsed Bannon's team resoundingly, giving the new administration a four-year term following ;i piece called "Goodbye innocent Adelaide, hello map of amendments to the State Electoral Act in 1983. The ihe world", wrote: average swing to Labor was around three percent in the ll was the dav that put Adelaide on lire map. Il n w the d ay in which in' lost the innocence o f a big country town and became a lower house but. more importantly, it occurred in all the rather more grown up city. The Grand Prix circa* came here right places — in the crucial metropolitan marginal seats. thinking we’d he Hicksville. Hut we weren't and all o f us know it The final figures for the House of Assembly gave the A L P now: there's no need for any colonial cringe any more.4 27 seats (23 in the old parliament). Liberals 16 (21), Popular columnist Des Colquhoun scaled new heights Independent Labor 2 (2). Independent Liberal I (0), in male chauvinism in his contribution. "Winning ways of Naionals I (!)■ dear city", likening the city to a young woman who had just opened her legs to accommodate the great event: "The Grand Prix was a symbol of exciting .... hy God. she (Adelaide) can really hang one on w hen il comes state development, more apparent than i&staging a non-stop, four-day sunny hinge of life in the fast lane. Beneath her sedate g ird le o f park lands she is a p la y g irl. a loveable real, but attractive nonetheless .... " hig-hnsomi'tl sweetheart, brazen, hoo:\ and disarmingly In the upper house, the Legislative Council, the generous w ith her innocent favo u rs,3 Australian Democrats secured the last scat, giving them In the week leading up to the event, the electronic media two members in the new parliament and the balance of was a perpetual publicist for the Grand Prix built around power in the house of review. ihe theme "Adelaide Alive” . And if anyone still doubted it. Il was a big defeat for John Olsen's Liberals who then the roar of Formula One vehicles on the Friday. finished with only five out of 33 metropolitan seats, losing Saturday and Sunday fora radius of eight kms and further two of their most senior figures and former ministers — if the wind was blowing your way, certainly proved that Dean Brown and Michael Wilson. The A l.P went from something was going on in town. being a minority government in (he old parliament, J- fv e n after the barrage of hype, some questioned the dependeni on the support of I wo Independent Labor r j value of the event. A few serious minded citizens renegades, to being a government wiih a comfortable wrote troubled letters to the editor. Friends oi the majority in its own right. Earth held a Petit P rix to promote bicycle travel around How significant was the Grand Prix in securing Labor's the city, and a good many remained cynical about the re-election? it is difficult to be precise, and easy to over­ Grand Prix asa political exercise. Bui the media made sure estimate, single factors However, (he Grand Prix was that none of this really counted lor much. There were no banner headlines drawing attention to the fact that the Continued page 40.

Autumn 1986 n Interview by Louise Connor Behind Marxism Today: Martin Jacques Interview If there is a flagship of the new left in Britain it is Marxism Today, variously described as the "theoretical and discussion journal" of the Communist Party and as "politics with style". With a wide variety of contributors writing on issues ranging from economics to the politics of pop and fashion, this monthly magazine has attracted a readership of over 14,000 people. Louise Connor recently interviewed Martin Jacques, the editor of Marxism Today, who was chiefly responsible for this fresh approach to politics, about the ideas behind the magazine and some of the contentious issues for the left in Britain.

Marxism Today could be described as the flagship of the No one else was arguing the question of the crisis of the new left. Can you explain how the new left differs from the left. The common wisdom on the left was that we were old and what are the hallmarks of Marxism Today? advancing, not retreating. Add to that Marxism Today's Marxism Today has combined three major willingness to confront the move out of the long boom and characteristics. Firstly, it took the Gramscian revolution in into recession, and the profound material and ideological Britain in the 1970s to heart. It coupled that with the changes which that has engendered .... the move into a Eurocommunist debates and treated them as a major point completely new environment. of departure from previous communist traditions. There The third characteristic is, in some ways, the most were lines of continuity, but that was ccrtainly a very unusual and. in others, the most important. We attempt lo important moment. analyse what is actually happening by assimilating or dialoguing wilh moreor lessanything that is actually going On that point, what was the major difference between the on in society. Most communist magazines sell primarily old and new left? within the organisation. A language has grown up within I would say the major issue is the notion of hegemony: the communist movement that's essentially a very internal accepting that the political strategy you must develop for language. your country and society rests on the capacity of the Marxism Today set about culturally breaking out ol the working class to win, through a process of consent, allies ghetto by tackling the issues everyone else is concerned throughout socicty. The processes of political change are about. We set about selling in newsagents and not just therefore no longer apocalyptic or catastrophic, but are of party bookshops. We went lor a cover that looked like a more prolonged character. A lot of the traditional another magazine. We changed the relationship between notions of the nature of a revolution and the difference advertising (which was virtually non-existent) and sales between capitalism and socialism, a lot of the hard and revenue. W e set about developing an ability to have articles fast categories, and the simplistic way they were presented oil Madonna as much as on the international capitalist previously began to evaporate. This is all obviously leading crisis. into a more complex era with all kinds of difficulties as well Much of the crisis on the left, certainly in this country, as possibilities. has been its isolation from socicty. One expression of this The second point of departure for Marxism Today was a in Britain is its attitude to the media. The left is completely preparedness, by the late 'seventies, to come to terms with unable to come to terms with the media, either by what was happening in politics both at home and overseas. successfully intervening and relating to the media as they In practice, this meant confronting Thatcherism and the are. or by establishing its own media. The two are crisis of the labour movement. These two themes became obviously very related. If you can't understand the existing the hallmarks ot the Marxism Today approach to media it's not surprising that you can't produce a analysing the present political phase. !t was that successful one of your own. confrontation with reality that set Marxism Today apart from virtually everything else on the left. There was criticism from some on the left for describing No one else was prepared, at that stage, lo say that Thatcher's policies as something new, as a break with Thatcherism represents a completely new kind of Toryism previous capitalist policies. Can you describe what you see and the left cannot keep on fighting in the same ways it as the essential features of Thatcherism which make it fought the old Toryism, otherwise il must fail. different?

12 Australian Left Review Behind Marxism Today

of a strong anti-trade union, anti-corporatist, pro- individualistic. pro-market, pro-patriotic banner. She did that, with some success.

Was the left able to gauge Thatcher’s appeal? By and large, no. The left has been moulded by the circumstances of the post-war social democratic consensus. The modern labour movement emerged in its present position in society on the basis of it being able to impose its model of politics on society. The social democratic consensus was derived from the '45 Labour government and for thirty to forty years that has been the way of living. When something else came along which was no longer prepared to take that consensus for granted but. on the contrary, wanted to destroy it and construct something else, the left didn't even recognise what had come along. There were very few people who would face what Thatcherism was about or even ask the questions. Some would say that Thatcherism was a worse kind of Toryism, but it's a quantitative, not a qualitative, change which they have in mind. But there are signs that there are forces on the left which, in some degree or another, recognise that Thatcherism is different, but which embody different responses. The miners' leader. Arhur Scargill. for example, recognised that Thatcherism was something different but didn't understand the key elements and simply thought that Thatcherism was about lighting a war of manoeuvre. Scargill foueht a war of movement thinking that the [ think that the essential characteristic of Thatcherism is miners were about to defeat the government which, in ils objective of opposing the existing consensus which had practice, would have cr&ated a great crisis of political governed all policy-making in the post-war period in authority. Britain. The post-war social democratic consensus had But that wasn't what Thatcher was on about. He been supported by all previous Tory, as well as Labour misinterpreted her strong leadership as coinciding with a governments, in terms of support for f ull employment, the war of movement. But Thatcher knows when she's going to welfare state, recognition of trade unionism and the role of fight, when she's not, and when to retreat. Thatcher a large public sector. chooses the ground on w'hich to fight from time to time. Thatcher counterposed to that a new model of society in Then there are people on the local government side like which unemployment now became a virtue and a necessity Ken Livingstone and the Greater London Council, and rather than an unfortunate aberration; in which the market Sheffield Council's David Blunkett. They have certainly was promoted as the central means by which society displayed an ability to appeal outside traditional should function, the state withdrawing both in the constituencies and mobilise new reserv es of support for the economic and social areas in order to promote individual left, particularly on the democratic demand of the defence of local government. They have shown a capacity to use incentives: new language, new symbols, and there has been a In the course of that, the fundamental contours of the modernism about their campaigns. So, whether or not they economic and social structure of the country, the completely understand what Thatcherism is all about, welfare state and the public sector were to be reordered and the society in a general way was going to be Americanised, there is no question that they have responded successfully I think that's the hallmark of Thatcher. to some of the changes that Thatcherism represents. Thatcherism represents not just a new political objective hut one pursued strategically with a totally different kind On issues tike state ownership, Thatcher has been able to of political approach than had been associated with appeal to people's unfavourable perceptions of the state. previous Toryism. If you're going to reshape the political How does the left incorporate these into a new strategy? agenda, redraw the debate and transform the balance of I should like to make a distinction between Thatcher's political forces, you’ve got to go out there to hegemonise success on the issue of nationalisation and public society and the forces you can mobilise for your ends. ownership and her problems in handling the welfare state. You've got to redraw the social divisions within society. On the latter issue, the left has managed, to one degree or Traditionally. Toryism has appealed to certain long­ another, to establish a certain line beyond which it is very term features of British society, it wasn't that Thatcher difficult for the Tories to advance. That line began to stopped appealing to those features but she also tried to register around the National Health Service in the course appeal to sections of the working class as well on the basis of the last general election. Although ihcTories would like

Autumn I9S6 13 Behind Marxism Today

to cut much further into the welfare state, they would actually like to restructure it and begin to privatise it in a more profound way. They arc finding it extremely difficult. Public ownership is a different matter. A lot of industry that was publicly owned has now been privatised sometimes, like British Telccom, with a lot of public support. Opinion polls on public ownership show that it remains very unpopular. Among conservatives that is to be expected, but it is true of Alliance supporters and it is also true of Labour supporters. There are a number of issues entangled in the public's feelings about nationalisation. The first is that thetradition of nationalisation has made people feel that they have less control than they have ever had over other forms of industry. The model of nationalisation which has been used here has been very bureaucratic and unresponsive to either the workforce within the firm or to public opinion more generally. This is probably a feature of nationalisation in other countries as well. Secondly, the other problem is that this form of nationalisation is particularly associated with an ideology of nationalising the "commanding heights", It is associated with a certain technological era in which you tackled the problem of public control by going for the big industries. It also happened that, by and large, they went for the big industries, apart from the public utilities which were relatively unsuccessful, such as coal, the railways, and so on. It wasdilficult from the word go because it wasdifficult by normal cost analysis to make them run at a profit. In learning the lessons for the future, we are helped by- as a whole needs to renew itself, is that it is much more certain material changes. The si/e of the unit ofthescaleol centrally for civil society, for the growth of voluntary, production in western economies is falling. Economies of popular institutions I'm not just talkingabout political, or scale — the Fordist production model — are no longer so obviously progressive social institutions. We must stand dominant, so other forms of intervention are technically for the growth of people organising themselves in whatever aided as well as politically desirable. ways they want to improve and enhance cultural and There are certain things, like the electricity and gas economic activities in society. utilities, which should essentially remain in public The left's new perspective must include the construction ownership. But it must be a different form of of a new' relationship and equilibrium between the state nationalisation in which these institutions are very much and civil society in which part of the role of central more accessible to public pressure and demand. Perhaps government is to enable local institutions and various they are broken up and each unit in different areas is run forms of voluntary organisations to exist by providing differently. I'm sure there are ways along those lines to funding and so on. decentralise. There are various dangers and traps in this idea and we But, alongside that, many other forms of public shouldn't be utopian. But this is a way by w;hich we can ownership, control, or involvement or co-operative elaborate on new forms of public control and intervention production must develop. One of the interesting things to which are essentially accessible and could be popular. come from municipal governments is the way they have S urely there is criticism in what you are saying of the way sought to encourage co-operatives and municipal forms of the labour movement organises itself. It is often rigidly control and involvement. organised and very hierarchical. Thatcher has been on the rampage against the unions and she is obviously hitting That leads us on to talking about the crisis of the labour some chords with members of unions. What do you see as movement because, in many ways, new forms of urgent short-term changes for the labour movement in organising are in conflict with the old corporatist or Britain? syndicalist views of power held by sections of the left. It is not only w hat the labourmo\cment stood forwhich One of the features of the post-war left (communists and is out of time, but also its structures and modes of social democrats share certain characteristics) is statism — operation. One example is (hat the trade union movement, a preoccupation with the role of central government and in terms of its structures, remains extremely male, even centrally or nationally controlled institutions, and the need though about a third of the movement is female Ai the for them to act on behalf of people. Trades Union Congress this year, the vast majority of Perhaps a feature of the new left, or the way that the left Australian Left Review Behind Marxism Today delegates were men and. nationally, there are very lew Firstly, the fact that the miners were unlikely to be prominent women trade unionists. united on the issue. Once it became clear thai they weren't, Unless the labour movement takes this question the strategy of coercing those miners who didn't agree was seriously at all levels, there is no way it can make an appeal pursued. This had very damaging long-term consequences. which has any real claim in being progressive to modern Secondly, ihe importance of winning all the miners was society. Unless it is "feminised", in the sense that there are underplayed by the failure to hold a ballot. There was no large numbers of women involved and the mov ement then question that the no ballot decision undermined the reflects their concerns, priorities and gender, there is no legitimacy of the strike, among both the miners and the sense in which that appeal can be achieved. The problem is public. that the labour movement has proved to be extremely So you don't accept the argument that I've heard from resistant to those kind of changes. miners that to hold a ballot on other people’s jobs is unfair? Another area is the issue of democracy over which Thatcher has taken the trade union movement to the They're two different issues. If that is true, it is also very clcaners. It has been a very popular issue w ithin the unions dangerous to try to picket out all those miners who don't themselves and that is why. in one way or another, they want to go on strike because they don't believe in it. have been forced to retreat. That is why they haven't been Bui it's not just a moral argument, it's political. If there able to cope with the legislation about union democracy had been a ballot and it had been won. the legitimacy of the and elections. strike would have been much greater in the eyes of all the The sooner the unions get on with saying that they are members of the N U M and in the minds of other trade going to elect all their officials and executives, the better. unionists and the public. Once they didn't, there were a lot We should stand absolutely for union elections without of problems. ducking the issue and we shouldn't have allowed the Tories The N U M has a very long democratic tradition of to call the tune. balloting for leaders and on strike action, so this was ag Let me think aloud about a third area. Labour balloting for leaders and on strike action, so this was movement structures are very internalised and shut off against the normal traditions. 1 don't think a ballot would from society. Somehow or another, they need to make have been won at the start because it is very difficult to get a themselves accessible and attractive. How can the strike on jobs since not everyone is threatened. When il is a movement influence a society with which it is out of touch? wage struggle everyone generally has the prospect of an If it is out of touch, the movement is bound to represent increase. disproportionately the old rather than the new. But you can't have effective industrial action on jobs unless you have ihe unity of all the miners. If only those Lei's talk briefly about the miners' strike. There was affected go on strike, you won't win. criticism of Marxism Today for undertaking an analysis of Can I say just one other thing about the N U M strategy. the strike. What are your criticisms o f the way in which the It was informed by a politics w hich was essentially 1970s. It str ike was carried out? was pre-Thatcherism and pre-recession, and Scargill On the issue of the criticism of Marxism Today, my thought they could stage a rerun of the 'seventies. It was regret about the magazine's response to the miners'strike is syndicalism in action. lhat we only managed to discuss these issues at the end. The miners are the leading section of the working class. So. the first thing to do was to try to get all the miners out. Why was that? They couldn't achieve that because the issue was different It's difficult to describe to you the atmosphere that — jobs, not wages. The circumstances were different, the existed during the course of the miners' strike. The miners politics were different. Secondly, once the miners were out. have a deep emotional meaning for the British labour then essential class interest and class solidarity would movement and so it was felt that anything which operate. It didn't operate. There was no way it wasgoingto questioned in any wuv the strategy lhat was being pursued operate. That w'as clear right from the beginning. by the miners, for example, ihe lack of a ballot or whether Instead of having a view of a struggle as having to w in the argument about economic pits was correct, was not people's consent, both your own membership's and those being loyal to the miners and detracting from their outside, there were attempts to coerce, to appeal to struggle. loyalties and so forth which just weren't there any more An atmosphere was created in which it was extremely becausc of the new atmosphre created by unemployment difficult to make these kind of points. It was difficult and Thatcherism. enough when ihe strike ended. I don't think such an atmosphere is healthy lor the left. Il prevents the left from There is now, in Britain, an alternative miners' union; there engaging in collective thought and appraisal about what are a couple of renegade rightwing unions which are they're doing when they are acting. Il encourages mindless, challenging the Trades Union Congress' authority rather than thoughtful, militancy. overaccepting funds from Thatcher to run ballots on In terms of the strike itself, the main weakness was that it was informed from ihe outset by a notion lhat the miners political funds. There is some discussion by these unions of organising an alternative trade union centre. united on their own could defeat the National Coal Board and could defeat the government in the course of doing lhat In presenting it like that a number of things were Continued page 32. ignored.

Autumn 1986 IS Lindsay Tanner The Left in Crisis

The various groupings on the left can no longer ignore the serious decline of socialism in Australia, argues Lindsay Tanner. He argues that socialists must confront the real causes of this failure to mobilise long-term support and thereby seek new initiatives to ensure the future of socialism in Australia.

A hard-headed examination of the Australian leading national figures like Jim Cairns because of ;i jCM political scene in 1985 suggests that the Left is now temporary hiatus between the expiring older generation in a very serious state of decline. Whether one looks and a rising new generation of Left leaders. At the stale at superf icial indicators or deeper trends, the short-term level, the Left is strong only in Victoria and Nev. Sotnh outlook lor the Left is bleak and the longer-term outlook Wales. Yet. in New South Wales, the Right forces ,Lemain simply unknown. ftrmlv in control of the party and. in Victoria, the relative The Communist Party is in severe difficulties after strength of the Left at the parliamentary level is merely having proved to be a relatively durable if not dynamic exacerbating the deep divisions within the Socialist Lett force in the turmoil of the 'sixties and 'seventies. The over the role of labor governments. contradictions of a Eurocommunist line in a small socialist Within the trade union movement, the Left's position sect have gradually been exposed. The departure of the has fluctuated. The massive assault on the A M W U Victorian C P A leadership to form Socialist Forum in 1984 (Amalgamated Metal Workers Union) has been averted has had a traumatic impact on the Victorian AL.P Left and for the time being, but has highlighted the v ulnerability of union movement. The emergence of Socialist Forum has progressive unions to attack by external forces with vast amounts of money. The I eft has made ma jor gains in w hite " .... the short-term outlook for the left is collar unions and more or less held its position in other bleak and the longer-term outlook simply areas. However, the divisions within the trade union Left, particularly over the Accord and relationships with labor unknown." governments, have severely hampered the Left. led to quite vicious internal conflict both within the A L P Among the rank and file of the labour movement, and in the community generally. the situation is a good deal more Left and in the trade union movement. The C P A is now serious. The proportion of the population professing a seriously contemplating the formation of a new political commitment to socialism is small, and apparently party founded explicitly on the sort of "community declining. The absence of a unifying, inspirational focus on coalition" approach which gave birth to Socialist Forum. the Left and the increasing fragmentation of Left forces The major area of disagreement between the two groups has brought things to the point where Outright appears to be ovr the issue of forming a new socialist part j marginalisation looms. The political debate in Australia rather than attempting to influence or convert the AL P — appears to be over the issue of forming a new socialist party over the next five years is likely to be fought between rather than attempting to influence or conver the A L P — Thatcherite radicals and social democrat preservers of the the perennial dilemma of Australian socialists. status quo. The socialist sects, which have been characterised by a renewed bout of splits and realignments, have fared ".... the Left is rapidly acquiring an image suffered the problem of S W P entrism and is now also in of an old-fashioned, outmoded theology." disarray and decline. However, thousands of Australians are now actively involved in community groups and issue Young working class people have retreated from campaigns which tend to reflect Left attitudes and political activity, and the idealism of middle class youth of philosophy, such as animal liberation, consumer groups, the late 'sixties and early 'seventies has been usurped by People for Nuclear Disarmament, the women's movement mindless hedonism and self-interest. Rank-and-file and so on. Both the Socialist Forum group and the involvement in trade unions and the Labor Party, remaining C PA stalwarts have recognised the importance particularly among the young, is very low, and appa enilv of harnessing the latcm political energy which rests in these declining, the trade union movement is more unpopular, forces. even among union members, than it has been for decades. The values ol the Right are spreading, and the Left is n parliament, and in the trade union movement, the rapidly acquiring an image of an old-lashioned. outmoded Loft's position is weakening. In federal parliament, theology, perhaps appropriate during the'forties, but now though more organised and cohesive than ever before, completely out of touch with contemporary reality. the Left remains in an entrenched minority, lacking /16 Australian Left Review The Left in Crisis

Causes of Decline he primary causes of the declining strength of the Left lie inevitably in the dramatic changes in Australian socicty in recent decades. In particular, the semi-tribal working clas communities of earlier years have all but been destroyed by suburbanization, rimprovements in transport and communications, the development of the mass media, and burgeoning materialism and theconsumerculture. The post-war boom raised individual expectations and reduced the influence of work relations over social horizons. Increasing detachment of working class leaders in union and party apparatus from the people they represent has been accompanied bv the disintegration ol an entire political ' culture The "consciousness industries" which blossomed during the 'sixties, such as television, music and fashion, have dramatically eroded the distinctive working class culture ol the shop floor, trade union consciousness ;md the ethics of socialism. Trade union consciousness has been diluted by the artificial accretion of paper membership brought on by the spread of compulsory membership bv means ol agreement between union and company rather than Lindsay Tanner pressure from below product of burgeoning tertiary education, while collar "The older generation within the Left employment, and radical professional activism. appears to believe that bad publicity does The older generation within the Left appears to believe that had publicity does not really matter, as it will not not really matter." affect the faithful rank and file. Many left leaders still shun the media because il is the "capitalist press" run bv The changing industrial structure in Australia has establishment lackcys like Rupert Murdoch. The same rapidly reduced the numerical and industrial strength of leaders drive around in cars manufactures by American the manual working class, traditionally the primary b;isc ol multinationals which oppress Ausiralian workers and the 1 .clI and the labour movement There are now more cheat Australian consumers, I ike everything else, members o! the Australian working class working in including the Labor Party and the trade union movement, Ol (ices than in factories. The I eft has compounded the the media is part of Australian capitalism. To use it effects of this change irt the structure ol Australian society intelligently lo convey the Left's message does not by its almost obsessive attachment lo the images of the necessarily imply capitulation to superficial "image factory floor and the blue collar worker and its failure to politics". analyse the change and adjust its political approach the media is naturally biased against the l.elt, but is accordingly, lo r years the Communist Party clung to a obliged by its own precepts lo provide the Left with some position ol "proletarian sectarianism", and the Victorian coverage: the Left should, therefore, aim to use that Socialist l.elt is still heavily permeated with an idealised cove rate to neutralise to the greatest extent possible the conception of the revolutionary blue collar worker and a impact of that bias. It is a sad fact, but true, that the perception of the tertiary educated white collar employee ordinary A! P member and trade union member gets the as "middle class". This attitude is not calculated to bulk ol his her political information from The Sun, engender wide appeal for the Left within the ranks of white C hannel 9 News, and so on. collar workers. he increasing dominance ol educated professionals The Left and Economic Theory M within the AI I’ has provided a base for the he I eft has failed to come lo terms w ith the demise of I formation ol a Centre-! ell. Wedded to the concepts state capitalism of Keynesian economics in the mid- ol efficiency, professionalism and elitism, most people in seventies. The l ed has vacated the field ol economic thisgioup tend to recoil from the industrial militancy and policy and allowed the A L P Right to dominate almost economic policies ol the Left, and content themselves with J unchallenged: consequently. the central economic debate radical reformism on social issues. The l.elt laces the in Australia today is between spciaI democratic supporters difficult task ol trying to separate out the truly radical ol ihe status quo and privatising l iberals. Yet there are spints from the naked opportunists among the centrists, signs that the l.elt is now slowly and painfully coming to white avoiding being "colonised" ys a power vehicle to be terms with recent change: nationalisation is now widely Used in a struggle for internal party supremacy against the regarded as an inadequate solution, there is growing Right. I he I ell also needs lo develop a strategy lot coping realisation that Keynesianism is essentially a social With the increasing problem ol blue collar alienation from democratic rather than a socialist economic sirategy. and the A! I* and politics generally, which is an inevitable - the liiilier ct tide protectionism is gradually being replaced

Autumn 1986 17 The Left in Crisis

by a more sophisticated and creativ c ;ipprtiiich to industry policy. However, the Lelt still has not recognised the extent to " which the Australian economy lias been integrated into Ihe world economy, and continues to assume that the Australian government exercises the dominant role in determining Australia's economic future. The Left has suffered increasing marginalisation because of its floundering in the economic sphere, and preoccupation with issues such as uranium mining. A SIO . US bases and abortion. However important, such issues are not integral to the achievement of socialism — as a cursory examination of the Australian Democrats' policies will demonstrate. " .... the Left now lacks a sense of itself as a 'moral community'."

A key feature of the Left's decline has been its failure to analyse thoroughly and criticise the welfare state and the various instruments of the public sector. Rather than exercising a sceptical vigilance over the efficiency and effectiveness of the welfare state and the public sector, the Left has tended blindly to defend these institutions against attacks. A related factor which provides grounds for advances in the late 'sixties and 'seventies, when concern in the future is the growth of the welfare politics progressive values on a wide range of matters took hold in industry and the proliferation of leftwing activists in a much of Australian society, have been turned around by variety of publicly-funded and fairly well paid "social a concerted counter-reaction. The impact ol anti-racist, caring” and community group jobs. Although the tendency feminist and humanist values emerging largely from the to board the public sector gravy train is both natural and youth revolt in the ’sixties has been enormous, but still, in understandable, lack of money and full-time workers many respects, superficial. ! ike smoking, people now bear being a perennial problem for even the most worthwhile an intellectual conviction against racism and yet continue organisations, it is important that the dangers inherent in to practise it in their daily lives without any apparent this process be kept in mind. These include dependence concern. There has clearly been a marked failure to upon, and accountability to, the state, the tendency for capitalise on the major gains made during the anti-Viei well-paid activists to purport to speak on behalf of their Nam campaign and the Whitlam period: those which have disadvantaged clientele, and a fundamentally "band-aid" endured have primarily been dieas ol hedonism and approach to tackling deep-seated problems. nihilism — such as sexual liberation — rather than For many years, the Australian Left has suffered from socialism. a tendency to uncritical imitation and adulation of various As a result, in contrast to much earlier days, the L eft foreign movements and governments. A cursory glance now lacks a sense of itself as a "moral community". There around the Australian socialist landscape reveals the has been a marked decline in distinctively working class extent to which it has been shaped by overseas events. and socialist cultural institutions. This is partly a feature of Every major crisis in the Communist Party haseither been the impact of changes in society outlined above and, in in direct response to overseas events (the invasion ol particular, ol the effects of television, but it also reflects the Hungary and Czechoslovakia for example) or related to dramatic decline of morale and general optimism on the foreign ideoloical developments (the rise of Left. Eurocommunism). Most of the smaller socialist sects are essentially colonies of parent bodies in the U S and UK. "A great deal of economic policy Blind subservience to the "line" ofa foreign country such formulation within the Left seems to as Russia or China has had a particularly debilitating effect on the socialist movement in Australia, alienating many proceed under the assumption that larger outside the movement and causing serious divisions within budget deficits are intrinsically socialist." il. While it is ob\ iously valuable for Australia n socialists to draw on the theoretical debates and experiences of socialist The mood of the socialist movement has fluctuated movements elsewhere, it is essential that the colonial between naive optimism and profound pessimism as it has mentality of blind obeisance is abandoned and original moved through various phases and crises, such as the socialist thought in Australia fostered. stalinist terror, the triumph over fascism, the McCarthyist witch-hunt, and the youth revolt in the 'sixties and early r U T he recent serious decline in the counter-hegemony of 'seventies. At present, the mood both in the Left and its M socialist and progressive ideas must be seen as a vital natural hinterland in the community is one of deep concern to Australian socialists. The dramatic pessimism and uncertainty, The origins of this niood lie in

18 A ustralian Left Review The Left in Crisis contemporary circumstances: the future is now regularly by the Left. Foreign policy tends to be a miscellaneous defined in terms of dangers — nuclear war. large-scale collection of specific statements about individual crises, structural unemployment, ecological crisis. rather than an exposition of basic pinciples. Economic The development of socialist consciousness and policy is usually developed without any regard for what solidarity is. to a considerable extent, dependent upon ought to be the fundamental concern of Australian individuals having a long-term vision of their own future socialists — transformation of the Australian economy and an expectation of the economic and social framew'ork from a capitalist to a socialist mode of production. A great in which they are likely to live out their lives. With the deal of economic policy formulation within the Left seems perceptions of young people so overwhelmingly to proceed under the assumption that larger budget deficits dominated by the twin fears of nuclear war and indefinite are intrinsically socialist, that protectionism is a unemployment, it is not surprising that the ground for foundation-stone of socialism, and that regulation is the development of socialism and especially for a forward- key mechanism of transformation from capitalism to looking socialist vision is not very fertile. socialism. Which Direction for the Australian Left? "The siege mentality which currently he recent decline of the Communist Party into permeates the Left must be broken, and virtual sect status has been a significant factor in the increasing fragmentation and loss of direction of the the earlier sense of optimism, idealism Left. For years, the C P A played a central strategic role in and moral commitment revived/' the Australian Left, developing new strategies and r Nevertheless, the Australian Left is deeply divided on an campaigns, setting the ideological agenda, and marshalling human and materia! resources with some form ideological basis between those committed to fighting of global conception of the needs of the struggle for individual (most industrial) struggles without any broader socialism. Australian socialism iscryingout foragrouping vision or program for a socialist Australia, and those who — not necessarily a political party — to take on the do have a "grand strategy" of sorts and devote considerable vanguard role once performed by the C PA . energy to reining in those individual struggles in order to The recent disputes surrounding the existence and ensure that the strategy is not jeopardised. Those who activities of Socialist Forum have been perfect illustrations oppose the Accord strategy have failed to develop an of all that is bad about the Left. The sectarian viciousness alternative which extends beyond the isolated industrial which has surrounded the disputes in the Victorian conflict. Those who support it have failed to realise that a Socialist Left in 1985 leads one to despair for the left's strategy which allows no room for struggle from below and requires constant effort to keep the troops from mutinying "The Left has failed to come to terms with is inevitably elitist and social democratic in flavour. A transformist strategy for a socialist Australia must be the demise of state captialism of based on a framework which has room for the pursuit of Keynesian economics." isolated sectional struggles and enables the energy devoted to those struggles to contribute effectively to the broader future. The paranoia, personal bitterness, self-delusion struggle. and pious hypocrisy which characterise the activities of participants from all sides in these disputes is enormously Grounds for Optimism damaging. Until the Australian Left is able to develop a degree of tolerance and respect for internal differences, it A Ithough the Australian political landscape appears will remain in its present isolated, marginalised position. /M particularly depressing from a Left perspective in The,Left has contributed to its own decline by its 1985, there are various factors working in the Left's addiction to language and expression far removed from favour. The most notable of these is the effective that of ordinary people. Many on the Left have a habit of nationalisation and internationalisation of politics as a talking in slogans, appearing as priests chanting result of developments in mass communications. catechisms rather than thoughtful and tolerant socialists Ignorance is the foremost weapon of reaction and, despite its role as an agent of social conditioning, television has prepared to listen to a different viewpoint. The Left also suffers from occasional outbursts of erratic behaviour, brought a knowledge of politics and world events to such as the slapstick antics of tomato throwing and ordinary people which is unparalleled in human history. internal abuse which highlighted the April 1985 "four Developments in media and communications technology unions" Victorian A L P Conference. have also assisted the left in various other ways. Cheaper printing, cheaper travel and the growth of public radio ossibly, the most serious problem facing the Left is have allowed the left to communicate more with the its failure to devote sufficient attention to questions outside world, and increasingly draw on sources of of political theory and ideology. With the information which are not controlled by political honourable exception of the Communist Party, attentionopponents. Pto theory has always been inadequate on the left in The emergence of a widespread network of conservation Australia. Even today, the word "academic" is a term of groups, women's groups, migrant organisations and self- abuse in the labour lexicon surpassed in virulence perhaps help groups has provided the traditional Left with only by "scab". This problem is readily apparent in policy formulation ” Continued page 38.

Autumn 1986 19 Tricia Caswell The New Right is New

The New Right has abandoned the florid moralism of the old right as espoused by Santamaria in favour of the harsh logic of market economics. Assisted by an increasingly sophisticated public relations machine, the New Right poses an increasing threat to the left by dominating political debate in this country.

he new right is real. Expensive, glossy publications, ''indispensable purveyor of all primary, social and research centres, think tanks and the gathering educational services for the young, sick, disabled, old", so together of more and more opinion makers signify a providing the proper substitute for the ruinous welfare departure from the Catholic moralist model of B.A.state. Santamaria into a new pragmatism best represented by Thirdly, married women (while being supposedly equal) Hughr Morgan and his economic rationalist colleagues. are to find fulfilment in care and caring rather than paid There are many indicators of how this work and the labour force. Fourthly, it may be necessary to economic rationalisation has superseded the Catholic provide for women with children out of marriage but moralism of the old right. The florid imagery and "concubinage will be called concubinage". philosophy of Santamaria still lingers, but its pre-modern For the schools to be reformed, Santamaria looks to the tone and its lack of realistic economic directions has tailed reconstitution of authority, excellence, the traditional the right for some time. Santamaria's vision of the good disciplines, and the abolition of liberal studies, especially society remains utopian; based on the purification of a sex education. His themes are very clear. Women and the diseased society. political sophisticates of the Viet Nam generation are substantially to blame for what he understands to be "The florid imagery and philosophy of society's problems and a return to tradition is his solution. Santamaria still lingers, but its pre­ These visions leave Santamaria a hopeless romantic, elitist and sexist ideologue no longer adequate for the right's modern tone and its lack of realistic more economistic prime movers. In their terms, he fails to economic directions has failed the right face up to the problems of the international economic for some time." order, Australia's place in it and the fact that his mediaeval moral stance has little chance of popular success. In 1983, The Age published a series of articles by Santamaria outlining his ideas on the details of this "These visions leave Santamaria a diseased society and his cures for it. His view of the world hopeless romantic, elitist and sexist "is the triumph of a particular philosophy and that is nihilism, a fundamental disbelief in any finalities at all, ideologue no longer adequate .... " a continuing cultural revolution" against authority. (The Age. 14 November, 1983) In this catechism, he compares The Reconstructed Right the i980s with pre-Nazi Berlin. For him, this is the age of he New Right seeks to modernise and reconstruct the the breakdown of much that he values of Christianity, goals and style reflected by Santamaria and others of middle class values and the capitalist economic order with his era. Their imagery, their policies and their targets domination by inflation, unemployment, sexual for reform, however, appear more realistic, less moralistic perversion and delinquency. For him, the 1980s have been r and are centred on the economic and industrial rather than further complicated by law reforms like the Family Law the social and cultural. Their self-professed objectives are Act. He views the legal recognition of de fa cto to change public opinion, to counter the left, and to shift relationships with horror; making what "Roman law the focus of debate from what they believe to be a Labor recognised as concubines as the legal equal of marriage". orientation. Specifically, they determine to change the He views the 50 percent of married women in the schools, the public sector, trade unions and the arbitration workforce as victims, "helpless before militant feminist system, regulation of the market, especially the finance and homosexual cultures". sector and defence policy. For all of these, they propose some form of privatisation (more recently called y T IS sPec’fic targets for reconstruction are the family, marketisation) and further deregulation. In the case of g g the schools, religion; a reorientation to a belief in unions and arbitration, their proclaimed position is authority and order. For the family to be reformed deregulation of the labour market, demolition of the there must be, first, an acceptance of the biological commission. differences between men and women. Secondly, there must Academic and research organisations have been be recognition of monogamous marriage as the established or revamped, policies and manifestos

20 A ustralian Left Review m e rxew Kignt is New

neo-Nazi organisation dedicated to anti-communism and racism, have more oblique links with them. While the corporate captains are happy to encourage racism in regard to Aborigines, for the most part their spokespeople on such matters represent apparently more legitimate views on multiculturalism. In a recent article in the Institute o f Public Affairs Review, Geoffrey Blainey writes lor them on matters of multiculturalism, denigrating the contribution of post World W ar II immigrants to "The self-professed objectives are to change public opinion, to counter the left, and to shift the focus of debate from what they beleive to be a Labor orientation."

Australia, referring to them as "an industry", "the creation of Mr. Grassby in the Whitlam government and of Mr, Fraser in the late 1970s", both of whom he claims used the ethnic lobby for electoral gain. Tricia Caswell Still, their racism is overt. In Mr. Hugh Morgan's infamous land rights speech he proclaimed ''land rights are paganism and spiritualism". Aboriginal culture a "world produced. Considerable corporate monies have been of pagans, superstition, fear and darkness". And on South invested in the Institute of Public Affairs, with branches in Africa, they are keen for no sanctions, participation by our all states, the Sydney Centre for Independent Studies, sportspeople in South Africa, and they point to the Monash University Centre for Policy Studies, the Flinders violence and horror of other Black African nations as far Institute of Labor Studies and the institute of Public greater evils than apartheid which, in the end, they would Policy in Perth. In government, they still dominate the have as a model for the rest of the African continent. Industry Assistance Council, the federal Department of Finance, the Bureau of Agricultural Economics and many Redirecting Political Debate others. In the universities and institutes of technology, n their bid to change Australia, the New Right has corporate capital investment in the development of new declared its interest in a renaissance of private economic, public and management policy units provides enterprise economics and thinking based on pre- for the rare instances of expansion in education. There has Keynesian market models. This means the been serious discussion, too, about the establishment of circumnavigation of the state machinery and the longer private universities. /term rebuilding of their version of the Western, liberal- New Right journals and publications are beginning to democratic tradition. The targets mentioned earlier: flood the market. The Institute o f Public Affairs Review, education, the public sector, trade unions, regulation of subtitled "Australia's journal of free enterprise opinion". the market, especially the finance sector and defence Reference 2000, The Optimist, Quadrant and The policy, are their immediate concerns; all viewed from the Australian I Israel Review are but a lew of the New' Right's perspective of wealth creation as opposed to wealth ideological papers. Business and management conferences distribution. They see the tatter as the chief obsession of and seminars are also increasing in number and variety. labour and doomed to undermine both Australia's The chief ideologues remain tied to the mining and rich traditional economy and culture. The specifics of their rural interests, the Liberal and National Country parties. plan require some explanation. Apart from Hugh Morgan of Western Mining, there is For the New Right, education must be freed from any John Howard advised by Dr. Gerard Henderson (ex- trends that dilute its role as a reproducer of traditional Santamaria aide). John Stone, Katharine West, Greg capitalist values. This can happen most effectively if the Lindsay, Lauchlan Chipman, Claudio Veliz, Leonie system is competitive and elitist , with support for the Kramer. Frank Knopfelmacher and the like attune development of greater privatisation. Constant attacks on themselves to these newer forces in virulent and education, especially state education, like Education generalised anti-communism, while others are specialists, Shambles; why our schools are in a mess ( The Bulletin, 4 like Geoffrey Blainey on immigration and Chipman on February. 1986), undermine any long-term attempts to education. make the schools more representative and egalitarian, and Tfc Tumerous so-called community organisations promote a return to tight managerial control of curriculum / % / represent aspects of these New Right forces, and administration in line with New Right thinking. -*■ ' especially sexism, racism and chauvinism. Many For the New Right, the public sector is, at best, a direct such groups are long-established and also retain strong servant of corporate interests. It is best, for the 1980s and links with the old Catholic right, like the anti-feminist, onward if government is small; if the state turns over its anti-abortion Women's Action Alliance. Other long­ Keynesian welfare role to the market and the family; and if standing groups such as National Action, the fanatical- the power of increasingly militant white collar unions is

Autumn 1VS6 21 The New Right In New

diminished. A model like this means a decreased lax burden and a market more manipulated by capital. Deregulating the Labour Market 'W \eregulation, with aggressive, competitive m ^approaches to industry and finance sectors are favoured as magical answers to Australia's industrial development and balance of payments difficulties. This classical market economics has led, so far, to a belief in further internationalisation of the economy and complete deregulation of the labour market. Unions, the Accord, the Arbitration Commission, are attacked as intolerable constraints on our competitiveness and economic growth. The New Right ideologues would destroy centralised wage-fixing, reduce youth wages, abolish awards, annihilate the unions and further promote corporate management. John Howard says "ultimately, you have to create a situation where there is a decline in union membership" (Sydney Morning Herald, I March, 1985). John Stone places priority on central wage-fixing: "The most important single requirement for putting Australia to rights today is the abandonment of the centralised wage determination system" (September 1985). The key is the destruction of the unions. Australia has a relatively highly unionised labour force (58 percent). This provides a challenge for deregulation strategists. The New Right is very forthright about attitudes to organised labour, and their agreement with anti-union legislation (introduced by Bjelke-Petersen in Queensland, Fraser in the federal sphere and. more recently, by the Victorian and federal Labor governments for the deregistration of the B L F ). They go much further in their hopes for the abolition of the Arbitration Commission. What must be recognised by the left is that a great deal of deregulation of employment practices has already occurred. In The Anti-Union Strategies — an attack on living standards, the A C TU 's background paper, a series of anti-union employment practices are listed. These include self-employment, sub-contracting, increased outwork in the clothing and word-processing sectors, promotion of small business, individualised contracts of employment, below award rates and conditions, cash-in- hand payments, promotion of workers to supposedly "John Howard says 'ultimately, you have economy, a traditionalist morality, and to create a situation where there is a culturally integrated society rich in decline in union membership'/' autonomous institutions.”

"managerial" positions to avoid unionisation, greater use its "good society' than docs the old right. Nevertheless, of casuftl and part-time employment and discrimination they do have a complete view of society. That view is a against active unionists. mixture of the fundamentalism of Santamaria, with the The New Right's dreams are closer to reality than many family as essential and the consequent restriction of ] unionists realise. These practices reflect well-established women to cheap and unpaid labour, and with more I patterns in Thatcher's Britain and Reagan's United States; modern corporate capitalism pressing for aggressive open 1 they are directed at unions and any collective organisation marketeering as the basis for economic growth. of workers so that living standards and technological In The Bulletin of 10 December 1985, Tim Duncan maps change can be controlled solely by capital (Trade Union out a taxonomy of "Concerns that Divide Us", the | Information Kit, TURC. VTHC, 1985). orthodoxies of the present and of the "left" as opposed to , those being promoted by the New Right. He lists them New Right Society under ( I ) The rescue of Australian history, (2) Reasserting i n emphasising these specific objectives, the New Right traditional social values. (3) The future of mankind (sic). spends much less of its public voice drawing pictures of He appears to agree with the New Right that Australian /22 A ustraiian Left Review culture is dominated by a progressive/radical Redressing the Balance interpretation of Australia as a capitalist nation. Duncan's f the left, the labour movement, together with the social list asserts that the "Orthodoxy now taught in Australian movement of women, environmentalists, nuclear schools" about the ideal society is of "a sustainable society, disarmers, gay activists, community groups and living within its means, conserving for future generations Aborigines doe not develop realistic social and economic and living simply". The facts are very different. Most alternatives that address our key concerns of equality, Australian education institutions teach traditional / democracy and environmental responsibility, the economics: there is no developed critique of capitalism, hopelessly unimaginative debates between the New Right Much of the ed ucation system has remained untouched by and conservative Labor spell disaster for the left as a progressive schooling techniques and traditional popular force foe the rest of the century. Trade unions disciplines have always remained overwhelmingly must reorganise themselves to ensure their influence is dominant. The New Right knows full well that some consolidated for the future, not eroded. As the most diversification and modernisation of views have occurred institutionalised part of the left, unions must provide the in schools and elsewhere. bu( they do not sincerely believe lead for left unity in committing resources to organise for thal the culture has been overtaken by any left hegemony. the modernisation and democratisation of industry and ".... the hopelessly unimaginative debates the workforce. And they must work constructively with progressive social movements to resource research and between New Right and conservative organisation on issues outside unions. Labor spell disaster for the left as a While Labor governments are in power, unions must maximise whatever opportunities exist for intervention, popular force .... " education and organisational consolidation. For all its weaknesses, the Accord includes the promsie of co­ What they do believe is that they must continue to claim operation between government and unions over matters of left, or at least Labor, dominance of Australia as necessary social and economic justice. If unions can do more to make rhetoric to build support for their newly-presented those promises real, to support and incorporate less reactionary ideals. Geoffrey Barker suggested somewhat established progressive networks, and maintain cynically that this ideological component is "so powerful independent resources and organisations of workers, the that they have been at least partly adopted by th Labor tide of reaction may be turned and a progressive offensive government" (T he Age, 5 February 1986). can become a significant part of popular debate about issues presently dominated by the slick forces of the New / % / evertheless, the left must take the New Right Right. ± t seriously because it does represent a range of new reactionary forces. While their philosophies are in many ways traditional, neo-conservative ones emerging out of the old right, it is more aggressive, potentially belter resources and much more attuned to international Tricia Caswell is an industrial officer for the Victorian Trades economic demands. We must take them seriouslys because Hall Council, and a member of the Socialist Left of the A L P . they are part of these very significant restructures in the international and social economic order. Technological change, the consolidation of transnational corporations, the increased mobility of investment capital, new production techniques and arrangements, changes in market relations between eastern and western blocs and FURTHER READING third world countries mean the left in Australia cannot ignore the potential impact of the right's international and Australia and the Nev.- Right. Allen and Unwin, Sydney 1982. domestic policy options. Conspiracy: The National Civic Council. Union Printing Co-op, Not only do the New'Rights policies suggest Australia Abbotsford. "New Right, Where it Stands and What it Means, by Duncan T. & should leave itself totally dependent on international McArden. A. in The Bulletin, 10 December 1985. capilal and the American alliance, they have played a part Nazis Out of Uniform. The Dangers of the Neo-Nazi Terrorism in in shifting the domestic debates away from any Australia, by D, Freney. D. Freney, Sydney. consideration of social and economic alternatives that Institute of Public Affairs Review. Vol. 39, No. 3. Summer 1985/86. Factions. Friends and Fancies, the Liberals. P. O'Brien, P. Penguin, should be the progressive Centrepiece for Labor in government. The New Right's hard core approach to a 21st Articles by B.A. Santamaria in The Age are: Century Australia allows the ongoing conservatisation of "Santamaria still in the fight", 20 July 1985. Saturday Extra p. 5. Labor governments. Federally, Labor has embraced the "Decline and Fall", 12 November 1983, Saturday Extra, p. 5. deregulation of the finance sector and the continuing "The Cull of Nothingness", 14 November 1983, p. 11. "A Fight Against Anarchy", 15 November 1983, p. 11. destabilisation of our manufacturing industry in the name Sheehan, P., "The Right Strikes Back", Week end Herald. 16-17 March of economic realism. It is still tagged radical and the 1985. dogsbody of the trade union movmeent in the New Right's The New Right: Who, What, Why. TNC Workers Research Brief 13, rhctoric. November 1985. Anti-Union Employment Practices, Transnational Brief 12.

Autumn 1986 23 iS The emergence of a radical "green" movement in Australia, OQ argues Trevore Blake, poses a fundamental challenge to all socialists. While socialists have many lessons to learn from the new politics of the environmentalists, the converse is also true. Socialism can offer a valuable political analysis of economic power so often lacking among the environment movement

'W'% adical environmentalism, especially in its "green" or 0 ) "ecological" form, represents a fundamental challenge to socialism, which socialists may ignore NJ at their political peril. Yet. 1 would suggest, the converse is also true. Unless socialists can come to terms with the ecological critique of industrial society, even a successful a* socialist transformation could, at best, offer an ameliorated, though ultimately unsustainable, A permutation of the present. Unless environmentalists can come to terms with the socialist critique of capitalism and confront strategic centres of political-economic power, OX) they will be resigned to marginal utopian initiatives and issue-oriented reformist challenges. Moreover, the organisational and political capacity of labour to resist its e own exploitation is of vital significance to the related • p m struggle against environmental exploitation. 8 The environment is not something "out there” that can be ignored with impunity. It is not simply the object of a fashionable middle-class preoccupation with wildlife, wilderness, urban amenity and historic buildings. Although these things are important, they are aspects of broader issues involving the capacity of environments to sustain both human activities and other species, as well as o cultural values associated with environments. Environmental issues therefore encompass questions of ,f # theT6 is a frequent socialist disdain human well-being and safety, the ecological viability of f ‘ the apparent middle-claSS, romantic human activities over the long term, deeper aspects of “ meaningful human experience, and the "rights" of other s e lf - in d u lg e n c e o f m a n y e n v ir o n m e n t- species. They must become central concerns of the left. a lis t S . "

Political Economy of Environment continent, while many manufacturing industries are here is a growing perception within the left that the promoting wasteful production, generating toxic and dependence of the Australian economy on capital- carcinogenic hazards as well as other safety hazards. intensive, export-oriented resource and agricultural Current economic strategies will not prevent an increase industries, and increasingly automated manufacturingin the ranks of the unemployed and poor over the medium- industries, is incompatible with the achievement of fullterm, and the associated effects will generate increasingly remployment and a stable, balanced economic structure. serious and closely related ecological, economic and social The recent development of these industries has relied crises. Moreover, while much of our manufacturing heavily on stale infrastructure and subsidies supplied at the industry has been lost to south-east Asia, (he role of Third expense of wage and salary earning taxpayers, diverting World countries as suppliers of heavily exploited labour funds from potentially more productive social purposes. and natural resources to "developed" countries is Initiatives of A L P governments in stimulating some threatened by even more serious ecological pressures — for revitalisation of manufacturing activities, expanding example, the depletion of fish, forest and mineral service sector employment, and developing more resources, soil erosion, climatic disruption and toxic democratic structures for economic management, have pollution — the social impacts of which are suffered by the offered the prospect of limited amelioration. subordinate classes. And, of course, military rivalries, However, the dominance of the economy by heightened by resource scarcities, pose the most serious transnational corporations and international finance threat, at a sub-continental or even global scale. capital represents a basic constraint upon a transition to a Undoubtedly, the environmental issues of most more equitable, democratic and viable society. immediate concern to different social classes in Furthermore, much current economic activity is "developed" industrial societies, and "developing" or unsustainable ecologically. The mining, forestry and "marginalised" Third World societies, vary markedly. Yet, agricultural industries in Australia are, in many areas at it is subordinate classes which invariably suffer the brunt least, rapidly depleting the material basis of their existence, of environmental distress — loss of productive resources, generating serious environmental degradation and inadequate food, clothing and housing, diverse threats to destroying the remaining natural heritage of this health, and destruction of cultural heritage. Similarly, the

24 Australian Left Review " .... the view that the two gatherings are not in competition seems sadly misplaced — certainly from a radical ecosocialist perspective."

approach is demonstrated, in some degree at least, by the "green bans" of the B L F , and by the work of organisations such as Environmentalists for Full Employment, which have developed a critique of current socio-economic and technological structures and strategies and put forward alternative strategies based on both ecological and socialist principles.

jf™Tven if socialists embrace the ecosocialist framework, f* green radicalism goes somewhat further in its “ ■* ecological critique of industrialism and its proposals for an "ecological society". While ecosocialism tempers the predominant socialist enthusiasm for development of the "forces of production", greens see this enthusiasm — shared by both capitalist and state-socialist ideologies as symptomatic of a fundamental cultural, psychological or spiritual repression. This repression is manifested as an inability to apprehend our human status as organic elements within the broader natural domain, closing off vita! aspects of human experience in a submission to cultural materialism and utilitarianism, failing to acknowledge the intrinsic value of other living things, clinging to a mechanistic, materialist world view. The associated preoccupation with material production and consumption, class interests and politics, tends to displace " .... greens are frequently antagonistic awareness of the subtler dynamics of gender remain unexplored, aggressive, competitive behaviour is towards the apparent economistic-class legitimated, and different ways of thinking and feeling, conceptual fetishism and rigidity of much loving and living are repressed; in short, the emergence of a marxian analysis .... " more profound mutuality and co-operation is frustrated. The green perspective thus provides an organic synthesis gender bias of social power and the division ol labour of certain convergent views within the feminist, means that environmental conditions experienced by men environmental and peace movements. It is strongly and women are often very different. anarchist in orientation, emphasising the need for participatory as opposed to hierarchical modes of social organisation, and spatial decentralisation — for ecological Ecosocialism Versus Green Radicalism as well as organisational reasons. Yet it links localist and o a substantial degree, the issues surveyed in the global perspectives through an emphasis on the moral preceding section can be readily encompassed by an responsibility of the affluent, industrialised w'orld to share ecosocialist critique of contemporary capitalist — andnatural resources and assist the poor of the Third World to state-socialist — societies. The general thrust of thisovercome their oppression and to develop their productive critique is to the effect that transformation of both currentcapacities to meet social needs. Ecologically and socially r is essential appropriate, small-scale technologies are seen to be vital il political-economic structures and technologies if a more equitable, less alienating and ecologically people are to gain control over their own social existence sustainable society is to be realised. The extension of and achieve a harmony with their environment and, worker and community control over production is indeed, themselves. Thus, the green movement is closely regarded as necessary in overcoming alienation and connected to the anti-nuclear and alternative technology meeting social needs, while encouraging environmentally movements, as well as the communal lifestyles, community sensitive practices. co-operatives and alternative health and spiritual growth So Hong as production is geared toward either private or movements, while avoiding the insularity and political state accumulation of capital, ecosocialists argue, vital conservatism commonly encountered within some of the social needs will remain unfulfilled and ecological alternative lifestyle movements. Greens stress the links conditions will be undermined. Moreover, the political- between personal lifestyle choices — for example, the need economic dynamic of capital Accumulation is reflected to enhance household and community self-sufficiency — culturally in a psychically repressive, anti-ecological and the structures which shape and constrain those consumerism, which denies a range of creative and choices, and therefore the broader project of political, enriching possibilities in social life. The ecosocialwt economic and cultural transformation. 25 Autumn 1986 weening the Left

Conflict or Co-operation? t is quite apparent that, although many socialists have been active in the environmental, anti-nuclear, peace and leminist movements, a major gulf separates the socialist mainstream from the emerging green coalescence / even if ecosocialists are well represented in the Green parties of Western Europe and the embryonic Australian parties. This tension is manifested in the fact that two major gatherings designed to promote radical social change in Australia are to be held simultaneously in Sydney during Easter 1986. While the Broad Left Conference aims to extend the dialogue and links between various elements of the established left and other "progressive social forces", the Getting Together Conference aims to lorge connections between people involved in diverse "alternative movements" under a green umbrella. Although discussions between the respective organisers have been held to arrange some limited interaction, the view that the two gatherings are not in competition seems sadly misplaced — certainly from a radical ecosocialist perspective. The sources of tension between socialists and greens are obviously complex. At one level there is a frequent socialist disdain for the apparent middle-class, romantic self- indulgence of many environmentalists, who are seen to be "Current economic strategies will not prevent an increase in the ranks of the practical concerns of the working classand the struggles of unemployed and poor .... " the labour movement. A progressive greening of the left is vital and, at least in preoccupied with "quality of life" issues far removed from the form of ecosocialism. this is well within the bound of the seemingly more elementary concerns and mundane political feasibility. A more broadly-based, strategic red experiences of the more subjected segments of the working and green alliance is also feasible and urgently needed if we class. Yet, from another perspective, most are to confront and transform the disastrous path of social environmentalists might be seen to be part of the working development currently being pursued in Australia. The class, being alienated from ownership or control of the task for both socialists and radical environmentalists, means of production. Nevertheless, greens are frequently then, is to examine the longer-term mutuality of interests antagonistic towards the apparent economistic-class of the working class and the encompassing issue of conceptual fetishism and rigidity of much marxian ecological sustainability so that collaborative practical and analysis which is seen as obscuring crucial aspects of social political responses may be forged. and ecological realities, and thereby encouraging repressive political consequences — especially when "The green perspective thus provides an associated with vanguardist, authoritarian structures and organic synthesis of certain convergent strategies. views within the feminist, environmental y own view is that a critical synthesis of marxian and peace movement." political economy and the green approach to human ecology is both feasible and necessary. Only if the fragmentation of social movements seeking However, some marxian theoretical constructs will have to progressive social change can be substantially overcome, be recognised as having finite interpretative value, rather through the formation of a radical alliance, will a real than providing an objective means of understanding the momentum for change be possible, h is cru cial to recognise essential dynamics of social life. Ecosocialism goes much the extensive convergence or complementarity of the basic of the way toward reconciling marxian and ecological concerns of those movements working toward a more perspectives, but there are vital elements of the green humane society — a more equitable, less alienating, approach, informed especially by ecologically-inspired, participatory and ecology-respecting future. feminist psychological, social and political analysis, and underlaid by an emerging "holistic" understanding of the Practical Priorities relationship between humans and non-human nature, a variety of practical links have been and are which provide the foundation for a more critical / m currently being forged between the socialist and perspective and appropriate praxis. It is also essential that environmental movements, as well as a range of greens overcome their aloofness from the immediate other social movements. Activities which warrant

26 Australian Left Review Greening the Left concerted action to extend their scope include: (iv) Minimise health and safety hazards; (i) Dialogue to consider the areas of convergence and (v) Ensure ecological sustainability and a high degree of tension between the perspectives and interests of different self-reliance; movements and to formulate broadly-based strategies for (vi) Establish democratic forms of ownership and change, in relation to both short-term and long-term management; and objectives (e.g. regional, state and national forums or (vii) Avoid contributing to the exploitation of the people networks might be established to respond to different or resources of the Third World. political issues; one of the proposals to be considered by Such planning activities should involve the the Getting Together Conference will be a People's collaboration of workers, local community groups, Congress); environmentalists and other interested people. The challenge is to establish democratic structures and "A major priority must be the processes whifh are responsive to the concerns and collaborative formulation of alternative experiences of people involved in different movements or areas of activity, especially at the local or regional level, to plans for economic development .... " explore the relationship between their perspectives, and then, with varying degrees of collaboration, initiate (ii) Collaborative research to enable a critique of the social appropriate practical and political strategies. Linking of and environmental consequences of current structuresand the labour, feminist and environmental movements is strategies and to formulate alternative strategies for both essential for the formulation of alternative plans, co­ state policies and grassroots initiatives (e.g. this might ordinated political action, and the establishment of occur in relation to particular economic sectors and practical initiatives. A vigorous momentum for radical industries, as well as geographic regions; high priorities change towards a more humane future may then be would be the metals and petrochemical industries, and the achieved. If substantial interaction between people timber and energy industries in different states); involved in different movements occurs, the Broad Left (iii) Commitment of resoruces to worker/community Conference and the Getting Together Conference will controlled co-operative ventures which meet social needs, provide an ideal opportunity to stimulate such a create satisfying work (not necessarily paid), protect the momentum. environment, and contribute to the gradual reduction of the power of corporate interests (e.g. supported by Trevor Blake lectures in the Graduate School of Environmental reformist governments, union-based funds and studies at Monash University, and has been involved in community banks; this strategy might combine elements of "Environmentalists for Full Employment" for some years. market socialism and an "alternative" economy); and (iv) Co-ordinated political action through parliamentary, industrial and community-based grassroots channels to challenge and transform reactionary state policies and intervention bureaucratic and paternalistic practices, and direct substantial resources towards co-operative worker and publications community initiatives, as well as curtailing the power of corporate interests and instituting more democratic WAR/MASCULINITY structures within the residual capitalist sector. Planning for the Future Articles by: A major priority must be the collaborative Bob Connell Chris Cunneen / J formulation of alternative plans for economic Jocelyn Dunphy Adam Farrar development, management and outputs, for Gavin Harris & Leigh Raymond different sectors of economic activity and geographic regions, together with the organisation of concerted On: political action to realise such plans. A number of Constructions of masculinity: American bases initiatives of this type have occured in recent years and, in Australia; The Nazi Visual War Machine; indeed, are currently in progress, for example in the Boys and Crime; War and Male Desire; Aust­ Hunter and Wollongong regions in N SW , in Tasmania and in Melbourne. A L P programs for negotiated industry ralian Peace Movements; Gender and Nation­ development agreements, as well as regional planning alism; the Milperra Massacre; The P E. o f Arms strategies, offer significant potential for leverage in this and Disarmament. regard. Alternative plans need to aim to: $6.00 per copy, subscriptions per 3 issues - indiv­ (i) Generate opportunities for satisfying work for all who iduals $16.50, institutions $13.00; overseas - want it and especially women, young people, marginalised $AUS23.00 & $38.00. ethnic groups and disabled people; (ii) Meet vital social needs necessary for the improvement of people's well-being (lor example, providing community P.O. Box 395, Leichhardt, NSW, 2040, Australia. support to relieve women of the burden of domesticity); (iii) Overcome structural and geographic inequalities;

Autumn 1986 27 Eric Aarons Rethinking Socialism

Socialists have not sufficiently appreciated the magnitude and quality of changes which have taken place in the last twenty or thirty years, says Eric Aarons. The way we look at the world, the connections we see (or fail to see) between politics and other aspects of society, and the absence of a philosophy which can make more cohesive the diversity of radical and leftwing thought, are some of the things we need to address, he argues. In the following extract from the book Moving Left: the future of socialism in Australia, he looks at some of the long-term questions confronting socialists in Australia.

Has socialism got a future in Australia? Although I cannot take this contention further in a short essay, and will concentrate on our conditions, 1 stress my t better have! Because we face many problems which belief that socialists seeking renewal of their cause in can only intensify if capitalism continues to dictate the Australia should look deeper than the formulation of direction in which we go. This has been given added suitable sets of demands and their vigorous propagation by point by the rise of John Howard to the leadership of the a regrouped left, essential though those things are ... Liberal Party, /right. Socialist assumptions he long post-war boom had It is also highlighted by the direction taken by the Labor he long post-war boom undoubtedly had political government under Hawke and Keating. To say this is not and ideological consequences which adversely to equate Labor and Liberal, but to recognise that John affected socialist achievements in that period, Valder, Liberal Party president, did more than crack a l arge numbers of socialists, however (certainly those in political whip when he said that the best scenario was for the C P A ), expected severe depression after the war and Labor to continue implementing^ some of the main r conducted much of their activity on that assumption, even (unpopular) Liberal policies, then be thrown from office. as the boom was well on the way. (Such as a colleague who And socialism w ill have a future to the extent that it convinced a reluctant father-in-law to sell for a song land shows that it is a resoltuion of the conflicts deeply felt by on the Gold Coast now worth millions — before that the poor, oppressed, exploited, alarmed and alienated of "coming depression'' made it unsaleable.) contemporary society; shows that socialism means to live Such simplistic views of the workings of capitalism were differently as well as living better. rejected in practice as the boom continued with minor interruptions and, from the middle 1960s, the C P A began ".... the reality is that socialism is weaker, to break from the theoretical log-jam associated with more divided and less certain as to how to stalinism. Nevertheless, many of us believed that the end of the boom in 1974 would herald a mass leftward swing — press its cause than it was 30, 40 or 50 not overnight, but within a reasonable period of time. years ago." it is well over a decade since the boom busted. Unemployment is high and, it seems, is destined to grow But saying socialism "better have" or "will have"a future despite some recovery. Yet support for socialism has not does not of itself change anything. And the reality is that received any impetus; rather, it has declined further. socialism is weaker, more divided and less certain as to Such facts — and more could be stated — indicate that how to press its cause than it was 30, 40 or 50 years ago. the causal links between economics and politics are not as This is so, not only in Australia where socialism has simple, direct, or of such predominant weight as many never yet achieved a major place in politics, but also in socialists have thought and their theory has suggested. other countries where it has. No less knotty problems are The connections between economics and politics have evident in countries which describe themselves as socialist been over-simplified and commonly presented as encompassing the whole socialist vision. A small illustration occurred at the end of the 1983 A C TU TJL his book is about socialism in Australia, as it should Congress, when there had been some discussion of be. But the fact that socialism displays diminished thrust in socialism in the media, and a reporter asked a number of many countries forcefully indicates that there are problems leftwingers to define their concept of socialism. Practically which go beyond the nature of the political terrain of all the responses were at the purely economic level, one individual countries, or the particular failings of the Labor Party leftwinger going so far as to say that socialists operating in them. "socialism in Australia is a Jaguar for everybody".

28 Australian Left Review Rethinking Socialism

* a demand for collective ownership of productive wealth and the fostering of community as against private property, exploitation of others and extreme individualism promoted by capitalism, * promotion of the ideal of social justice — against extremes of poverty and wealth, for equality of opportunity, * contained in the above, an ethical critique of capitalist society in general and its economic system in particular, ranging from its injustices to its cold cash calculation of every issue, and a belief in the actual or potential "goodness" of humanity. Although there have been differences in emphasis, broadly speaking the economic side became dominant, while the ethical was relegated to the background or even rejected on the grounds that socialism was scientific and thus value-free.

A long with these attitudes and corresponding ZM theoretical tenets, and partly because of them, socialists have insufficiently appreciated the Eric Aarons magnitude of the changes that have taken place in the Allowing for semi-humorous exaggeration here, this kind world and have not developed either their own ethical of response is typical. critique of modern capitalism, or the required positive The hip-pocket nerve may be very sensitive and the most social philosophy. 1 believe these are the deepest roots of exposed, but it is not the only conduit motivating the socialism's current world-wide malaise. individual or social organism, nor does it twitch in I believe that those values which oppose the values isolation. Liberation, human empathy with others, generated by capitalism, and which are necessary for the community, pursuit of self-fulfilment, an aim in life, functioning of a renewed socialism, are already present in participation in a cause greater than self, love of nature, embryonic form. love of country, sexuality, and other human traits and The deepest motivations of the labour movement, the needs are all powerful forces motivating human activity. peace, environmental, women's, land rights and other movements, the striving of people for more control Reassessing economic questions over their lives, etc. have common elements, though the y purpose in pointing this out is not to downplay " .... socialists seeking renewal of their the importance of economic questions. The cause in Australia should look deeper M economy is indeed connected with everything else and, in many cases, the economic interests involved in issues carry than the formulation of a suitable set of a major weight. Like others, I spent a long, not entirely demands .... " wasted apprenticeship learning to discern and disclose such connections. 1 think many present-day radicals degree to which they are present may vary. Putting them seriously err when they ignore them or the compulsions down schematically, they seem to me to be: and restraints which economic realities impose on any * Social need before private profit. social program. * People before things; meaning the right of all to the My purpose, rather, is to urge greater attention in fullest individual development, notjust a few, orthose who socialist thinking to other dimensions of society and to climb to the top of the heap. contest the view that the economic connections are the * Appreciation of the variety and, at least potential, ultimate source and justification of all social struggles, or richness of life and the right of people to their own necessarily the underlying foundation for eventual, if not "lifestyle" provided they do not harm others. inevitable, socialist victory. * Recognition that we are ultimately dependent on the rest This theoretical issue has practically been forced upon of nature, dictating the goal of a sustainable society and socialists' attention by the rise of the social movements in respect for future as well as present needs. the '60s. These have involved fluctuating, but always large, * An orientation to the development of community and of numbers of people, in pasionate activity around causes direct democracy and consensus decision-making with they believed to be vital. Socialism, as a movement, is only corresponding reduction of hierarchical and bureaucratic 150 years old. the first use of the world occurring in the forms of organisation, though with recognition that 1820s. But, in that short time, its ideas have spread more representative democracy will always have a place. widely and deeply than those of any cause or belief in * A new approach to work which embraces the right to history which, in a way, emphasises its present difficulties. work, but is not confined to it. An approach which looks Socialism always had a number of strands within it: ahead to a new era (now technically, though not yet * a revolt against the industrial society which capitalism politically and socially within reach) in which work would developed on the ruins of feudalism. not be the aim of life as it largely is in the protestant "work

Autumn 1986 29 Rethinking Socialism ethic”. The aim would be the development of human beings up one's courage by implying that "classical" type for their own sake. revolutions are around the — even rather distant — * A view of human nature which stresses the need to corner. change social conditions. As stated earlier, socialism If this is so, young socialists, and others who may historically has put its emphasis on the actual or potential become socialists — not just us oldies - have to recognise "goodness" of human nature. This is not to deny the that they are embarking on a lifelong endeavour, But it can possibility that human beings individually oren masse may be quite a problem to maintain the necessary elan and become selfish, cruel, aggressive, macho, manipulative, offensive spirit in circumstances where the "great victory" power hungry, etc. Clearly, they can and do. The is not in sight. standpoint of socialists is that they aim to eliminate, so far The first condition for tackling this problem is that the as we can discern them, the social conditions which "vision" projected should be relevant to the concerns of engender such characteristics, and to combat the values increasing numbers of people. This has already been which sustain them with counter-values of their own. discussed as something that it is within the power of socialists to achieve. "In a sense, something of the new is being The second condition is that the activity undertaken created within the shell of the old." today in pursuit of that vision should be makingan actual, discernible contribution to bringing about the changes This is far from complete, but 1 hope it is sufficient to sought. That is, it has to be more than just "spreading the malce my point. In any case, a set of values or principles to word" and waiting for that grat day when "real"change w ill live by cannot be artificially created or developed merely occur. by "spreading the word". It must emerge organically from people's lives as they live or want to live. The grounds for optimism are that it is already emerging. Put in Gramscian terms, a new "common sense” is taking shape. From different starting points, people are developing, broadly speaking, a common view on the things they value in life and those they oppose or detest. That many do not associate their strongest feelings and aspirations with socialism is something that socialism itself has to overcome, as I have already argued.

■» T o more than anyone else can socialists create values out of their own heads. But they can — and ™ should — help to make more explicit the values which motivate their own and other radicals' political and social activity. They can draw out the common links in values and political import of the struggles of different movements. They can act as "organic intellectuals", as Gramsei called them (which has basically nothing to do with level of education or "brain power"), helping to develop the social philosophy, the new "common sense", indispensible in the struggle for the transformation of the old society and the functioning of a new. This is the most essential function, as 1 see it, for any new organisation of socialists to achieve both identity and purpose for existence. But it is not the only one. The view which equates socialism with a change in Two others which I would like to discuss are a common ownership of the means of production and makes it co­ view of a "strategy" for the achievement of their goal, and a extensive with it, in effect means that nothing of real common view of proper and suitable "methods of work" to importance in the social set-up can be altered until that be adopted. (Again, I use inverted commas because the change is achieved, except to increase the number and terms have connotations which 1 am inclined to disown, political understanding of participants in struggle. but I have no suitable substitutes.) This latter, ofcourse. is a majorconcomitant of struggle, though it is not a one-way street. There is no "ratchet Strategy effect" which will stop it going back the other way. But if iscussion of means to achieve the socialist goal in pow er is involved, if co n tro l of one degree or another is m M our kind of society can well begin with a look at the seen as a dimension of change no less vital than that of 1* time scale of likely change. Any sober participant or ownership, struggles take on a rather different aspect. observer, it seems to me, has to accept that no quick or sudden revolutionary change of the kind seen in the his view, to which the C P A has given the rather Russian or French revolutions, is on the cards. clumsy title "interventionism", signifies participation It may be making a virtue of necessity to take this as in struggles with the view that those struggles can, given, But I think it is better to do so than whistling to keep and with the intention that they should, change power

30 r Australian Left Review Rethinking Socialism relations and the ideological-political conditions of the forces involved at one and the same time. ".... it can be quite a problem to maintain the necessary elan and offensive spirit in circumstances where the 'great victory' is not in sight."

Changes in power relations, and in values, can occur in all areas — in factory, office, institution, government department or instrumentality. They can occur between men and women. Aborigines and whites, children and adults, communities and developers, and so on. Since, in addition, the spontaneously occurring struggles on awide range of issues are developing values of the kind a future society must embody, the whole process means that socialism is actually being brought closer, in a sense, something of the new is being created within the shell of the old. Many radicals are, in practice, adopting something of this view in their own lives and are striving to live the values and principles they profess. The contention of the women's movement that "the personal is political" applies here and now, not just for some distant future." Such a process cannot, of course, be expected to go on gradually and smoothly, because the adversary will not just be marking time. I believe the program of the C P A puts it correctly when it says:

The development of a broad alliance for socialism will not proceed smoothly. As its mass support develops, and as capitalist power is eroded, the possibility of a transition to socialism is opened up. This will be a revolutionary democratic process in credentials after its nearly 100 years of existence andjts which decisive state and economic power is taken from the ruling record in office, for various reasons stop short of joining class minority and the active democratic rule of the majority the existing socialist parties and groups. asserted in all social affairs. This decisive shift in the balance of The Communist Party of Australia is conscious of the power w ill not happen all at once, hut it must take place over a dangers and the possibilities of today, and of its own relatively short period to prevent the ruling class using major levers o f power left in its hand to subert the popular will. unsuitability, for historical and other reasons, to itself cope with those challenges. It has therefore taken the initiative The actual course of events cannot be predicted but a to call for a socialist renewal, for a regroupment of the revolutionary transformation w ill involve a period o f sharpened fragmented left, and has raised the possibility of the class and social struggle developing beyond normal limits." formation of a new socialist party. {Towards Socialism in Australia, pages 52-53.) "Party" is another word with so many connotations It is true that there may be sudden upheavals changing from that past that it is not entirely suited to what is the long-term perspective which I have suggested requried by socialists today, when traditional political corresponds with our present and currently foreseeable practices and forms of organisation are being increasingly future. If so, one would be very happy to re-assess. But the questioned. strategic task at present, I believe, is along the "interventionist" lines suggested. The further this is taken, "The grounds for optimism are that (a the more chances there are fora favourable outcome of any new set of values) is already emerging. In upheaval that may occur. Gramscian terms, a new common sense is A new "party"? emerging."

ver the years, many socialists have considered the But a "party” is still needed, I believe, to perform various general circumstances in Australia to be such that it tasks essential to socialsit renewal, including: is too difficult, unrewarding, or unrealistic to try to pursue* hastening the process of refurbishing the socialist vision their beliefs in any other way than in the Australian Laborin accordance with today's needs and the development of OParty. The number of people holding such views waxesthe corresponding social philosophy, and the expression of and wanes according to the A L P 's electoral fortunes and that vision and social philosophy in practical policies and the expectations or disappointments of Labor in office. vigorous campaigning for them, But one can expect that the number will always be large. * elaboration of interventionist strategy, Others, while sceptical of the Labor Party's socialist- * development of its own democratic procedures and

Autumn 1986 31 Rethinking Socialism

methods of work, including non-manipulative relations They will emerge, if the possibilities actually exist, as I with other organsiations and respectfor their autonomy, _ think they do. from practical co-operation and discussion * fostering of a broad understanding of the overall among all who believe that socialist renewal is a central social poltiical situation, of its separate components and need ol our time. of their inter-relations. Eric Aarons has been secretary of the Communist Party of Australia, and spends his spare time sculpting. J further believe that such tasks cannot be adequately performed by socialist groups which now exist even should the desired co-operation between them develop, nor by the Behind Marxism Today continued. Labor Party. Attitudes to, and relations with, the Labor Party is a subject in itself, but the main points are set out in We are in a very dangerous situation because, for the the decision of the C P A Special Congress in November 1984: first time this century, the existence of the unitary trade union movement in Britain is under challenge, (f there is Socialists in the A L P are only too well aware o f the restrictions one thing the left must protect and fight for it is a unitary they face inside the A LP and the problems of an essentially eleitoralist parti trade union movement. If that is destroyed, then with it goes much of the effecmencss of trade unionism and with Sociali

Special prices for complete set SOCIAL ALTERNATIVES or individual back issues. 1 The Internationa] Magazine Focusing on Social Change and Alternative Strategies Single copies: S3.25 Social A Iternatives provides a forum for the 4 issues $14 $20 SS (1 VO (individuals) (institutions (pension. analysis o f social, cultural and economic and libraries) T EA S, dole) oppression and focuses on the development of 8 issues $25 $36 alternative strategies to effect social change (2yr) (individuals) (institutions towards greater freedom and a more and libraries) participating society. Subscriptions cover the cost of surface mailing — Overseas airmail, add $4 VOL. 4, No. 1: Social Protest Cheques and money orders (SA U ST) payable to VOL. 4, No. 2: Radicalising Schooling SOCIAL ALTERNATIVES VOL. 4, No. 3: Feminism I wish to begin with Vol: No.; VOL. 4, No. 4: Radical Culture VOL. 5, No. 1: New Zealand Society Name ...... VOL. 5, No. 2: Environmental Politics Address...... VOL. 5, No. 3: World Peace; Australia’s Role State...... P/code...... Country VOL. 5, No. 4: Creative Unemployment the Editors, Social Alternatives, Department of External Studies, University of Queensland, 4067. A U ST R A LIA .

.12 Australian Left Review Robert Smith Manufacturing Matters Is the Australian manufacturing sector slowly recovering from the recent recession, or is there worse to come? Rob Smith argues that the present high growth rates cannot be maintained due to the long-term run-down of Australia's industrial machinery. As such, the union movement, through the Accord, has an important role in pressuring the government to promote increasing industrial investment to secure future job growth.

espite the recent economic optimism resulting from then, as today, informed by orthodox economics, does not the current high growth rates, there is a latent crisis and cannot grasp the real nature of capitalist competition in the Australian economy. Future productivity growth and the structural crises which are generated within it. can onl\ he maintained through the constant reinvestment However, the present, though still latent, crisis can only be in Australia's capital stock, the ver> machinery of industry. exacerbated because of the irrelevance of the policy advice However, this equipment is mostly ancient, due to from orthodox economists. long-term neglect, a problem which is further aggravated The examples of South Korea and Taiwan signify a by the increasing shift in investment from manufacturing different world. Competition among capitals is fiercer, to speculation in property and other non-productive faster and more pervasive. activities. Since the mid-1960s, when U S companies increased The crisis would be immediate and not just latent were it their level of direct foreign investment, production has not for the fact that there are minerals to dig up and sell. increasingly been organised on a global basis and the rising But, in the 15 years in which Australia has become a major proportion of international trade intra-company reflects supplier of unprocessed raw materials. South Korea and Taiwan have become major producers of medium "Gone are the days when it didn't matter technology manufactured products. that economic advice to governments, The global structural changes resulting in manufactured goods becoming the fastest growing segment ol business and trade unions was naive and international trade have not benefited Australian insular/' producers. On the contrary, for Australian producers these changes have resulted in a declining share of that trade. that. Twenty years on. the pressure is now on all companies, even on Australian companies, to look Economic Theory globally for the most profitable sites. In the mid-1980s, one are the days when it didn't matter that going off shore still presents to business the old incentives m economic advice to governments, business and of cheap labour, repressive labour laws, and low taxes, trade unions was naive and insular. Such ad vice. plus the added attraction of an increasingly skilled

Autumn 1986 workforce utilising the latest industrial equipment. The currently high profit levels of Australiancompaniesu.il!, in * part, be invested abroad. Certainly B H P has said so. The world economy has changed and capital is more mobile than before. The economic right is intuitively correct in recognising the direction of the changes, but it remains incapable of analysing them. The fundamental flaw in all mainstream economic analysis is lo view consumer demand as the initiator and mainspring or economic activity. " .... it is not true that the only alternative PRETTY SOON to tariff protection is complete freedom for market forces .... " AUSTRALIA

In this view, producers make things because people need those things, i.e. the purpose of production is to satisfy WILL ONLY BE social needs. !t's then only a short step to assert that those things could be made here if the price was high enough so that reasonable profits could be assured. Historically, MANUFACTURING tariffs were the way the market for Australian-made products was protected. Consumers could be satisfied, profits could he assured, workers could keep those jobs: consumer sovereignty reigned. It also entails the view, that our plant and equipment can physically make those things, even though we know that the equipment is old and much of it obsolescent, this was the conventional wisdom and politicians found it W-7A1 JMO* expedient to use tariffs lo try to protect both local profits and local jobs. In a capitalist economy, tariffs do turn down the competitive heat on manufacturers. Asa result, pressure to reinvest is reduced and the secret of capitalist success, the and the skills of production workers are less and less fastest growth of labour productivity relative to rivals is employed. There would clearly be an erosion, perhaps here dissipated. a severe erosion, in ihe strength of unions organising production workers and. lo a lesser extern, among those Beyond the Safeguards of Tariffs organising maintenance workers. Whether this is a ease of oday. the right and left agree lhat tariffs will not "the worse, the better" depends on your optimism about protect particular jobs. But it is not true that the only the prospects of replacing the industrially based trade alternative to tariff protection is complete freedom union oriented left with an increasing professional and for market forces as called for by the New Right and allmiddle class based political left, as the former loses many J those urging deregulation. If that were the only alternativeof its members. then the prospects for Australian wage and salary earners and for welfare recipients would begloomv indeed. But. of "Primitive economic theory has produced course, the New Right economic policy of deregulation primitive management practices, aided concerned only with profits and, under the deregulation scenario. Australian capital could do well though, for and abetted by politically expedient small business, things can only deteriorate. government policies and pragmatic We could expect a further decline in manufacturing unions." employment as Australian producers became importers or moved their production facilities off-shore The dollar On ihe other hand, making a policy intervention thai would become less stable as the level of the current account makes local capital more productive is obviously not a deficit depended even more on the volatile prices of progressive step unless lime is bough I, i.e. maintaining for primary product exports. Much of the so-called services a hit longer existing industrial strength and using it lo sector would also be less stable because of the increased assist in developing a coherent political strategy on the left. unemployment and the probable higher rate of inflation. The irony is that mainstream micro-economic analysis is There are controversial questions Tor the left here. To irrelevant to understanding capitalist growth and its make no policy intervention is politically 10 abandon the contradictions, and that il is Marx's analysis of field to the New Right. Economically to take no action via competition lhat is a more realistic account of actual the state means further relative decline of the development business practice and of the space in which it has to of the productive forces as design skills, engineering skills manoeuvre.

34 Australian Left Review apitalist competition is fundamentally the struggle But the problems are not only the age of the capital stock to secure profits by reducing production and and its low productive capacity, but also the approaches of distribution costs and speeding up turnover. Onlv management. "An industry 'rule of thumb' suggests that thus can prices be reduced in the final markets of sale. i.e.about 80 percent of output is produced by about 20 percent he competitive. Historically, the most important methodof the capital stock. The other 80 percent of the capital is ofC reducing direct labour time per unit of production has required only for the more infrequent ty pes of work and been increased investment in fixed capital equipment, when demand is unusually high", (p.46) The corollary is But. for Marx, profits (the expansion of capital value) that 80 percent of capital stock produces only 20 percent of are the capitalists' primary aim. The aggregate satisfaction output: an astonishing result if you understand that of consumers (much beloved by mainstream analysts) was, competition is about production costs and profits. and is. an incidental outcome of this relentless pursuit of There has been a fundamental confusion between the profits. O f course, producers and distributors assess engineering life of equipment and its com petitive economic prospects for future sales. But. if a company can make or life. Of course. Australian companies cannot tender distribute a product at a lower unit cost than any others in competitively here and overseas when the mass of their the industry, then it is likely to be profitable to make that equipment is so old and so slow that the productivity of investment, regardless of whether existing producers have their workers is far too low . Primitive economic theory has unsold stock. produced primitive management practices, aided and So. fora producer entering the industry with technology abetted by politically expedient government policies and which gives a lower unit cost of production, matching pragmatic unions. physical supply to consumer demand is an accidental outcome. The aim is to secure profits by making the The Growth of Non-Productive Investment investment. !f that means unsold stock in the hands of hether we look at all manufacturing industry, or other companies with higher production costs, too had! whether we look at heavy engineering in The mainstream idea that actual consumer demand or particular, there has been a long term decline in expected growth in that demand draws forth additions to the rate of investment which improves productivity, i.e. supply which then match physical quantities required is a new capital equipment. fantasy equilibrium. Not only doesn't it exist, there is no On the other hand, in those sectors which merely natural tendency towards it. either. transfer title or position to commodities w hich have been It's in this context of understanding competition as the produced, namely, finance, property and business services, battle to lower production costs and to achieve a greater there has been a steep increase in investment. Figure One market share — both of them now global battles in man\ compares the expenditures on new capital equipment by industries - that we look at investment patterns in the sectors of manufacturing and finance, property and Australia, at the state of existing capital stock, and at an business services as a percentage of the expenditure on new important part of the capital goods industry. capital equipment by all industries.

A Vintage Industry? e know that manufactured products havealwavs been only a small fraction of Australian exports. But look at what a recent report on Australian heavy engineering said about production equipment and the approach to production:

A significant proportion of , heavy engineering'sy specialist equipment is old. Some of it was obtained second-hand as part of Australia's war reparation dues. Other pieces were made bv companies themselves during Work! War II. (p.46) The all-round jobbing ability which was developed in the 1930s and / 940s still characterises much o f the heavy engineering sector today. These skills have served the small A tisiralian maarket well lor more than forty years. (p.S6)

Oil the other hand, few companies had a systematic approach to assessing where the best prospects fo r work might lie over the medium to longer, terms, (p. 109) Bureau of Industry Economics. Heavy Engineering in Australia: Problems and Prospects (Aug. 1985).

The report notes that it was not practicable to seek data on theae of capital stock lor Australian engineering firms, — AS l C 33 rear- presumably because it was too old! On the other hand. 1980 estimates for South Korea's heavy engineering equipment "indicate that one-third of it was then three — Mi Monufactur’ ing years old or less and 859r of it was six years old or less", (p.46) Figure One: Repair and Maintenance Expenditure.

Autumn 1986 35 Predominantly, the increased investment in finance, property and business services has gone into leasing plant and equipment back to business. Discounting for inflation, by taking the expenditure as a proportion of G D P , there was a fourfold increase in these leases between 1968 69 and 1983/4. It would be comforting to think that manufacturers had become more efficient in the use ol (heir funds employed and, instead of locking up capital in the purchase of plant equipment, were modernising so rapidly that they only leased in order to gain fastest access to new technology. " .... strateigcally, industry policy is important because it influences the long­ term level and range of jobs available."

Alas, a recent breakdown by the Australian Bureau ol Statistics of goods leased suggests otherwise (#5644.0). At 33 percent, motor vehicles were the largest single category of leasing, while industrial plant and equipment was lumped into the residual category of "other", and altogether only amounted to 11 percent. In the present climate, one is compelled to think thai much of the vehicle leasing business-was a means lor individuals to avoid tax. If correct, then a balef ul hidden Finonce, property, Services legacy of the '70s tax rorts will be — Keating's mild capital Figure Two: Sectoral and Capital tax reforms notwithstanding — a slowing down, and even Equipment Spending. a fall, in the rate of investment in new capital equipment by Finance, property and business services. With it will fall the capacities to design and develop new technologies and rate of growth of employment in the private sector, processes. Of course, production is still in the hands of capital, but the question is whether the restructuring The Running Down of Australian Industry imperatives from transnational corporations are faced by a triking confirmation that manufacturing companies business-government alliance or a union-government in Australia have been steadily running down the alliance. basis of their competitiveness comes from comparing ihe The United States and Britain have recently been levels of expenditure and repair and maintenance to thethrough a so-called phase of de-industrialisation, and both levels of expenditure on new fixed capital equipment. Theconservatives and liberals have called loudly for the 5 ''revitalisation of industry". From Reagan and Thatcher, results show exactly what we would expect from very old equipment. the strategies for industrial renewal have been combative, In 1971/2. repair and maintenance c xpenditure lor all explicityly anti-union, and have used unemployment as a manufacturing industry was equivalent to 28 percent ol weapon. On the basis that the sum of what is good for what was spent on new fixed capital equipment. By business is good for the economy and for the country, 1983/4. the same proportion was over 68 percent. In the Thatcher especially has relied on the market to allocate sector including industrial machinery and much heaw resources. Howard seeks to do the same here. engineering (Australian Standard Industry Classification By contrast, the Accord is a watershed for what it 33). the proportion \Vas 29 percent in 1971/2 and over 70 consolidates and for what it potentially foreshadows. The percent by 1983/4. differences is not simply that the state is intervening. In Australia, the state has long intervened on behalf of No wonder heavy engineering plants were closing business by tariffs and subsidies, though it was the rapidly, and thousands of metal workers were losing their increasing ineffectiveness of that patchwork of ad hoc jobs. The so-caFted investment incentives of the 1970s were interventions that helped to topple the conservatives in a political gloss. Ad hoc and expedient, as are most policies March 1983. The difference is that the A L P government's in the micro economic area, they had no effect, and cannot economic strategy centres upon a relatively detailed set of be treated as serious policies. commitments to the union movement. The Accord differs from the British Social Contract of The Accord and its Critics the mid-1970s, both by its details and because the t's clear that much needs to be modernised in institutional framework that can implement significant Australian manufacturing industries if workers there parts of it are well established. It also differs from the are to have a continuing flow of employment, if the Austrian model where key union leaders are also members economy as a whole is not to become disastrouslyof the government. The formal autonomy of the A C T U / dependent upon imports, and if we are to expand ourtactically gives greater bargaining flexibility while, at the 36 A ustration Left Review same time, strategically offering more consistent pressing consciousness and they assume that the state contains no for workers' interests unswayed by electoral temptations. contradictions in its promotion of the interests of capital. The return to centralised wage fixing plus no extra Accordingly, workers are already homogenised as "the claims was a compromise among unions that extended working class" and only remain to be mobilised. In this big solidarity on wages from among members within unions to bang view of transforming capitalism, no day-to-day steps the trade union movement as a whole. It was a clear are possible save for the wages struggle by fiercely rejection of the free market approach and removed the independent unions, and the building of a revolutionary need for an overwhelming focus by individual unions on party. wage relativities; anomalies where they already exist, or arise, can be dealt with by a work value case. The Future But that defeat of the free marketeers not only removed divisive economism and expanded the influence of the 11 of this brings Us back to the present context of the SM global restructuring of production by the ACTU on wages and other matters of direct concern, it transnational corporations and the impact that has on i also institutionalised the union movement's intervention local companies and on job security. on the broader issues of taxation, superannuation and Never before have there been such powerful means for industry policy. In turn, this has expanded the capital to co-ordinate research and development, design, opportunities for individual unions to act on these same and the production process itself on an international scale. matters. Unless substantial steps are taken to improve the capital Tactically, a fairer system of taxation and universal stock and to upgrade workers' skills, more production superannuation are important struggles that directly and personally concern union members. But, strategically, facilities will close down here and relocate offshore. industry policy is important because it influences the long­ Twice before, important economic reports have been term level and range of jobs available. shelved: the Vernon Committee's in 1965 and the Jackson Committee's in 1975. In the present context, five years, not The two major left criticisms of the Accord are, first, that this compromise gives up workers' basic claims via ten, sees the development of whole industries in East Asia. their union, i.e. their right to demand that capital pay more Time is short and systematic policy intervention is a for their labour time whenever and wherever they believe necessity. But the present federal government appears to that they can win that struggle. In short, wages militancy is have been seduced by the dogma of pure competition and not only the most direct and relevant form of struggle but it the rationality of market forces for the restructuring of will also heighten all workers' consciousness both of their local manufacturing. It has thus dragged leaden feet on class position and of their potentiality to bring about the submissions on industry policy despite its formal transformation of capitalism. commitment in the Accord. The second criticism is that, in a capitalist economy, the Nevertheless, that commitment can be used by unions to campaign for greater local sourcing of materials, state, via governments seeking re-election, ultimately must components and equipment; to negotiate f o r the maintain business confidence to make profits. Hence substantial collaboration by unions with such a state development of new products and processes to retainjobs; to urge initiatives for new investments and to pressure the enhances the power of capital over the unions' own government through the tripartite industry councils to put members; literally, it incorporates the working class into the interests of capital. together packages of finance and skills that make such projects feasible. " .... the question is whether the In itself, the Accord is not T H E A N S W E R . Even if it were fully honoured, it would still not complete a social restructuring imperatives from democratic charter. However, if it lasts, it does begin to transnational corporations are faced by a provide a framework through which individual unions and business-government alliance or a union- the union movement can practically broaden the economic rights of workers and those seeking work. government alliance." Through it, unions can extend and insist on consultations on economic planning as well as consultations on what These are powerful criticisms because they go to the were formerly management prerogatives. In short, the heart of capitalist appropriation of wealth and because Accord can be used as a small but actually existing step on they seek to limit the possibilities for union leaders to do the long road towards a future Australia where production deals against the interests of their members. and distribution are socially, not privately, controlled. The classic form of action over wages and conditions by individual unions has undoubtedly increased real wages and led to safer work environments. But it was always a defensive reaction and, in practice, has not led to a self- aware class determination to transform capitalism, if Robert Reid Smith is a political economist at Swinburne anything, it has led to a different form of incorporation; Institute of Technology in Melbourne. namely, to one similar to the mainstream economists'view that satisfaction comes from ihdividual consumption and in order to consume more, you need more wages. The main problems with the two criticisms are that both assume the existence of an active working class

Autumn 1986 37 The Left in CrisU

The Left in Crisis continued. The Way Ahead " r m Jhe Left's initial concern should be to bring about a potential allies sympathetic to the Left's approach, and M drastic overhaul of its political technique. Ih e with a very important source of new policies, new ideas, lingering antipathv to the media must be brought and new political techniques. These organisations often into a proper perspective, and a professional approach to pose a refreshing challenge to established shibboleths ol propaganda and media presentation developed. The Left the Left, and allow for a fairh dynamic relationship needs to muster its forces to devote a much more between political party members and community group substantial allocation of resources to printed material, and activists. to start exploring the enormous possibilities offered bv the "Rather than exercising a sceptical extensive public radio network in Australia. There is an urgent need for the Left lo broaden its vigilance over the efficiency and horizons. At a time when the Australian economy is being effectiveness of the welfare state and the rapidl> internationalised, the A L P Left is struggling to maintain the fledgling national left structure first public sector, the Left has tended blindly established only a couple of years ago. Communication to defend these institutions against between the A L P Left and similar groupings in other attacks." countries is inadequate. Sections of the Australian Left such as the C P A have a proud tradition of These developments are symptomatic of a wider internationalism, and it is vital that that tradition is revived syndrome of immense significance to the Loft: the and refurbished for the Left as a whole. increasing politicisation of women, migrants, church A revival of theoretical debate is also essential to the groups, welfare organisations, and white collar unions. In regeneration of the Australian Left. That debate which many respects, quite independent!) of the established Left, does occur remains remote from most left activists. The groups such as the Brotherhood of St. Laurence and the time is ripe for a broad assessment of the Left's traditional Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace have begun dilemma relations with the A L P . Australian socialists to espouse policies on issues such as poverty, have never really been able to come to terms with the unemployment and foreign military bases which are choice between electoralist and agitationalisi politics: the similar to Left positions. Similarly, white collar unions end result of this inability has becna perpetually equivocal have begun to reflect an increasingly radical and aggressive attitude to the Labor Party. If the A I.P is to become a pale acti\ist stratum within their rank-and-file membership, imitation of the US Democratic Party, Australian often people previously involved in, or exposed to, the socialists within the A L P will be obliged to reassess their wave of student political activity on campuses in the late attitudes towards the party. 'sixties and early 'seventies. Although the C PG B Furocommunist "broad alliance" approach is not necessarily the correct path, there can be he most promising recent development for the I.eft in no doubt that the Left needs to reorganise around new Britain has beren the surge of activity and achieve­ concepts and new structures to take account of the ment in local government. Local authorities have emergence of new' forces on the progressive side or the been used as a base for intervention in the planning,political spectrum. Attempting to explain the rise of these r investment and production processes loan extent simphforces in purelv class terms, and thereby relegating them, in unheard ol in Australia. The leftwing leaders ol such practice, to a subsidiary and submissive role, is simply not authorities have been aggressive and innovative in ihcir feasible. T he A I.P Left has developed invaluable informal approach and. consequently, managed to achieve links with community organisations in the welfare sector substantial public support despite the constant attacks of and the peace and disarmament movement. Il is necessary the Thatcher government and the vitriolic British press, to develop different mechanisms for strengthening the The Australian I.eft needs 10 recognise that grass roots relationships between these organisations and other work at the local government level is a much better way ol progressive sections of the labour movement. building genuine consciousness than the ritual capturing of major institutions in society. 1 he f inal important reason for holding some faith in the "The Australian Left needs to develop an future of the I.ell is ihe growing indications of movement ethic of l)uitding socialism from below'." towards left unitv. Almost every major party and sec! on the Australian I eft seems lo have been involved in unity h is crucial that the l eft comes to terms w ith the trend discussions w ith another organisation in the past couple ol towards white collar employment and the gradual years. As usual, greater adversity tends to produce greater proletarianisation of white collar workers in Australia. unitv and. although there are vcrv deep divisions within the There exists within the white collar sector a vast and A I.P l.eft in Victoria, there are good reasons for an largely untapped potential for political and industrial optimistic outlook in the medium term for unity and co­ activity. Mobilising this potential will be difficult: it operation wuhin the left forces throughout Australia. requires nurturing of the idiom oft he office rather than the Once again, the major stumbling block will be the factory floor, recognition of issues that are important to inevitable question of attitudes to Labor governments and white collar workers, and a drastic revision ol the ! eft's the Labor Party. attitude to public sector efficiency Ihe key need is fora collective change in the state ol mind on the left, to

38 Australian Left Review The Left in Crisis

with women, whether politically, sexually, at work, or otherwise. The Australian lefl needs to develop an elhic of "building socialism from below". Australian socialists are still heavily permeated with the philosophy of "capturing the state", and thus tend to devote too much energy to taking control of institutions and not enough to activity at grass roots levels such as local government and community groups. It is a short-sighted approach for socialists lo rely on the quirks of representative democracy as a means of achieving control of social institutions, as ultimately they Will be constrained by a politically backward rank and file to have a say. but also by being genuinely pari of that rank and file, and reacting in a tolerant, creative and non-manipulative way wilh other rank-and-file people.

he final key requirement for a I eft resurgence is the eliminate ihe "middle class bureaucrat" sligma still development of a basic practical program which is attached to while collar workers, readily understandable and clearly transformist, and Fundamental change is required in the Left's approach allows a role for individual struggles in the industrial and lo youth. The impact of the consciousness industries since J community spheres. 1 he electorate is increasingly judging ihe ‘sixties may be annoying, but it cannot be ignored. The all parties, and particularly ihe Labor Party, by practical considerations: hence, although the development of a " .... the Left needs to reorganise around "moral crusade" aspect to the Left's appeal is of great new concepts and new structures to take* importance, its value is minimal unless it isaccompanies by clear-cut practical policy proposals. account of the emergence of new forces on These suggestions for reviving the Left's political the progressive side of the political fortunes all boil down to one thing: a dramatic change in consciousness wiihin the Left itself. The siege mentality spectrum." which currently permeates the l.elt must be broken, and the earlier sense of optimism, idealism and moral Left needs to idcntily the common denominators of commitment revived. Many techniques and approaches contemporary youth culture, and integrate socialist traditionally employed by the Lefl need to be abandoned perspectives w ith them to the greatest extent possible, ll is or substantially revised. Australian socialists need to essential lhat the I eft transcends ihe apocalyptic visions of nuclear nightmare and deals also with the more mundane levels of youth aspirations. "Until the Australian Left is able to develop a degree of tolerance and Coming to Terms with Change respectfor internal differences, it will TI he entire basis of (he Left's approach — a commonly remain in its present isolated, agreed set of socialist ethics — is in urgent need of marginalised position." reinvigoration. One of the major reasons why the Left has developed an image of pig-headed conservatism and develop an entirely new strategy which both harks back to aberrant opportunism is its failure to assert fully the the traditional moral ethics of socialism and acknowledges "moral foundations" on which socialist doctrine is based. the contemporary realities of a rapidly changing society, a The Viet Nam campaign and, more recently, the N D P "new socialism" to counterpose to the ihreai of new phenomenon have demonstrated ihe extraordinary power conservatism. of the moral impulse in Australian politics. Howevermuch While it must be accepted that underlying economic the l.elt is committed to economic ideals such as protecting forces provide the motivating force behind social change, Australian living standards, the primary rationale behind the Australian Left cannot simply sit hack complacently, any socialist position should he lhat it is fair and just, set in its ways, and wait for it all to happen. The present The application of socialist moral philosophy lo the decline is very serious, and shows no signs of abating: it will persona! lives and relationships of socialists is equally take a massive effort of will on the part of the Left to important. Tolerance, understanding,and u willingness to eventually revitalise the socialist cause in Australia. listen to and treat seriously another person's point ol view are in short supply on the left in Australia. Male socialists need to recognise that however progressive the altitudes Lindsay Tanner is a Socialist l eft member of the Victorian A L P they profess about women may he. in practice, most, if not Adminsitrative Committee, and president of the Victorian A L P all of them, have taken about two steps down a paih of a Economics Policy Committee. hundred towards livin g in genuinely equal relationships -

Autumn 19S6 39 Money, Men and the Motor Car

M oney, Men and the Motor Car continued. private sector was performing well." Public Service important for Labor, symbolising neatly and visibly what “ inefficiency and low productivity could not be tolerated, the Bannon government stood for. It served to color in. in and he supported greater "commercialisation of public the public's mind, an image which Bannon had been sector activities".7 sketching in over his three years of government. This idea of a lean government performing an The Grand Prix was a symbol of exciting stale entrepreneurial role to assist private enterprise has development, more apparent than real, but attractive generated considerable support among the business nonetheless to many voters w ho didn't want to hear about community and the media.K It made it \ery difficult for the Liberals' rather dull and negative alternatives. The opposition leader John Olsen to make much ground when Labor government utilised the race, along with the i list - he launched his ham-fisted privatisation crusade. Surveys completed Casino and the Adelaide Railway Station and in the marginal electorates close to the poll showed voters Env irons Redevelopment Project (A S E R ) to show that the to be much more concerned about taxes and economic state was on the move. Essentially, this constituted an matters than privatisation. Many middle-of-the-road economic strategy centring on the tourist industry and the voters were probably fairly happy with the state luxury market — a poor alternative to one aiming at a government's approach. On top of this, with budgetary strong indigenous manufacturing sector in key industries. restraints and staff ceilings clamped on hard for the full Amid the media euphoria, heightened by the approaching three years of the Bannon administration, there was little Jubilee Year in 1986. the precariousness of this economic opportunity for the l iberals' to credibly paint Labor as strategy hardly seemed to matter. promoters of a bloated public sector killing off private enterprise. The Bannon Factor In fact, to a marked extent, the Bannon government echoed the PJayford style in the area of economic \era full-page gigantic head and shoulders picture development. During Playford's long reign as SA's of John Bannon. the copy read: premier, the Liberal Country League government was very Only this man tan kep South Australia up and running. H h ilt’ the active in attracting manufacturers, offering financial Liberals were nitpicking, anil wbingeing, John Bannon was concessions and government underwritten infrastructure putting South Australia on the map ... Grand Prix, Aser, yes, as enticements. Bannon. in the changed circumstances of 30.000 jobs, front-runner fo r the submarine*. N ow -we're up and the 1980s. is also operating in this way. Thus, he is running u c can’t afford to risk the future. Don’t take a chance. following a model w ith which many South Australians are South Australia needs John Bannon familiar, This A L P election ad demonstrates another important When claiming victory on election night, a triumphant ingredient in their success - the standing of Bannon as a John Bannon faced the media, not in his regulation coat politician. He is the most popular political leader in and tie. but sporting a windcheater embossed with the Australia in 1985. consistently scoring over 75 percent Formula One Grand Prix logo. The party faithful, approval rating in the surveys. Bannoh was seen as being gathered together, cheered enthusiastically personally responsible for the Grand Prix. intervening to The Liberal election night party was much quieter as clinch thedealand skilfully overseeing its very professional Olsen's team stared at the prospect of a Bannon Decade completion. The same approach has been used with a and their years in the wilderness, They were very subdued, number of other development initiatives, notably over the just as they had been a month earleir when the glamorous bid to get the federal government's submarine contract. motoring heroes roared through town to the applause ol a Despite his conservatism, almost shy personal huge crowd assembled presentation. Bannon is increasingly regarded as;t "man of action", the marathon runner who has been able to w in the race to develop South Australia, to get things moving FOOTNOTES again. It's not surprising, then, that the A L P made its t Advertiser, 5.t2.X4. election campaign slogan: "South Australia is up and 2 I>i M Hcmmciling. I-inal Keport ol ihe NA Pal liametilary Standing running". Committee on Public Work'. PPI62A, p 14 The State Government as Enabler for Business 1 The SA Department ol State Development estimuied local lourist revenue from ihe I9K5 nice lo he 55,5 million. It piedictcd an ovcru.ll injection ol'SIS million inlo the local economv with the equivalent 570 to he Grand Prix was also a very good case study in 850 jobs ol one year's duration I he department acknowledged that these I abor's partnership with private enterprise.figures could onlv be rough estimates ;is n was an tinnicd project. I he The government fulfilled ah entrepreneurial role, assisting Cirand Pri.s Board has yet lo release figures on ihe economic impact ol the private sector operations — an enabling role quite race. different from the big government image which 4, Advertiser. 4 I l,N5. J 5, Advertiser. 4 11.85. conservatives like to paint l abor as encouraging (and 6 Advertiser. 4.II 85 which some socialists privately dream of). 7. Stale public service trade union seminal on "Privatisation”. Irades At a large rank-and-file union forum dealing with Hall. Adelaide. IX 11.85. A d d i e s s hv .1 Bannon. privatisation, the premierspelled out his philosophy on the 8 During the election campaign, the usually pro-1 ibcriil Parlv Advertiser role of government. He spoke of the need for "a strong supported the I ahor Patty partnership between the public and private sectors", T h e public sector." he said, "was essential for the state's John Wishart is a C P A activist from Adelaide interested in survival but. at the same time, it should be neither environment and labour movement issues. inefficient nor expand haphazardly into areas where the Australian Left Review Reviews THE SOUND OF TRUMPETS

Reviewed by Dick Blackburn

manufacturing Aborigines had been SOUND OF TRUMPETS: dispossessed, trade unions existed, History of the Labour and class divisions were evident. The maritime strike of 1890. and Movement in South events leading to it. including Australia, by Jim Moss. establishment of the United Trades Wakefield Press, Adelaide and Labor Council (UTLC) in 1884. are dealt with in the three chapters of 1985. Hardback $35; the second part. The third — Labour paperback $25. 454 pages. in Politics, 1891-1908 — records the formation of the United Labor Party and the introduction of new ideas. his substantia! book deals Henry George had an enthusiastic almost exclusively with events reception when he came to Adelaide in S o u th A u s tra lia , as to speak about Single Tax. His constituted since 1911. References in admirers in the state were among the it to Broken Hill, NSW, are not settlers in William Lane's South rextensive, but they are obligatory for American colony and in the village this work; those concerning the settlements of the 1890s. most northern part of the state before 1911 numerous along the River Murray. relate particularly to the Chinese George Buttery, a trade unionist once question. There are five parts in involved in the First International in chronological sequence, foltwed by a London, and thus acquainted with brief conclusion, three appendices, Karl Marx, became president of the 28 pages of references and notes, 11 UTLC in 1890 of bibliography, and 14 for the index. The Wakefield Press was he first part ol this new After the 1890 strike, the numerical established by the South Australian publication, with nine chapters strength of the UTLC declined for government and is the official Jubilee for the period 1815-1880. shows some years. However, workers 150 publisher. The book is well distinctive features of the new Britishturned to political struggles. Their presented and appears to have few colony. It was founded by a company,demands were pressed at first by errors. It was launched with Tnot as a penal settlement- Mining of supporting the more liberal enthusiasm last August by Clyde copper ore was important from the parliamentary candidates; later they Cameron, well-known Labor Party 1840s, and brought thousands ol elected Labor men. Parliamentary stalwart, to an audience of trade migrants from Cornwall. Another support by Labor was given in Ihe union officials, party leaders, writers, distinctive group — the Germans — 1890s to the liberal Kingston educators, journalists, and friends. contributed to earty success with government; in 1908. the first Labor The author has worked in the metal agriculture and horticulture. Labour government ruled with liberal trades, served as an editor of Ihe disputes were evident from the outset support. One chapter in this third part South Australian Tribune (1946-51) — on ships making the first deals with the women's movement, and was secretary of the Communist settlement at Kangaroo Island in including reference to the Working Party in SA during 1963-73, He has 1836 Churches and pubs were Women's Trade Union, formed to previously written pamphlets and a important for workers, and they combat sweating in the clothing longer work Representatives of gained more experience of trade, and to the achievement of Ds^confenf — History of the organisation in friendly and building women's suffrage in 1894. Communist Party in South Australia societies In the prosperous 1870s, 1921-1981 — which was published in South Australia was the third most 1983. That book should be consulted populous Australian colony, with a Continued page 43. for more detail than can be found in mix of mining. _agriculture, and Sound of Trumpets. Autumn 1986 41 “Revolution at the Burra Mine” South Australian headline September 19th, 1848

‘Sound of Trumpets is one of the most exciting and encyclopaedic books ever published on the social, industrial and political history of South Australia/ (Clyde Cameron)

£AOUND OF TRUMPETS post-Napoleonic War indus­ sexism and movements presents the first trial revolution. It records the against war. V_/history of the labour 1836 settlement of the Jim Moss writes an movement in South Aus­ Province as a solution to entertaining narrative with tralia, from 1836 to the unemployment and falling verve and commitment. The present, profits. It examines the rise of book is a product of a man who capital and wage labour in has lived the labour movement, A gap in Australian colonial rural and mining beginning first as a trade history has been closed. pursuits. It describes the unionist in the 1930s and Previous histories had little consolidation of the movement working later as editor of the to say about the experiences over great social issues of the South Australian Tribune. It of the working classes and 1880s. It considers the rise of shows the value of his extensive their relationship with the political movements, pre- travelling to study communism World War 1 organized labour in Europe, Russia and China. other parts of South and the ensuing war and peace, There are few professional Australian society. Sound boom and bust, technological scholars who have revealed, as of Trumpets has rescued and social revolution. Jim Mess has, the qualities of real people from obscurity. inherent dedication and Many of its themes are Real people struggling to erudition in their work. give meaning to a working relevant today: unemployment and economic uncertainty, class existence. Real people taxation, shopping hours, 220x 152mm, 472pages, with tales to tell. protection of local industry, 24 halftones The book begins with the state aid to private schools, $25.00 (paperback) movement s origins in Britain's parliamentary salaries, racism, $35.00 (hardcover)

Cut out and mail today! I enclose my cheque/money order for $______or charge Bankcard A'"isa FREEPOST 14* Wakefield Press P.O. Box 588 w COWANDILLA S.A. 5033 WAKEFIELD PRESS * Nt»stamp required in Australia. Expires . Signed. Name__ Y E S, please send Sound of P.O. Box588, Trumpets. Address. Cowandilla S. A 5033, /282Richmond Road, □ hb $35.00 D p b $25.00 NetleyS.A. 5037] (Postage and packing$3.00) I understand that if I am not . Phone. Telephone (08) 297 0644 completely delighted with the book I □ Please send me the free Wakefield Telex Premier AA82827 may return it within ten days and have Press catalogue of scholarly, the purchase price refunded. educational and general publications. Australian Left Review Reviews z

effective in combatting the Industrial includes many in tertiary industries Groups and preserving their own and a targe proportion o ''men. The fourth part, with four chapters, influence. No emphasis seems to be covers the influence of socialist and given by the author to the long existence of the UTLC as a united D syndicalist ideas from before World II eaders will look in vain in the War I, the divisions within the labour body — without the complications author's brief conclusions for any known in some other states. movement during and after the war, comparison with other Australian and the turmoil in Adelaide in 1926-28 Labor governments have been segments of the labour movement. associated with the wharf strike and formed from time to time in South His last, pages show concern, above Australia, usually from extreme all, with central issues of power and dissatisfaction with more conserv­ the role of parties. It would have been he last part is almost as long as ative regimes, but they have only valuable to have gained some leads the first, though it spans only once remained long in power. They for interpreting the apparent failure the period 1928-1965. The great have achieved some important of the labour movement in this state depression started early; it hadreforms in more prosperous times, in respect to municipal government deeper effects and lasted longer thanbut fiasco has been the consequence Is there in the trade union movement Tin other Australian states. During the of a Labor government undertaking some old-fashioned neutralism spring of 1932, nearly 40 percent of repressive actions or otherwise towards politics which affects the SA wage and salary workers in Adelaide becoming isolated from the workers. local government scene? In the same were unemployed and part-time work .line of speculation, is it true that this was common for the others. At this time, the labour movement was in ■labour movement surveyed by Jim ^ ^ T ie great strength of the book is Moss has little interest in social and disarray The adherence of the Hill the lucid and coherent account of Labor government and the ALP to the cultural affairs, to which he makes workers' struggles over nearly 150 prefatory reference? At least there Premiers' Plan in 1931 led to the years. The large collection of appears to be almost nothing in the emergence of the Lang Movement as references is a measure of the text on these matters. There have a rival Labor Party in the state. The author's industry in searching the been significant developments in Communist Party had also files of metropolitan and provincial these respects at least elsewhere in established itself, especially in newspapers, archival material, Australia — and not all recently. defence of the unemployed university theses, pamphlets, books, Examples are presented by the Authoritarian rightwing groups etc. The publication will provide a Lidcombe Workers Health Centre, which had emerged earlier to break basis and stimulus for many students the Victorian Labor College, and the the Port Adelaide wharf strike were of South Australian labour history; WEA, the Society of Labor Lawyers, encouraged and they gained support perhaps it will be an example for and the Green Bans by the BLF. The in the 1930s. They included other parts of Australia. The men and influence of the Australian labour prominent Adelaide men connected women who became prominent in the movement has certainly been evident with military, business, and religious movement are mentioned throughout for years in literature and song, groups. That upsurge of reaction the text. Except for a few like John theatre and cinema, and the pictorial coincided with the activity of the New Verran, these people generally arts. It is remarkable that a study Guard in N SW and the triumphs of qualify for no more than a line or two which seems to have left no stone fascism abroad. In Australia, these about their background Clearly, the unturned in its search should thus circumstances helped to secure book is not rich in personalia — there indicate no working class victory for Menzies in the federal is just enough to whet the appetite for contribution from SA to these issues. sphere and for Playford in South more details. In the 19th century, newspapers Australia. The final chapter mentions some were often given portentous names changes since 1965, It refers to such as Tribune. Clarion. Herald, or Nevertheless, struggles against publications as recent as 1984, even Trumpet. It is from The Penny war and fascism gained support in including Dunstan's political Trumpet, first circular of the UTLC in the Southn Australian labour memoirs (1981), but it fails to touch 1884, that Jim Moss drew the title for movement, perhaps to a greater on the impressive recent growth of his book. One might say of it that extent than in other parts of Australia, the trade union movement. In 1961. trumpets of the SA labour movement During World War II. the divisions in more than 78,000 were covered by are certainly now heard tar and wide, the SA labour movement were greatly affiliations to the UTLC By 1974, the even though their sound is limited to reduced, only to be reopened later. number was 118,000 (Appendix III), a few notes. On the whole, however, Jim Moss shows that close attention and in 1984 it had risen to 170,000, the author has done extremely well in from 1946 saved that movement from according to the centenary history of recording the history of the most marked disruption by the industrial the UTLC. This growth may have significant and deep-seated conflicts Groups and so paved the way for the been due principally to the new in sunny South Australia. eventual defeat of the well- affiliations of white collar and entrenched Playford government. professional unions, including The Vehicle Builders Union and the administrative and clerical officers, Dick Blackburn has had a life-long AWU are the largest trade unions in municipal officers, nurses, college association with the labour movement the state: they exercise great in­ academic staff, and C SIRO research in Vicloria and South Australia, where fluence in the ALP. Their joint workers. These changes make the he has lived since 1946. He is a member of the CPA. insistence in 1946 on the "card vote" UTLC more representative of the in ALP deliberations was most working population which now

Autumn 1986 43 Reviews HAZARDS OF THE JOB

Reviewed by Sol Marks

the direction of work in tne present is the body of knowledge now HEALTH AND SAFETY AT occupational health and safety field available for the development of WORK: Australian Trade for years to come. For this reason, it policy. should be the subject of the closest Union Representative scrutiny, its strengths recognised The British Model Handbook, by John and used, and its apparent athews' book is subtitled Mathews. Pluto Press, weaknesses examined and "Australian Trade Union $19.95, and available discussed Representatives Hand­ book", It has been clearly written tor through TUTA or union The Myth of Danger Money this newly emerging role in the offices. J B jm athews commences his book AustralianM workplace, basing itself with a graphic account of the firmly on ACTU policy which, in turn, ■ V m death of an electrical fitter follows the British model set up under t is just over ten years since and, in detailing the circumstances, their Health and Safety at Work Act of Patrick Kinnersley's The Hazards exposes the myth of the "careless 1974. of Work: How to Fight Them worker". In the same chapter he also This act followed the findings and (Pluto Press. 1973). was published. makes the most important point that philosophy of the Robens Report: This book provided workers with the many workers reject the idea of first/ definitive study dealing with the safety, because it is associated with In the United Kingdom, the Committee on growing realisation that work extra discipline and meaningless Health a n d S a le ty a t Work were strongly in procedures. U nfortu nately, he favour of self-regulation and the voluntary hazards presented far greater approach (The Robens Committee. 1972) proceeds with another myth: that problems than the dangers of the fundamental premise upon which they physical injury and the more past trade union policies were to based their report was that "the most apparent toxic chemicals. It trade safety for danger money. This important single reason for accidents at represented a milestone, and a basis assertion has often been made, work is apathy" and that this would not be for the development of on-the-job though usually by interests overcome "so long as people were struggles for reasonable standards of antipathetic to the trade union encouraged to think that safety and health health and safety. movement It is true that some at work could be ensured by an ever- backward sections of the union expanding body of legal regulations It soon became obvious, in the light enforced by an ever-increasing army of movement did trade safety, but to of the rapid increase in available inspectors". They concluded from this information, that something more promote this as a general policy has that the primary responsibility for doing was required. The Hazards of Work no more validity than assertions something about the present levels ot appeared only a year after the release about the "careless worker". occupational accidents and disease lay of the Robens Report and necessarily What is important is that this both with those who create the rules and could not provide a critique of its assertion expunges the life and work those who work with them Proper implementation. Material on a of magnificent trade unionists, and recognition ot this responsibility required number of matters including the all- the splendid militancy of many shop that both employers and employees should make a greater voluntary effort to important subject of repetitive strain floor workers. In Victoria, that included people like Paddy Malone, reduce currnet levels ot work-related injury was insufficient, and the detail injury. (Neil Cunningham and W.B on the British legal system was the forgotten man of the BLF, Jim Creighton, "Industrial Safety Law in largely irrelevant in this country. Roulston and Stan Willis of the Social and Political Perspective" in R Accordingly, there has been space Boilermakers Society, and George Tomasic Legislation and Society in for an up-to-date work dealing with Seelaf of the Meat Industry Union. I Australia. Allen and Unwin, 1980, p 148 ) the Australian occupational am sure their counterparts existed in environment. other states. Jim Healy of the This space has now been occupied Waterside Workers afforded the Power of Representatives by John Mathews' Health and Safety highest priority to health and safety n an address to the August 1984 at Work, to the extent that, given the and the right to work in dignity. meeting of the Melbourne authority and detail of its contents, it The crucial difference between the Workers Health Action Group must have a significant bearing on quality of leadership in the past and (WHAG). Breen Creighton reported 44 / Australian Left Review Reviews on two studies on the extent of safety preface to his Labor and Monopoly committees and representatives in Capital: Britain One from 1981 showed that Some there are who live in darkness seventy percent of all workplaces had While the others live in light committees, safety representatives or We see those who live in daylight both, and that these seventy percent Those in darkness, out of sight. of workplaces covered ninety percent of the workforce. The application of the Robens His comments on their impact were principle will provide those who have somewhat ambivalent, but he did say already achieved a measure of "the general feeling I got was that protection with greater rights. Those they were a quiet success". at or near the bottom of the work Translating the above figures into hierarchy will be little or no better off. the Australian industrial environment Protection and extension of safety must be a matter of speculation. My standards goes far beyond the personal observation as a worker and appointment of safety represent­ an activist .in a number of atives and joint union-employer establishments, leads me to the firm health and safety agreements conviction that safety representatives Health and Safety at Work now will be as effective as the shop occupies the space available for a steward in any given workplace. That definitive work on the subject in the is, the relationship of forces in each Australian environment — it is highly workplace will determine whetherthe unlikely that anyone will try to safety representative acts on behalf produce an alternative in the of the workers, or is so influenced by foreseeable future. Does this then management as to be part of the 1981 as an example of how an neglect that section of the workforce processes of control. It is not industrial dispute over the incidence not covered by the authority, uncommon, for example, for ethnic and treatment of Repetitive Strain influence and policy of the ACTU workers to believe that the shop Injury produced a settlement that and, if this is the case, does this lack steward is part of the managerial served as a model "that ACTU policy of coverage constitute a threat to the process. has built on, and other unions have proper implementation of that This must not be taken as a been able to follow", (p 400) policy? criticism of the shop steward I have no quarrel with his account Only some fifty percent of the movement, but the fact that this of the struggle (see Creighton and Australian workforce is organised applies, to some degree, inevitably Micallef, Journal of Industrial into unions, and many of these are leads to concern that the safety Relations. September 1983), nor with covered by unions which, either for representative can be effective only the manner of its use. However, the reasons of lack of will or industrial in a situation where shop floor full story of the RG E experience can composition, do not afford adequate strength or job permanency provides be used to demonstrate another coverage for their members. protection from employers’ powers lesson. Other sections of the workforce are to terminate employment or to The attitude of the RGE so disadvantaged that it is virtually victimise in other ways. management was consistently impossible for even the most highly At least one writer has drawn hostile. In the early stages of the motivated unions to help them. These attention to these problems with the struggle, they had issued a documenl include the fringe-dwellers of the British scheme: that purported to show that the workforce: the many out-workers. incidence of R S I. rose only after and those who work in the small, often The conclusion that very definitely because the union had distributed unregistered shops, young workers emerges is that the self-help model is ... explanatory material on the subject. an inadequate prescription lor maintain­ in fast food outlets, and many others. ing and improving health and safety Eventually, they were able to push Some of these sectors of work standards at work when labour market aside the terms of the settlement present the greatest hazards These forces are unfavourable to employees. In which had resulted from the dispute workers are far beyond the range of these circumstances, it is inevitable that when the workers lost their shop floor the safety representative movement, employees will find that their most muscle because of retrenchments and can only be protected by effective defences lie with the external following a downturn in the market. a vigorous and determined inspectorates It follows that there is inspectorate equipped . with the seemingly little utility for employees in powers and human resources to deal moving from laws ol a mandatory kind to Fate of the Unorganised with the problems. codes of practice which are administered tatutory protection and by self-help methods when the agreements notwithstanding, Representing Broader employment climate is adverse. (Stan S this is the bottom line— the Jones, "Health and Safety at Work: The often unspoken but clearly Interests Seli-Help Model Ten Years On. The Law understood appreciation by both he Australian trade union Teacher. 1984, p. 129.) sides of the power nexus, particularly movement is faced with the twin in private industry. It is the final T threat of privatisation of public Rank General Electric governing factor in the degree of utilities and deregulation of industrial athews uses the experience effectiveness of the application of the relations, among other things of the Melbourne Rank Robens principle proposed by those who want to General Electric struggle of Braverman quotes Brecht as a change the balance of power in the AutumnM 1986 45 Reviews

workplace. We do not have to wait for only one of which involves organising production sector, where a largely alternative governments to the workers, and this is confined to; migrant female workforce worked at implement these measures, as a "Working through the union — the mercy of management-designed, degree of privatisation is already in procedures for representatives machine-paced processes. The progress in both federal and state remaining accountable, reporting production press is one of the most spheres, and deregulation is back and setting up a union only common causes of injury yet, if these continuing apace with the growth of health and safety committee," (p. were guarded as required by law. contract labour, owner drivers, 507) injury should be virtually impossible. franchise outlets and other means. There can be no disagreement with This does not contradict or Their escalation, in present times, is this and the other listed issues. They counterpose the need fora collective serious enough and the prospect of are all proper and important to the attitude on matters that affect "the marked increase with the return of subject. What is lacking is the basic collectivity of workers", butthe single Liberal governments is indeed grim. need for safety representatives to be worker is a unique individual and The politics of trade union interests involved in a two-way, ongoing should be able to express this are part and parcel of the politics of education process that will provide individuality in some measure as it the country. For this reason, the them with a constant enrichment of relates to his or her immediate ACTU, in endeavouring to retain how workers feel and react working environment Labor in office, must act and be seen individually and collectively to their to be acting in support of all who are work, and will equip the workers with disadvantaged, whether they are both formal and informal under­ Shop Floor Know-how members of unions or not. standing of relevant issues. athews makes extensive use Confinement to the parameters of the The development of the capacity of of the work of technical interests of its own immediate the individual to make judgments on experts. He quite properly constituency can only assist reaction the immediate work processes is sets out sufficient information and in the long term. essential as a countervailing sources to provide the safety mechanism against the deskilling representativeM with the capacity fora and alienation of our day. The critical evaluation of the input of Individual involvement corporatisation of industry and these experts It is unfortunate that athews states' "The whole commerce has created a situation this necessarily presupposes a fair emphasis of this handbook wherein the processes of ultimate level of literacy in the English is on providing workers' decision making are located in an language, thus making it difficult for health and safety representatives area so remote as to be beyond the those who are often at the greatest with the skills they need to negotiate conception of the individual worker. risk to be directly involved. with their employers to obtain This corporatisation is reflected in He also overlooks the level of improvement in their work the trade unions which are forced to expertise that exists on the factory organisation and environment." (p. seek amalgamations in order to floor In a paper given at the "Break 506) indeed, the book does precisely achieve a structure of a scale capable Down the Barriers" Conference on that, with a positively awesome of developing the resources required the employment of disabled people display of detail and authority. to modern needs. This, in turn, held in Canberra in 1981, an However, what it does not do is equip produces an inevitable accompan­ ergonomist described how he, in the representative with a guide to iment of bureaucratisation. many circumstances, would seek how to provide workers with the advice from the particular disabled capacity to play a role in self- person as to the requirements of job determination of their own health and These situations should be adaptation, and then discuss the safety. As Mathews sees it, the recognised by the trade union question with a maintenance primary level of intervention is the movement in the form of deliberate tradesperson who would fabricate representative, not the worker, planning of compensatory strategies and instal the adaptation Similarly, Given, for example, that In many that should include an interventionist shop floor know-how, acquired over instances the incidence of R.S.I. is a mechanism at the point of application a long tradition of work, often result of production processes of labour. intuitive in form, can provide low- involving massive capital investment, Crucial to the level of health, safety cost, effect answers to questions of it is reasonable to assume that any and well-being is the degree of health and safety. health program adopted jointly with control that the individual worker has Health and Safety at Work employers, would be likely to be over the work situation. Empirical marshalls an enormous body of confined to the symptomology of the studies carried out over a number of information which represents a onset of the condition, and provide years in the compensation office of valuable resource for those involved information that wouid give the one union covering a wide range of in the occupational environment. workers the capacity to make value occupations with varying degrees of Mathews succeeds in achieving his judgments on the effect of the risk, revealed a pattern of incidence stated purpose of equipping the organisation and tempo of work, and of injury related inversely to this safety representative with the skills involve them in trying to assert degree of control. required for the role. There can be control over the production The apparently high risk area of argument about his presentation — I processes themselves. construction work carried out by found it wordy and loaded with A further example is provided in the tradespeople with a high level of technical detail which could section of the book dealing with intervention in the conduct of work otherwise be sought out by the organising on the job. Mathews lists processes showed a far lesser person involved in the particular eleven major issues for examination incidence of injury, than in the mass subject.

46 Australian Left Review Reviews

While I accept that Mathews has At 20, he was a shop steward in the the right to restrict himself to his Amalgamated Engineering Union. He stated audience, I am concerned that, received an early introduction to the in doing so, he has squeezed out the traditional attitudes of the union: possibility of a more general "I was quickly told 'never sell your conditions' by a shellback from the treatment of the subject. For this District Committee, and I can clearly reason I believe that he could well remember many struggles on the shop have introduced a balance by floor over health and safety issues over including an overall picture with that period." ideas that cater for those outside the After working for 14 years at Ford's orbit of formal union structures. Broadmeadows plant, he became Final judgment of the achieve­ compensation officer for the AMWU in ments of the book must be left to the 1976. He was largely responsible for the safety representatives and others union's initial policy on health and safety, possibly the first definitive policy who must endeavour to put its teach­ produced within the Australian union ings into practice. It is certainly the movement on the subject. most authoritative and detailed He is a foundation member of the collection of technical information Melbourne Workers Health Action Group, available in the English language, and is currently heavily involved with the and for this at least, we should be Richmond Workers Health Resource thankful. Centre, "Fifty years o f work left its m arks — industrial deafness, a most vexing frosty morning wnitelinger (loss of feeling in the thumbs caused by vibration). a chronic Sal Marks is a retired metalworker. but well-managed back condition, and He started work at the age of 14, in 1932, sundry aches which are a possible and in his first year on the job survived a combination of aging and work trauma." near-fatal accident which caused a permanent minor disability.

Autumn 1986 47 Reviews AUSTRALIA'S BEST KEPT SECRET Reviewed by Andre D'Cruz

chief focus of the book STEEL CITY BLUES: The Julianne Schultz creates a striking Human Cost of Industrial picture of the difficulties which Crisis, by Julianne Schultz. sectors of the steel community were made to confront at this time. She Penguin Books, 1985. $7.95. also objectively analyses the cause of 282 pages.______the crisis, thereby placing it in perspective for the uninformed he economic and social reader. consequences of the recession The depiction of the Kemira T on the industrial city of miners' strike, and other forms of Wollongong on the NSW coast have working class protest, highlight been staggering. Schultz's unbiased approach In the early 1980s, the combined towards management/labour effect of the disastrous Australian conflict. While it is made clear that steel crisis and a subsequent Wollongong is a city proud of its restructuring of steel manufacturing activism and union heritage, no left the region in a severely depressed "sides" are taken in the book's final condition. conclusions. Wollongong's strong blue-collar Indeed, Schultz seems to maintain community was to be the ultimate a rather cool attitude when victim of this, "the worst recession in mentioning political, class or post-war history" — 8,000 of their industrial action and relies more on steel production to its South Coast the discussion of social effects to number were made redundant works. (unemployed) with little hope of make her lasting points. The economic result of this regaining their jobs. "technological solution" was that SCB explores the economic and he results of the crisis have been fewer workers were needed to social dynamics of the crisis, placing far-reaching, with legal manufacture more steel: the social specific emphasis on the "human" proceedings against BHP by consequence was mass unemploy­ response to it. It is a study of great retrenched female workers making ment in the Steel City — an area significance to South Coast people the news recently. dependent on the BHP plant and because it is still very relevant — TThe "class" spawned from the affiliated industries for two-thirds of about 20 percent of the area's collapse of the Steel City — the its income. workforce remain unemployed. industrially redundant — remain As the industrial workforce was cut a significant percentage of the ollongong's problems began down from over 18,000 to 10.000, the region's population. They are. still in 1982 when BH P — the people of Wollongong — who had suffering the feelings of guilt, largest employer in the region and ridden on boom time prosperity for worthlessness and insecurity linked the mainstay of the national steel two decades — began to face a to long-term unemployment. industry — realised it was in serious "social holocaust". However, the serious problems of trouble. teel C ity Blues is the product of these people just break the surface... Diminishing markets, poor long­ over 100 interviews with To appreciate the fuller "human" term management, a major recession persons somehow affected by dimensions of Wollongong's and inefficient manufacturing S the economic downturn in the regionstruggle, it is worth reading about it first hand. methods had brought the Big — from disillusioned school kids Australian to the financial brink. unsure of their future, through to BHP announced a massive profit of The only way left to avoid absolute BH P bosses, the men who made the over $150 miilion in November 1985. corporate collapse was to accelerate crippling decisions. The bosses had got their recovery. the technological restructuring of the How these people adapted to the Steel City Blues tells of the human cost. steel industry. BHP duly introduced a recession and what courses of action rationalisation program and brought they have taken to overcome the Andre D'Cruz until recently was a new, less labour-reliant means of problems associated with it is the resident of Wollongong. 48 Autumn 1986 N'TER A f X T IONA L b Of > o k<3s l i o p m

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