Reconstruction and Its Impact Source Set Teaching Guide
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Garland's Million: the Radical Experiment To
October 14, 2019 To: ABF Legal History Seminar From: John Fabian Witt Re: October 23 seminar Thanks so much for looking at my drafts and coming to my session! I’m thrilled to have been invited to Chicago. I am attaching chapters 5 and 8 from my book-in-progress, tentatively titled Garland’s Million: The Radical Experiment to Save American Democracy. The book is the story of an organization known informally as the Garland Fund or formally as the American Fund for Public Service: a philanthropic foundation established in 1922 to give money to liberal and left causes. The Fund figures prominently in the history of civil rights lawyering because of its role setting in motion the early stages of the NAACP’s litigation campaign that led a quarter-century later to Brown v. Board of Education. I hope you will be able to get some sense of the project from the crucial chapters I’ve attached here. These chapters come from Part 2 of the book. Part 1 focuses on Roger Baldwin, the founder of the ACLU and the principal energy behind the Fund. Part 2 (including the chapters here) focuses on James Weldon Johnson, who ran the NAACP during the 1920s and was a board member of the Fund. Parts 3 and 4 turn respectively to Elizabeth Gurley Flynn (a labor radical on the board) and Felix Frankfurter, who in the 1920s served as a key outside consultant and counsel to the Fund. To set the stage, readers have learned in Part 1 about Baldwin as a disillusioned reformer, who advocated progressive programs like the initiative and referendum only to see direct democracy produce a wave of white supremacist initiatives. -
The Brute Caricature
The Brute Caricature MORE PICTURES The brute caricature portrays black men as innately savage, animalistic, destructive, and criminal -- deserving punishment, maybe death. This brute is a fiend, a sociopath, an anti-social menace. Black brutes are depicted as hideous, terrifying predators who target helpless victims, especially white women. Charles H. Smith (1893), writing in the 1890s, claimed, "A bad negro is the most horrible creature upon the earth, the most brutal and merciless"(p. 181). Clifton R. Breckinridge (1900), a contemporary of Smith's, said of the black race, "when it produces a brute, he is the worst and most insatiate brute that exists in human form" (p. 174). George T. Winston (1901), another "Negrophobic" writer, claimed: When a knock is heard at the door [a White woman] shudders with nameless horror. The black brute is lurking in the dark, a monstrous beast, crazed with lust. His ferocity is almost demoniacal. A mad bull or tiger could scarcely be more brutal. A whole community is frenzied with horror, with the blind and furious rage for vengeance.(pp. 108-109) During slavery the dominant caricatures of blacks -- Mammy, Coon, Tom, and picaninny -- portrayed them as childlike, ignorant, docile, groveling, and generally harmless. These portrayals were pragmatic and instrumental. Proponents of slavery created and promoted images of blacks that justified slavery and soothed white consciences. If slaves were childlike, for example, then a paternalistic institution where masters acted as quasi-parents to their slaves was humane, even morally right. More importantly, slaves were rarely depicted as brutes because that portrayal might have become a self-fulfilling prophecy. -
Social Workers and the Development of the NAACP Linda S
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarWorks at WMU The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 21 Article 11 Issue 1 March March 1994 Social Workers and the Development of the NAACP Linda S. Moore Texas Christian University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the African American Studies Commons, and the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Moore, Linda S. (1994) "Social Workers and the Development of the NAACP," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 21 : Iss. 1 , Article 11. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol21/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Social Work at ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Social Workers and the Development of the NAACP LINDA S. MOORE Texas Christian University Social Work Program This article addresses the relationship between African-American leaders and settlement house workers in the development of the NAACP. Using social movement theory and Hasenfeld and Tropman's conceptualframe- work for interorganizationalrelations, it analyzes the linkages developed between voluntary associationsand how they benefitted all involved. This linkage provides lessons for today's struggle for social justice. Introduction This paper discusses the origins of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) including the role played by settlement house workers in the development and ongoing leadership of that organization. Using social move- ment theory and Hasenfeld and Tropman's (1977) conceptual framework for interorganizational relations, it analyzes the way voluntary associations come together to create and maintain linkages which benefit all parties. -
1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey
1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey Final November 2005 National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Summary Statement 1 Bac.ground and Purpose 1 HISTORIC CONTEXT 5 National Persp4l<live 5 1'k"Y v. f~u,on' World War I: 1896-1917 5 World W~r I and Postw~r ( r.: 1!1t7' EarIV 1920,; 8 Tulsa RaCR Riot 14 IIa<kground 14 TI\oe R~~ Riot 18 AIt. rmath 29 Socilot Political, lind Economic Impa<tsJRamlt;catlon, 32 INVENTORY 39 Survey Arf!a 39 Historic Greenwood Area 39 Anla Oubi" of HiOlorK G_nwood 40 The Tulsa Race Riot Maps 43 Slirvey Area Historic Resources 43 HI STORIC GREENWOOD AREA RESOURCeS 7J EVALUATION Of NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE 91 Criteria for National Significance 91 Nalional Signifiunce EV;1lu;1tio.n 92 NMiol\ill Sionlflcao<e An.aIYS;s 92 Inl~ri ly E~alualion AnalY'is 95 {"",Iu,ion 98 Potenl l~1 M~na~menl Strategies for Resource Prote<tion 99 PREPARERS AND CONSULTANTS 103 BIBUOGRAPHY 105 APPENDIX A, Inventory of Elltant Cultural Resoun:es Associated with 1921 Tulsa Race Riot That Are Located Outside of Historic Greenwood Area 109 Maps 49 The African American S«tion. 1921 51 TI\oe Seed. of c..taotrophe 53 T.... Riot Erupt! SS ~I,.,t Blood 57 NiOhl Fiohlino 59 rM Inva.ion 01 iliad. TIll ... 61 TM fighl for Standp''''' Hill 63 W.II of fire 65 Arri~.. , of the Statl! Troop< 6 7 Fil'lal FiOlrtino ~nd M~,,;~I I.IIw 69 jii INTRODUCTION Summary Statement n~sed in its history. -
The Collective Struggle for the Negro Rights: 1915-1940
North Carolina Central Law Review Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 8 4-1-1970 The olC lective Struggle for the Negro Rights: 1915-1940 Randall Walton Bland Follow this and additional works at: https://archives.law.nccu.edu/ncclr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons Recommended Citation Bland, Randall Walton (1970) "The oC llective Struggle for the Negro Rights: 1915-1940," North Carolina Central Law Review: Vol. 2 : Iss. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://archives.law.nccu.edu/ncclr/vol2/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by History and Scholarship Digital Archives. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Central Law Review by an authorized editor of History and Scholarship Digital Archives. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bland: The Collective Struggle for the Negro Rights: 1915-1940 THE COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE FOR NEGRO RIGHTS: 1915-1940 RANDALL WALTON BLAND* Following the Civil War, the newly-freed slave in the United States became disoriented and frustrated in a social structure not of his own making. The Negro, especially in the South, found himself in an en- vironment during the Reconstruction period almost as hostile as slavery. The Ku Klux Klan employed terror and violence to keep him in the lowest level of society. Southern land owners manipulated Negro workers in a peonage system that was little better than slavery itself, while "mobs drove Negro voters from the polls, and the lynch rope kept the Negro men from being men."' Deep concern over human dignity, self-preserva- tion, civil rights and true meaningful freedom led the American Negro to seek collective action. -
The Negro and the Ownership of Property: an Examination of Naacp Strategy in the Restrictive Covenant Cases
THE NEGRO AND THE OWNERSHIP OF PROPERTY: AN EXAMINATION OF NAACP STRATEGY IN THE RESTRICTIVE COVENANT CASES THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of Southwest Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement For the Degree of Master of Arts BY Michael Robert Heintze, B.A. (Austin, Texas) San Marcos, Texas AugU,st, 1974 This work is dedicated to my parents; Albert and Bernice Heintze. Their countless sacrifices helped make this study a reality. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the course of completing this study, I have accumulated a multitide of intellectual debts. However, during the nine months since I began to study the history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Restriotive Covenant Cases, I have been guided and sustained by three individuals. First, I am deeply indebted to Dr. Everette Swinney. As the chair man of my thesis committee, Dr. Swinney's leadership, stimulation, and judgement have been a constant source of professional enrichment. without his thoughtful assis tance, this work would have been virtually impossible. I am also grateful for the clear, constructive advice of Dr. W. W. Anderson. I owe a partioular debt of gratitude to Dr. Randall W. Bland, who kindled my interest in con stitutional law and provided the impetus for this study. In addition, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Miss Jocelyn Koch for her patient and effi cient clerical assistance, which proved to be an in valuable asset throughout. Finally, to my wife, Cheryl, who has been frugal, kind, and a constant store of support, I want to say thank you for everything. -
The Crisis, Vol. 1, No. 2. (December, 1910)
THE CRISIS A RECORD OF THE DARKER RACES Volume One DECEMBER, 1910 Number Two Edited by W. E. BURGHARDT DU BOIS, with the co-operation of Oswald Garrison Villard, J. Max Barber, Charles Edward Russell, Kelly Miller, VV. S. Braithwaite and M. D. Maclean. CONTENTS Along the Color Line 5 Opinion . 11 Editorial ... 16 Cartoon .... 18 By JOHN HENRY ADAMS Editorial .... 20 The Real Race Prob lem 22 By Profeaor FRANZ BOAS The Burden ... 26 Talks About Women 28 By Mn. J. E. MILHOLLAND Letters 28 What to Read . 30 PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE National Association for the Advancement of Colored People AT TWENTY VESEY STREET NEW YORK CITY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR TEN CENTS A COPY THE CRISIS ADVERTISER ONE OF THE SUREST WAYS TO SUCCEED IN LIFE IS TO TAKE A COURSE AT The Touissant Conservatory of Art and Music 253 West 134th Street NEW YORK CITY The most up-to-date and thoroughly equipped conservatory in the city. Conducted under the supervision of MME. E. TOUISSANT WELCOME The Foremost Female Artist of the Race Courses in Art Drawing, Pen and Ink Sketching, Crayon, Pastel, Water Color, Oil Painting, Designing, Cartooning, Fashion Designing, Sign Painting, Portrait Painting and Photo Enlarging in Crayon, Water Color, Pastel and Oil. Artistic Painting of Parasols, Fans, Book Marks, Pin Cushions, Lamp Shades, Curtains, Screens, Piano and Mantel Covers, Sofa Pillows, etc. Music Piano, Violin, Mandolin, Voice Culture and all Brass and Reed Instruments. TERMS REASONABLE THE CRISIS ADVERTISER THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION for the ADVANCEMENT of COLORED PEOPLE OBJECT.—The National Association COMMITTEE.—Our work is car for the Advancement of Colored People ried on under the auspices of the follow is an organization composed of men and ing General Committee, in addition to the women of all races and classes who be officers named: lieve that the present widespread increase of prejudice against colored races and •Miss Gertrude Barnum, New York. -
Dayton Unit NAACP 2010 Annual Report
Dayton Unit NAACP 2010 Annual Report Derrick L. Foward, M.C.E. 21st President 1528 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Way Dayton, Ohio 45402 “One Decision, A Unified Vision… One Nation, One Dream” The Founding of the NAACP On February 12, 1909 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was founded by a multiracial group of activists, who answered "The Call," in New York City, NY. They initially called themselves the National Negro Committee. FOUNDERS Ida Wells-Barnett, W.E.B. DuBois, Henry Moscowitz, Mary White Ovington, Oswald Garrison Villiard, William English Walling led the "Call" to renew the struggle for civil and political liberty. NAACP Vision Statement The vision of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is to ensure a society in which all individuals have equal rights and there is no racial hatred or racial discrimination. NAACP Mission Statement The mission of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is to ensure the political, educational, social, and economic equality of rights of all persons and to eliminate racial hatred and racial discrimination. The Founding of the Dayton Unit NAACP In 1914, from the 5th Annual Report of the NAACP: Prospective branches, most of the following are to be chartered in the near future: Albuquerque, NM Columbus, OH New Orleans, LA St. Joseph, MO Atlantic City, NJ Dayton, OH Peoria, IL Toledo, OH Baltimore, MD Des Moines, IA Springfield, IL Cincinnati, OH Jacksonville, IL Springfield, OH The Dayton Chapter of the NAACP was established on February 9, 1915 at Zion Baptist Church. -
Great Migration Teaching Guide
TEACHING WITH PRIMARY SOURCES Great Migration What inspired African Americans to leave their homes during the Great Migration? Historians often explain migration as some combination of “push-pull” factors. Oppressive conditions at home like poverty, government persecution, military conscription, high taxes, systemic racism or lack of opportunity might be sufficient to persuade people to seek better conditions elsewhere. Likewise, economic opportunity, religious and political freedom, family ties or a desire for adventure could induce some to pack their bags for a new location. End of Reconstruction, Rise of the Ku Klux Klan African Americans in the 50 years after the Civil War responded to both push and pull factors. At the end of Reconstruction and federal oversight of southern states, white majorities resumed control of the government and enacted laws severely discriminating against African Americans. They were denied the right to vote or to serve on juries. Extra-legal, racially-motivated organizations like the Ku Klux Klan terrorized African Americans with threats and incidents of lynchings and other forms of violence. Schools and public accommodations were strictly segregated, and any African American who protested or failed to obey the restrictions ran the risk of retribution, legal or otherwise. The U.S. Supreme Court in Plessy v. Ferguson upheld the principle of “separate but equal” facilities, but the African-American institutions were never “equal.” African-American schools were in poor facilities with inadequate textbooks with poorly paid and prepared teachers. The Great Migration At the turn of the 20th Century, southern African Americans began moving North in larger numbers seeking a better living (pull) and leaving southern segregation (push). -
December 8, 2016 President Daniel F. Mahony Winthrop University
December 8, 2016 President Daniel F. Mahony Winthrop University Office of the President 114 Tillman Hall Rock Hill, South Carolina 29733 URGENT Sent via U.S. Mail and Electronic Mail ([email protected]) Dear President Mahony: The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending liberty, freedom of speech, due process, academic freedom, legal equality, and freedom of conscience on America’s college campuses. The National Coalition Against Censorship (NCAC), founded in 1974, is an alliance of over 50 national nonprofit organizations, including literary, artistic, religious, educational, professional, labor, and civil liberties groups dedicated to promoting the right to free speech. FIRE and NCAC are concerned for the state of freedom of expression at Winthrop University due to the spurious charges and threats of expulsion or suspension levied against student Samantha Valdez over her alleged involvement in an art installation criticizing Winthrop’s naming of Tillman Hall. The following is our understanding of the facts; please inform us if you believe we are in error. On the night of November 12 or the morning of November 13, 2016, figures—made of nylon stockings stuffed with dirt, spray-painted black, and shaped like bodies—were placed in the trees outside Winthrop’s Tillman Hall, and a piece of paper that said “Tillman’s Legacy” was taped over the sign outside the hall.1 Tillman Hall has, for months, been at the center of 1 For a photograph of the installation, see Caroline Fountain (@FountainFox46) TWITTER (Nov. 14, 2016 1:23 PM), https://twitter.com/FountainFox46/status/798229762246406144?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw. -
The Political Rise and Fall of the Farmer in the Gilded Age
AP U.S. History: Unit 6.4 Teacher’s Edition The Political Rise and Fall of the Farmer in the Gilded Age Themes of the Gilded Age: Industrialism: U.S. became the world’s most powerful economy by 1890s (exceeding combined output of Britain and Germany; railroads, steel, oil, electricity, banking Unions and reform movements sought to curb the injustices of industrialism. Urbanization: America was transformed from an agrarian nation to an urban nation between 1865 (where 50% of Americans were farmers) and 1920 (where only 25% were farmers). (2% today) Millions of "New Immigrants" came from Southern and Eastern Europe, mostly to cities to work in factories. By 1900 society had become more stratified into classes than any time before or since. The “Great West": farming, mining, & cattle frontiers Farmers increasingly lost ground in the new industrial economy and eventually organized (Populism). In 1880, 25% of those who farmed did not own their land. 90% of African Americans lived in the South; 75% were tenant farmers or sharecroppers. Politics: hard vs. soft money ('70s & '90s); tariff ('80s); corruption due to political machines, patronage & trusts (throughout late 19th c.); election of 1896 ©2014 HistorySage.com All Rights Reserved This material may not be posted on any website other than HistorySage.com HistorySage.com APUSH Lecture Notes Page 2 Unit 6.4: Political Rise and Fall of the Farmer I. The Money Issue and Tariffs A. The Panic of 1873 and subsequent depression resulted in deflation during the presidency of Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877). 1. Western mining states and farmers sought the introduction of silver to the nation’s monetary standard in order to create inflation. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy.