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10.2478 Nor-2021-0014 NORDICOM REVIEW Åland – a peculiar media system Carl-Gustav Lindén Department of Information Science and Media Studies, University of Bergen, Norway Abstract This article captures the dynamics of a special case when it comes to media systems, namely the Åland Islands, or Åland, with 6,700 islands and 30,000 inhabitants. Åland is one of three self-governed areas in the Nordic region (the others being the Faroe Islands and Greenland) and is an officially monolingual Swedish-speaking part of Finland, where the majority speak Finnish. In this article, I describe how Åland, despite its small size, has a media system characterised by a diverse and complete offering of local media: two daily newspapers, its own public service and public service offerings from both mainland Finland and neighbouring Sweden, a commercial radio station, and several magazines. However, media diversity is limited by the fact that the same person – a local business tycoon, Anders Wiklöf – controls both newspapers. There is one main research question motivating this study: What are the specific features of the media system in Åland? To be able to answer that, I relied on the analysis of three sets of data: nine interviews, a two-part survey and the media policy adopted in 2018, and transcripts of the preceding political debate. Keywords: Åland, media system, heritage, local media, geography Introduction In this article, I apply the four dimensions of media systems proposed by Hallin and Mancini (2004): structure of the media market, political parallelism, journalistic pro- fessionalism, and the role of local government through media policy. Two new dimen- sions – geography and a sociocultural context –are deemed important and therefore included for understanding the media system, which is based on the idea of a nation- state. Though the literature on media systems is rich, there has been little research on the position of minority-language media within these national systems (Zabaleta et al., 2014a). The examination of generalisable and comparable findings induces a focus on the structural properties and relationships in which “societies were equated with nation- states” (Hamelink, 2014: 41). On the other hand, the nation-state as a unit of analysis lacks transnational features stemming from globalisation of media industries (Esser & Pfetsch, 2004). Following Zabaleta and colleagues (2019), this article focuses on media systems as a varied set of news organisations within a community of language and culture and Lindén, C.-G. (2021). Åland – a peculiar media system. Nordicom Review, 42(S2), 8–21. https:// doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0014 8 Åland – a peculiar media system spatially defined. Instead of being a subsystem of the Finnish media system, the locality is considered to be a media system in its own. The study was inspired by research on islands, sometimes called nissology or islandology. Edquist and Holmén (2015) demon- strate that islands, with natural boundaries and sharp edges, offer a particularly good set of samples for exploring the links between geography and the sociocultural context, the relationships of the different groups of people in society and their habits, traditions, and beliefs – in short, a shared identity and sense of history. This study fills a gap, since not much has been written academically about the media system in Åland other than an article on the competition between the two newspapers and their media innovations (Lindén, 2015) and a book chapter on how the newspapers use history and identity to attract an audience (Lindén, 2017). A history was also published of Ålandstidningen, Åland’s largest and leading news outlet, as an institutional actor both in the local context and with regards to surrounding development (Mattsson-Eklund, 1991). Geography and the sociocultural context of Åland Åland received its status as an autonomous part of Finland in 1921, affirmed by the League of Nations decision known as the Åland Convention. For more than 600 years (from around the twelfth century until 1809), Åland had been part of the Swedish Empire, as had been the whole of what became Finland. After a century under Russian rule (1809–1917), many people would have been happy to reunite with Sweden, and for some years, the islands – due to their strategic position in the Baltic Sea – became a geopolitical pawn. Finland refused to relinquish Åland after the Russian Revolution enabled Finnish independence. The compromise was semi-independence, to protect the Swedish language and local culture. Today, Åland is a territorially-defined area with fixed systems that cement and form linguistic and social structures, sharing similarities with areas in Belgium and Switzerland (McRae et al., 1997). The region has its own legislature, parliament (Lagtinget), and government (Landskapsregeringen), with 16 municipalities, the smallest one having slightly more than 100 inhabitants. The political system is based on multiparty pluralism. In the 2019 local elections, representatives of eight parties were elected to the 30 parliamentary seats; the largest party, with nine seats, is the centrist party, followed by the liberal party. One seat went to a small populist party, Ålands Framtid [the Future of Åland]. Åland’s autonomy includes the right to pass laws in areas related to the internal affairs of the region, including media policy, and to exercise its own budgetary power. There is no popular support for full independence, except for Ålands Framtid, who wants “a sovereign, neutral and demilitarized microstate in the ever growing and more and more respected European family of microstates” (Ålands Framtid, 2017). Only in 1954 did Åland get its own blue, yellow, and red cross flag, followed by stamps in 1984. In 2006, the Internet domain suffix “.ax” was established, offering an opportunity to celebrate identity online, just like the Faroe Islands (“.fo”) and Greenland (“.gl”). These examples represent concepts of a national symbolic order, the complex set of public symbols that “invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity” (Nieguth & Raney, 2017: 87). Åland has branded itself as the Islands of Peace, and pacifism has become second nature to the population (Holmén, 2015). The autonomy of Åland as a peaceful and 9 Carl-Gustav Lindén sustainable political solution has also attracted considerable attention from countries facing demands from their minority populations for more influence. Åland has been presented as an example of an arrangement through which a territorial conflict between two states – Finland and Sweden – was solved in a peaceful way (Suksi, 2013), and it has been proposed as a conflict solution model for Iraq (L. Anderson & Stansfield, 2010) and also as a model in comparison with other European regions (Daftary, 2000; Loughlin & Daftary, 1999). The heritage objects of Åland have also been compared to heritage-promotion initiatives (imagined heritage) on other islands, such as Shetland and Svalbard (Grydehøj, 2010). Swedish language as a prime identity marker In a survey among decision makers and journalists (Lindén, 2017), the strongest per- ceived indicator of Ålander identity was the Swedish language (4.7 on a 5-point scale) followed by the autonomy and demilitarisation (4.5 each), the shipping industry (4.4), and the archipelago (4.3). These indicators are far more important than being born on the islands (2.8). Language as key identity indicator is also accentuated in the national anthem, “Ålänningens sång” [“Ålander’s song”], adopted in 1922. It ends with the following words: “Loudly shall it sound, our Swedish language/Spoken with an urging voice/Enlighten our path like a sea mark of flames/Show us where we belong/Show us where we belong”. In a survey by Bogdan State (2009), respondents rated Swedish language skills as most important, while white skin and Nordic birth were considered to be least important. While seemingly isolated on an island, the people on Åland – a commercial seafaring micro-nation – are closely connected to both Sweden and the global shipping industry. Immigration has become a key feature of success, as the economic activity, such as the fishing and farming industries, are dependent on low-cost manual labour. Political par- ties and the media have decided to ensure that immigration is framed as a positive trend. This is an example of externalities of a functioning media system. Research question, empirical material, and methods There is one main research question motivating this study: What are the specific features of the media system in Åland? To be able to answer that, I rely on the analysis of three sets of data: • interviews with nine different people – the businessperson Anders Wiklöf, three journalists (two female, one male), three politicians (two female, one male), and two local historians (both male) – focused on the media system and the present actors (2014); • a two-part survey (N = 65) with journalists (N = 20, of which 5 are male), politi- cians (N = 18, of which 15 are male), and local decision-makers (N = 27 of which 22 are male) from the municipalities (2016); • and the source document of the media policy programme [Mediepolitiskt program] and transcriptions of the political debate that followed after the programme was presented in 2018. 10 Åland – a peculiar media system The empirical aspects of this study consist of semi-structured interviews and surveys fo- cused on local journalists and decision-makers from the region’s sixteen municipalities, as well as the local parliament. Interviews were conducted in Swedish and in person in Janu- ary, July, and December 2014, recorded, and transcribed by a language service provider. Though the interviews were made a few years ago, the media system has remained stable; thus, the results are still considered valid. Texts were broken down according to themes so that data could be compared, conceptualised, and categorised. After that, statements were interpreted and contextualised within broader frames of reference instead of just providing a categorisation (Kvale, 2007).
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