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Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State

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Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Supply-Side Education: Race, inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State Daniel Stephen Moak University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Education Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Moak, Daniel Stephen, "Supply-Side Education: Race, inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1901. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1901 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1901 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Supply-Side Education: Race, inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State Abstract The 1930s were dominated by an understanding that unemployment and inequality were primarily the result of structural failures of the market economy. However, the unraveling of New Deal liberalism throughout the 1940s and 1950s shifted ideological understandings of problems like unemployment, poverty and racial inequality to explanations focused on individual deficiencies. This development had dramatic consequences for federal education policy. Buttressed by a coalition of civil rights groups and educational organizations pushing for federal involvement in education, Democratic policymakers turned towards education as a cheaper and more effective replacement to earlier redistributive taxation and full employment policies. The success of this coalition in passing the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act meant that the institutions of the federal education state were designed with an eye towards solving poverty, unemployment, and racial inequality. This left public schools vulnerable to political attack as these social problems failed to disappear. By the end of the 1960s, Democratic politicians and civil rights groups began to call for greater accountability and punishment for schools that failed to live up to expectations. This critical view was eventually adopted by Republicans and conservative interest groups, who pushed for the introduction of market forces in public education as a necessary corrective. These earlier developments explain why punitive sanctions became the cornerstone of federal education policy, with particularly negative consequences for racial minorities and poor communities. Degree Type Dissertation Degree Name Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Graduate Group Political Science First Advisor Marie Gottschalk Second Advisor Adolph Reed Keywords Accountability, Education, Political Science, Progressive, Punitive, Race Subject Categories Education | Political Science This dissertation is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1901 SUPPLY-SIDE EDUCATION: RACE, INEQUALITY, AND THE RISE OF THE PUNITIVE EDUCATION STATE Daniel Stephen Moak A DISSERTATION in Political Science Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2016 Supervisor of Dissertation Co-Supervisor of Dissertation ______________________ _______________________ Marie Gottschalk Adolph Reed Professor of Political Science Professor of Political Science Graduate Group Chairperson ________________ Matthew Levendusky, Professor of Political Science Dissertation Committee Rogers Smith Professor of Political Science Sigal Ben-Porath Professor of Political Science SUPPLY-SIDE EDUCATION: RACE, INEQUALITY, AND THE RISE OF THE PUNITIVE EDUCATION STATE COPYRIGHT 2016 Daniel Stephen Moak This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 License To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With full awareness that it is an impossible task to convey the extent of my gratitude to the many people that have been essential to the creation of this dissertation, I will now attempt to do just this. I would first like to thank my family. My parents, Mark and Rhett Moak, were the first to teach me that the value of education extended beyond some abstract future financial reward. Their tireless support, encouragement, and love made this endeavor possible. For three decades, my sisters, Leah and Ellen, have been my first, fiercest, and most frequent interlocutors. The ability to run ideas by their two brilliant minds has been invaluable. Chaco, while not the most vocal contributor, was always up for hike and gave nothing but positive feedback when I ran my ideas past him. In my time at Penn, I have been fortunate to work with incredibly gifted scholars. Marie Gottschalk, my advisor since my first day of graduate school, has been an incredible mentor. I am in awe of her scholarship and her teaching. When my dissertation threatened to veer into the realm of the uninteresting for the sake of expediency, her advice to reevaluate my core interests and arguments rescued the project. Throughout the many seminar courses, one-on-one meetings, and after-work drinks, Adolph Reed has profoundly shaped my view of the world. His encouragement, careful guidance, and engagement in this project have improved it immensely. His friendship throughout this process has made a difficult road much more enjoyable. Rogers Smith’s willingness to make time for his students is astounding. Despite an inhumane schedule, through his amazingly quick feedback he shed light on paths forward through some of the thorniest patches of the dissertation. His course on American Political Development was one of the most influential of my graduate career. The courses I took with Sigal Ben-Porath provided the foundation for several of the chapters of the dissertation. Her advice, optimism, and tireless advocacy were critical to final product. After every meeting, the project was improved and I left feeling better than when I came. The support and comradeship of my colleagues throughout graduate school made time. The influence of our conversations run throughout dissertation. I will be forever grateful for our time together in Philadelphia. Finally, no person had greater influence on this project than Sarah Cate. Her critical eye and profound intellect has made this project better and her wisdom, selflessness, and humor has made my life better. !iii ABSTRACT SUPPLY-SIDE EDUCATION: RACE, INEQUALITY, AND THE RISE OF THE PUNITIVE EDUCATION STATE Daniel Stephen Moak Marie Gottschalk Adolph Reed The 1930s were dominated by an understanding that unemployment and inequality were primarily the result of structural failures of the market economy. However, the unraveling of New Deal liberalism throughout the 1940s and 1950s shifted ideological understandings of problems like unemployment, poverty and racial inequality to explanations focused on individual deficiencies. This development had dramatic consequences for federal education policy. Buttressed by a coalition of civil rights groups and educational organizations pushing for federal involvement in education, Democratic policymakers turned towards education as a cheaper and more effective replacement to earlier redistributive taxation and full employment policies. The success of this coalition in passing the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act meant that the institutions of the federal education state were designed with an eye towards solving poverty, unemployment, and racial inequality. This left public schools vulnerable to political attack as these social problems failed to disappear. By the end of the 1960s, Democratic politicians and civil rights groups began to call for greater accountability and !iv punishment for schools that failed to live up to expectations. This critical view was eventually adopted by Republicans and conservative interest groups, who pushed for the introduction of market forces in public education as a necessary corrective. These earlier developments explain why punitive sanctions became the cornerstone of federal education policy, with particularly negative consequences for racial minorities and poor communities. !v TABLE OF CONTENTS AKNOWLEDGEMENTS..………………………………………………………………iii ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………...…………iv LIST OF TABLES..……………………………………………………………………...vii LIST OF GRAPHS.…………………………………………………………………..…viii CHAPTER ONE The Politics of the Federal Education State: Faith in Education and the Turn Towards Punitiveness………………………………………………………………..1 CHAPTER TWO To Reconstruct or Adjust? The Battle within Progressive Education, 1920s-1940s……………………….……………………………………………………..37 CHAPTER THREE Education vs. Economy: Race and Class in Black Political Visions, 1930s - 1950s………………………………………………………………………….…94 CHAPTER FOUR Communism, Courts, and Context: Political Developments in the 1940s and 1950s and the Death of the Educational Left……………………………….185 CHAPTER FIVE The Victory of Liberal Incorporationism: The Great Society and the Origin of Punitive Education Policies………………………………,,…………………282 CHAPTER SIX Conclusion: Liberal Incorporationism and the Modern Punitive Education State…………………………………………………………………………344 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………380 !vi LIST OF TABLES 1. Political and Educational Program of Four Ideologies…..………………………….379 !vii LIST OF GRAPHS 1. Number of Black Teachers in Southern States..….…………………………………..333 2. Number of Teachers by Race in Southern States…………………………………….334 3. Percent of Black Teachers of Total Teacher Workforce………………….…………..335
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