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PRO TURPITUDINE VITAE: THE EXPULSION OF NUNS IN THE

DIOCESES OF PARIS AND LAON, 1100-1150.

CATHERINE ELISE SCHULZE

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN CONFORMITY WITH THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

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Title: Pro Turpitudine Vitae: The Expulsion of Nuns in the Dioceses of Paris and Laon, 1100-1150. Submitted by: Catherine Elise Schulze Degree: Doctor of Philosophy, 2008. Department: Medieval Studies, University of Toronto

In 1107, the nuns of Saint-Eloi were charged with immorality and expelled from their monastery by Bishop Galo of Paris. A similar accusation was made in 1128 at the monastery of Saint-Jean in the diocese of Laon, and again in 1129 at Argenteuil in the diocese of Paris. Scholars have frequently linked these reforms, suggesting one as a precedent for another, but have rarely examined them in greater depth. Yet these are not the only historical examples of reform through expulsion during the twelfth century, simply the most famous. Therefore the purpose of this dissertation is to increase our understanding of the use of expulsion as a method of reform through an in-depth study of the historical, social, and political context of the reforms at Saint-Eloi, Saint-Jean, and Argenteuil.

Through a careful analysis of royal, papal, and episcopal charters directly related to the expulsion, as well as a wider examination of each bishop's reforming activities within his diocese, we learn that the three key issues in these reforms were reputation, corrigibility, and jurisdiction. Each of our monastic communities had gained a negative reputation in the years preceding their expulsion, although this sinistra fama was not exclusively a matter of sexual misconduct. Furthermore, in two of our three cases the bishop responsible for the expulsion carefully asserted that numerous attempts had been made to correct the nuns, thus the expelled community is labeled as incorrigible. Finally, there is the matter of episcopal and proprietary jurisdiction. These monasteries were not truly independent. Rather, they were subject to the episcopal jurisdiction of their bishop, and in two of these cases, as royal monasteries, they were subject to the proprietary jurisdiction of the king. Therefore in these expulsions we see collaboration between the

li bishop, who held episcopal jurisdiction over these communities, and the king, the holder of proprietary jurisdiction, in the reform of communities of nuns during the first half of the twelfth century.

m Acknowledgements

This dissertation would never have been written without the support, love and encouragement of numerous people. I would like to thank my dissertation committee, Co-

Supervisor Dr. Joseph Goering, Co-Supervisor Dr. Isabelle Cochelin, and Dr. Brian Stock, for their unfailing support, encouragement and advice as well as my External Appraiser,

Dr. Bruce Venarde. I would also like to thank my parents, Russ and Mary Margaret

Schulze, my grandparents, Russ and Lois Schulze, my brother Russell Schulze III, and all the rest of my family for their love and encouragement. I could never have come as far as

I have without them. I would like to thank my friends, Sarah Downey, Lindsay Irvin,

Shana Worthen, Connell Monette, Elizabeth Parker Pang, Jaime Pool-Soria and many others for lending a sympathetic ear when I needed one. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, Daniel Thiery, for his love, advice, encouragement, support, patience and so much more. Thank you all for helping me aspire to and finally attain this special goal.

IV Table of Contents

Abbreviations vi

Introduction 1

Chapter One: The Context of Reform 5

Chapter Two: Saint-Eloi 63

Chapter Three: Argenteuil 96

Chapter Four:

Saint-Jean 153

Conclusions 208

Bibliography 216

v Abbreviations

Brasington and Brett [Ivo of Chartres]. Panormia, edited by Bruce Brasington and Martin Brett. The ORB: On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies Text Library, http://www.the-orb.net/libindex.html.

DHGE Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Geographic Ecclesiastiques. Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1912-.

GC Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa. 16 volumes. Paris, 1744-1877.

James [Bernard of Clairvaux], The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux, Bruno Scott James, trans. London: Burns Oates, 1953. Re-edition Stroud: Sutton, 1998.

Leclercq and Rochais [Bernard of Clairvaux], Lettres II (Lettres 42-91), J. Leclercq and H. Rochais, eds. Sources Chretiennes n° 458. Paris: Les Editions duCerf,2001.

MGH SS Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores. Hanover, 1826-.

MGH SS rer. Germ. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germaniae

PL Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, edited by J.-P. Migne. 221 volumes. Paris, 1844-64.

Radice [Abelard and Heloise]. The Letters ofAbelard and Heloise, translated by Betty Radice. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974, 1979. Revised edition M.T. Clanchy, ed. London: Penguin, 2003.

RHGF Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, edited by Martin Bouquet, et al. 24 volumes. Paris, 1869-1904.

VI Introduction

On August 7,1248 Archbishop Odo of Rouen visited the Cistercian monastery St.

Mary Magdalena of Bival.1 He found a number of the nuns defamed of incontinence and required the abbess to surrender the government of the monastery into his hands, giving the nuns permission to elect another abbess.2 Two years later, on August 28,1251, he visited the monastery again. This time he found that the nuns occasionally left the cloister without permission, lay folk were admitted into the cloister, and silence was not well

•J observed. In subsequent visits he found that the nuns continued to leave the cloister without permission, they were bringing up ten young boys,4 they ate with seculars,5 and a few of the nuns had recently had children.6

Bival hardly seems an example of a model nunnery, but in comparison with other thirteenth century female monasteries in the Archdiocese of Rouen it is not entirely atypical. Although conditions at Bival gradually improved, it was a process that took years. On his visitation in 1261, Archbishop Odo found the monastery to be in a satisfactory state for the first time since his initial visitation in 1248.8 Odo rarely used forceful measures to improve the monastic discipline at Bival and at other monasteries in 1 Eudes Rigaud, The Register ofEudes of Rouen, ed. Jeremiah F. O'Sullivan, trans. Sydney M. Brown (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964). Studies of Archbishop Eudes' register include C.R. Cheney, The Episcopal Visitation of Monasteries in the Thirteenth Century 2nd edition (Manchester, Eng.: Manchester University Press, 1983); Phyllis E. Pobst, "Visitation of Religious and Clergy by Archbishop Eudes of Rouen" in Religion, Text and Society in medieval Spain and northern Europe: essays in honor of J.N. Hillgarth ed. Thomas E. Burman, Mark D. Meyerson, and Leah Shopkow (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2002) 223-249; and Adam J. Davis, The Holy Bureaucrat: Eudes of Rigaud and Religious Reform in Thirteenth Century Normandy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006). 2 Eudes Rigaud, The Register ofEudes of Rouen 6. 3 Ibid. 131. 4 Ibid. 165. 5 Ibid. 226. 6 Ibid. 227,300. 7 Ibid. 82-83, 93, 182, 212, 225-6, 237, etc. 8 Ibid. 462.

1 similar conditions. The most strenuous measure that he took was the removal of the abbess, who despite losing her position was still granted an annual pension.9 More commonly, he would issue an injunction to the nuns against their faulty behavior, expecting the abbess to enforce it through monastic obedience.

Visitation records such as Odo's are an important and detailed source for the study of thirteenth-century monastic discipline. Unfortunately for the scholar of twelfth- century monasteries such records do not exist. Therefore it is necessary to draw from a wide variety of sources including charters, chronicles and letter collections to determine what methods were used in the reform of religious houses. One seemingly extreme, and correspondingly rare, strategy used by bishops to reform twelfth-century monasteries was the expulsion of an existing community and its replacement by a different, reformed community. Most examples of this sort of discipline or reform occur in houses of nuns and canons, although monks also are occasionally treated in a similar fashion.10 One reason given for these expulsions, if reason is given, is "pro turpitudine vitae" - because of the infamy of their life.

9 Ibid. 702. 10 Besides the three monasteries discussed in this dissertation see the reforms of St. Corneille at Compiegne (1150) and Saint-Genevieve (1148) in which canons were exhanged for monks, discussed by Lindy Grant in Abbot Suger ofSt-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France (New York: Longman, 1998) 193; Stephen D. White mentions the replacement of canons by monks at St. Vincent of Le Mans (1034) in Custom, Kinship, and Gifts to Saints: the Laudatio Parentum in Western France, 1050-1150 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988) 20-21; Thomas Head mentions the replacement of monks by regular canons in the church of Meung-sur-Loire (1068) and the exchange of secular canons for Victorine canons at Saint-Euverte of Orleans (1145) in Hagiography and the Cult of Saints: The Diocese of Orleans, 800-1200 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 62, 95; Giles Constable briefly mentions the case of Ligueux in which monks were replaced by nuns (1115) in The Reformation of the Twelfth-Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) 65. Jane Tibbetts Schulenburg further makes reference to the tenth-century expulsion of nuns from Homblieres, the replacement of nuns by monks at Marchiennes in the first quarter of the eleventh century and the case of Berkeley Abbey during the reign of Edward the Confessor (1042-1066) in "Women's Monastic Communities, 500-1100: Patterns of Expansion and Decline" Signs 14:2 (1989) 261-292; 283.

2 It would be easy to take these claims at face value, but the apparent decline of the practice of expulsion in the third quarter of the twelfth century and the presence of monastic houses such as Bival in the thirteenth century give rise to a multitude of questions regarding the expulsion of nuns in latter years of the eleventh and first half of the twelfth century. ' What change in attitudes towards monastic discipline and reform occurred that caused what seems a fairly common practice in the eleventh century and an accepted practice in the twelfth century to seemingly disappear? What exactly is meant by "pro turpitudine vitae"? From a modern perspective, the nuns of Bival certainly seemed to live in a rather unholy fashion, and they often appeared to ignore the injunctions of their archbishop aimed at correcting their behavior. What was considered to be so infamous in the early twelfth century that it either was not worth correction or could not be corrected, so that the perpetrators had to be forcefully displaced? Did the definition of infamy change or was it that the response of bishops to infamy changed?

Unfortunately many of these questions are difficult, if not impossible, to answer at this time; further study of expulsion as a method of reform is needed before these questions can be properly addressed. Thus the aim of this dissertation is to clarify the use of expulsion as a method of reform during the first half of the twelfth century. In order to determine the place of expulsion in the hierarchy of reform, I will consider the use of expulsion as a method of reform by bishops in three specific cases and attempt to determine the procedure, if any, followed by these reformers in the event of an expulsion.

I will focus in particular on the expulsion of nuns from the following religious houses:

Saint-Eloi in Paris, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean of Laon. Yet before we approach this

The examples of expulsion that I have found generally take place in the tenth, eleventh or early twelfth century. More research needs to be done to determine how often expulsion was used in the thirteenth century.

3 subject, it is necessary to understand explusion as a method of reform and its place in the social, political and religious order of the twelfth century. With this in mind, Chapter One will consider the historiography of reform and the religious movements of the twelfth century, as well as the wider political and ecclesiastical concerns of the period. From there I will move to specific case studies. Chapter Two will examine Bishop Galo of

Paris' reform of St.-Eloi in 1108; Chapter Three, the reform of Argenteuil in 1129; and

Chapter Four, the reform of St.-Jean of Laon in 1128. Wherever possible, I will consider the motives of the reformers and seek to compare these reforms with similar incidents in nearby dioceses: particularly reforms at Faremoutiers in the diocese of Meaux, Chelles in the diocese of Paris, Bucilly in the diocese of Laon, and Lobbes in the archdiocese of

Reims.

Through an in-depth analysis of these reforms and of the other activities of the reformers involved, I intend to highlight the importance of proprietary and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the reform of female religious houses, particularly those whose roots lie in

or before the Carolingian period. Further, although the impetus for reform could come

from a variety of people, in the end, the final choice of expulsion as a method of reform

lay solely in the hands of the diocesan bishop. The advocate or patron of a religious house might suggest expulsion and an ecclesiastical or royal council might provide

advice and support, but the final implementation of reform belonged to the bishop alone.

The use of expulsion was not arbitrary; it required the bishop's approval, the support of

other leading religious and secular men, and a certain uniformity of procedure in addition to the accusation of immorality. Chapter One

The Context of Reform

For over forty years Gerhart B. Ladner's The Idea of Reform1 has been referred to as "the definitive study of reform ideas." By examining the very foundations of the

Christian idea of reform, Ladner provides a firm foundation on which further discussions of reform in the Middle Ages invariably rest. Philip H. Stump, in investigating the impact of Ladner's work, has asserted that it has influenced studies of medieval reform in three ways: it challenges us to look for the underlying ideas and principles which characterize specific appeals for reform, it teaches us to consider the terms and images of reform in their textual and historical contexts, and finally, it shows us that often what seem to be new patterns of reform ideology are directly related to patristic reform ideas.3

In The Idea of Reform Ladner traces the concept of reform from its pagan origins in cosmological ideas of renewal - the perpetual cyclical recurrence of identical or similar situations and events - and vitalistic renewal ideas - notions of spontaneous rebirth5- to its Christian adoption and redefinition during the Patristic period up to the era of

Augustine. Ladner defines the idea of reform as "the idea of free, intentional and ever perfectible, multiple, prolonged and ever repeated efforts by man to reassert and augment values pre-existent in the spiritual-material compound of the world."6 In essence, reform

Gerhart B. Ladner. The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959; rev. ed. New York, 1967). 2 Phillip H. Stump, "The Influence of Gerhart Ladner's The Idea of Reform" in Reform and Renewal in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Studies in Honor of Louis Pascoe, ed. Thomas M. Izbicki and Christopher M. Bellito (Boston, MA: Brill, 2000) 3. 3 Stump 15-16. 4 Ladner, The Idea of Reform 10. 5 Ibid. 26. 6Ibid. 35.

5 is a continually evolving process, marked by individual intent, that affirms and advances the ideals of the past in the new context of the present.

This notion of reform is inherent in Christian doctrine and differs significantly from pagan and Jewish notions of rebirth ideology because it focuses on the individual

Christian. Ladner states:

The Pauline reformation of man to the image of God then consists in the true knowledge of the image of God, Christ, such knowledge to include the practice of Christian virtues, the whole life according to Christ. This reform leads to a complete renovation of the inner man which amounts to a new creation of man.

Reform is presented as a continuous, individual process in the ideology of the early

Christian Fathers and due to the individual nature of Christian ideas of reform, Ladner argues that during the patristic period monasticism came to be viewed as the principle means of realizing the idea of reform.9

The temporal framework of Gerhart Ladner's The Idea of Reform is limited to the patristic period, but Ladner extended his study of reform ideas into the Middle Ages in a number of articles published over the course of his career, particularly in his studies on

Pope Gregory VII. His 1964 article entitled "Reformatio"10 considered two aspects of the impact of the early Christian idea of reform in the later Middle Ages: the Hildebrandian reform of the late eleventh century and the Franciscan movement of the early thirteenth.11

He discussed the growth of an overall movement of Church reform in the time of

Gregory VII out of the personal, individual emphasis on reform of the early Middle Ages

7 Ibid. 51. 8 Ibid. 59. 9 Ibid. 315. 10 Gerhart B. Ladner, "Reformatio," in Ecumenical Dialogue at Harvard: The Roman Catholic-Protestant Colloquium (Cambridge, Mass. 1964) 172-190 reprinted in Gerhart B. Ladner, Images and Ideas in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies in History and Art, vol. 2 Sacerdotium and regnum (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1983) 519-531. 11 Ibid. 519.

6 and how that Church reform set the stage for a renewed emphasis on individual reform in the person of Francis of Assisi: "St. Francis' Reformatio was indeed eminently personal and in a sense the Franciscan movement was a return to the personal conception of reform which had dominated the patristic and early medieval periods."12

Ladner continued his study of Gregory VIFs reform ideology in a comparison of his reform ideas with those of Gregory the Great.13 Through an early use of computers for lexical analysis, Ladner demonstrated that whereas Gregory the Great used reform terminology to refer to the "reform of individuals in the Church rather than of reform of the Church as a whole," Gregory VII extended those ideas of individual reform, which dated back to the patristic period, to apply to the entire Church.14

In his later studies Ladner demonstrated the universality of the basic reform ideas developed by the Fathers of the Church and the varying ways in which they were interpreted and applied by reformers. Many scholars have used Ladner's ideas as a starting point, but one of the difficulties in the study of reform is the sheer number of reform movements in the Church over the course of the Middle Ages. The ecclesiastical reform movement of the eleventh century and the concurrent reform of canonical life;15

12 Ibid. 531. 13 Ladner, Gerhart B. "Gregory the Great and Gregory VII: A Comparison of their Concepts of Renewal," in Viator 4(1973) 1-27 reprinted in Gerhart B. Ladner, Images and Ideas in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies in History and Art, vol. 2 Sacerdotium and regnum (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1983) 629-664. 14 Ladner, "Gregory the Great and Gregory VII," 640, 659. The papal reform movement of the eleventh century has undergone something of an identity crisis in modern scholarship. It has been referred to as "The Gregorian Reform" and the "Investiture Contest" or "Controversy" as well as the more general "Papal Reform." Yet die struggle over the lay investiture of churches was part of a wider programme of reform which included the denunciation of simonical practices among the clergy, clerical chastity, and the freedom of the Church from secular authority. Although it was primarily concerned with correcting the vices of the clergy, the papal reform movement contributed to the roughly contemporaneous reform in its generation of communities of regular canons, who lived according to the rule of St. Augustine and by the twelfth century, were in many respects indistinguishable from monks. For a discussion of the differences between monks and canons see Christopher Brooke, "Monk and Canon: some patterns in the religious life of the twelfth century" in Monks, Hermits and the Ascetic

1 the ninth-century Carolingian monastic reforms in present day France and Germany, the tenth-century local monastic reforms, the late eleventh- and early twelfth-century heremetical movements which gave birth to new monastic and canonical orders; the thirteenth-century rise of the mendicant orders; and the late twelfth- early thirteenth- century reform of parish clergy; all of these movements, while displaying attributes of the basic reform ideas delineated by Ladner, interpreted and applied these fundamental ideas of reform in extraordinarily diverse ways.

In a 1982 article, "Renewal and Reform in Religious Life: Concepts and

Realities," Giles Constable followed Gerhart B. Ladner's lead, applying Ladner's methods to the twelfth century through an examination of the language and imagery used in twelfth-century monastic reform with particular concentration on the idea of the

1 n primitive Church, the apostolic life, and the desert fathers. Citing Ladner's conclusion that ideas of reform shifted from personal to institutional reform in the eleventh century,

Tradition: Papers Read at the 1984 Summer Meeting and the 1985 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. WJ. Sheils. Studies in Church History 22 (Oxford: Published for the Ecclesiastical History Society by Blackwell, 1985) 109-129 and Caroline Walker Bynum, Docere verbo et exemplo: an aspect of twelfth-century spirituality, Harvard Theological Studies 31 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1979). For an overview of eleventh-century papal reform see Kathleen G. Cushing's recent work, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: Spirituality and Social Change, Manchester Medieval Series (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005). 16 The primary concern of the Carolingian monastic reform was to bring all monasteries in conformity with the Benedictine rule. See Mayke de Jong, "Charlemagne's Church" in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. J. Story (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005) 103-135. For the tenth-century reforms of Sts. Aethelwold, Dunstan, and Oswald see H.R. Loyn, The English Church, 940-1154, The Medieval World (New York: Pearson Education, 2000); Nicholas Brooks and Catherine Cubitt, eds. St. Oswald of Worchester: Life and Influence (New York: Leicester University Press, 1996); Nigel Ramsay, Margaret Sparks, and Tim Tatton-Brown, eds. St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult (Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 1992); and BarbaraYorke, ed. Bishop AZthelwold: His Career and Influence (Woodbridge, Eng.: Boydell Press, 1988). For the Lotharingian reform see John Nightingale, Monasteries and Patrons in the Gorze Reform: Lotharingia c. 850-1000 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001). For the heremetical monastic movement of the eleventh and twelfth centuries see Phyllis G. Jestice, Wayward monks and the religious revolution of the eleventh century (New York: E.J. Brill, 1997), who argues that "the driving force behind monastic reform was the issue of the monk's active involvement in the world" (1). Also see Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century. 17 Giles Constable. "Renewal and Reform in Religious Life: Concepts and Realities," in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century. Eds. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable. (1982; repr. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) 37-67.

8 he argues that there was a further shift in reform ideas during the course of the twelfth

1 & century from a backward-looking to a forward-looking ideology of reform. He concluded that what "started as an effort to recreate conditions that had existed in the distant- and often mythical-past came increasingly to be based on principles of nature and reason and to accept forms of religious life that had never existed in the past and could be justified only as part of God's emerging plan for the present and future."19

In the above-mentioned article Constable focused primarily on notions of renewal present in the works of adherents to the new orders of the twelfth century, particularly the

Cistercians, but does not address the question of the origins of the twelfth-century reform movement or its nature; problems which he addresses in his 1996 book, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century. His approach to these problems differs from that of earlier scholars. Beginning with Germain Morin's 1928 article, "Rainaud Termite et Ives de

Chartres. Un episode de la crise du cenobitisme au Xle - Xlle siecle" the reforms of the eleventh and twelfth centuries have often been attributed to a "crisis of monasticism" marked by a decline in Benedictine monasticism in the late eleventh century and a responding search for new forms of religious life.21 Constable, in rejecting the term

'crisis,' agrees with John Van Engen's assertion in his article, "The 'Crisis of

Cenobitism' Reconsidered: Benedictine Monasticism in the Years 1050-1150," that traditional Benedictine monasticism did not fail, but continued to flourish side by side 18 Ibid. 39. 19 Ibid. 65. 20 See note 10 above. 21Germain Morin. "Rainald Termite et Ives de Chartres. Un episode de la crise du cenobitisme au Xle — Xlle siecle." Revue Benedictine 40 (1928) 99-115. See also Charles Dereine. "Odo de Tournai et la crise du cenobitisme au Xle siecle." Revue du moyen age latin 4 (1948) 137-154; Jean Leclercq. "La crise du monachisme aux Xle et Xlle siecles." Bullettino dell'Instituto storico italianoper il medio evo 70 (1958) 19-41, translated as "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries" in Noreen Hunt, ed. Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages (London: Macmillan Press, 1971) 217-37; and Norman F. Cantor. "The Crisis of Western Monasticism, 1050-1130." American Historical Review 66 (1960) 47-67.

9 with the new orders throughout the twelfth century. Constable suggests that it was a

'schism' rather than a 'crisis;' his use of the term 'reformation' is meant to convey a contemporaneous twelfth-century sense of change.

Van Engen argues for a re-examination of our use of the term 'crisis' to describe the context from which the new monastic orders of the late eleventh century emerged. He criticizes the use of 'crisis' because it is often the result of "a literal reading of the

Benedictines' critics," and observes that attacks on the Benedictines were not as numerous as modern secondary literature implies; nor can such propagandist literature be read without considering its author's purpose. Van Engen proposes to examine this

'crisis of cenobitism' from the point of view of the Benedictine monk. He looks at the state of Benedictine monasticism on the basis of its recruitment, revenue, personnel and leadership between the years 1050-1150 and argues that not only did the Benedictines grow in number, rather than decline, but that their building projects and artistic

9S achievements attest to their continuing material prosperity. In terms of personnel and

Church leadership he draws up an impressive list of notable Benedictines and argues for their prominence as royal advisors and active participants in Church reform.26

Van Engen emphasizes the differences between the traditional Benedictine religious outlook, an outlook that linked material and spiritual prosperity, and that of the

'reforming' orders, most notably the Cistercians, and likens their emergence to a revolution or reformation.27 He argues against explaining the emergence of new religious

22 Constable. The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 2; John Van Engen. "The 'Crisis of Cenobitism' Reconsidered: Benedictine Monasticism in the Years 1050-1150." Speculum 61 (1986) 269-304. 23 Constable. The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 2-3. 24 Van Engen 273. 25 Ibid. 276-281. 26 Ibid., 281-284. 27 Ibid., 291, 303-304.

10 orders as a reaction to Benedictine 'decadence' but instead as a new vision of religious life believed by its proponents to be closer to that of the Gospel. Thus the Benedictine

'decadence' against which the Cistercians and other emerging groups reacted according to the 'crisis' theory of monasticism was in Van Engen's view, an entirely separate expression of spirituality which was rooted in the struggles faced by monastic houses in the ninth and tenth centuries. Van Engen's conclusions are of particular interest to this

study because of his emphasis that the religious outlook of the Cistercians and other orders reflected a 'new' ideal for the religious life which was very different from the traditional Benedictine interpretation of monastic life.

Van Engen's argument has tempered the idea of a 'crisis of cenobitism,' but the debate continues with new nuances being applied to his theory. In a 1988 article I.M.

Resnick responded to Van Engen with the counter-argument that even if there was no wholesale rejection of Benedictine monasticism, there was still a 'crisis of perception' in which the value of the Benedictine life was perceived as diminished.29 Further, he asserts that the growth of Benedictine monasticism in the twelfth century was due "to the positive influence of reform and the example of new religious, especially eremitic,

foundations." These days the idea of a 'crisis of cenobitism' is often considered to set

up a false dichotomy; one regional study, Maureen C. Miller's The Formation of a

Ibid., 285-290. Van Engen is not the first to argue against the 'decline' of monasticism in the eleventh century. In The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, Louis Lekai notes that monastic renewal in the eleventh century was inextricably tied to the Gregorian Reform, which he argues was more of a revolution, and that "Those who try to justify any significant monastic reform by piling up incidents of abuses and misdeeds are banging on the wrong door. Unfortunately, human failings have always been in evidence even in the most perfect monasteries, but the eleventh century showed no conspicuous signs of monastic 'decline'." (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977) 3. 29 I.M. Resnick, "Odo of Tournai and Peter Damian: Poverty and Crisis in the Eleventh Century," in Revue Benedictine 98 (1988) 114-140; 117-118. 30 Ibid. 118.

11 Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950-1150, argues against any crisis of monasticism in that place and time.

The theory of a 'crisis' in monasticism arose in an attempt to explain the emergence of new religious groups in the second half of the eleventh century. A related explanation for the new religious currents of the twelfth century can be found in notions of the 'primitive Church' and the 'apostolic life.' These are perhaps best expressed in M.-

D. Chenu's 1954 article, "Moines, clercs, laics au carrefour de la vie evangelique (Xlle siecle)."33 Chenu looks at the metamorphosis which the medieval understanding of

'apostolic life' underwent over the course of the twelfth century. In the early years of the twelfth century the vita apostolica was considered, at least by monks, to be synonymous with communal monastic life, whereas by the end of the twelfth century, the 'apostolic life' was associated more with poverty and preaching.34

The search for the 'apostolic life,' a return to the 'primitive' Church and the example of the desert fathers are models which present-day historians associate with the new orders of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is these new orders, associated with

31 Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950-1150 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993) 68-79. See also Bruce C. Brasington's review of Beate Schilling's Guido von Vienne - Papst Calixt II in Speculum 76 (2001) 1101. 32 See Leclercq, "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries" 228-229. 33 M.-D. Chenu, "Moines, clercs, laics au carrefour de la vie evangelique (Xlle siecle)" in Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 69 (1954) 59-89. This article was included in his 1957 collection, La theologie au douzieme siecle. Etudes de philosophic medievale 45 (Paris: J.Vrin, 1957) and subsequently included in Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little's English translation, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century: Essays on new theological perspectives in the Latin West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968) 202-238. See also Glenn Olsen, "The idea of the 'ecclesia primitiva' in the writings of the twelfth century canonists" in Traditio 25 (1969) 61-86. 34Chenu, Nature, Man and Society 205,213-217. 35 Giles Constable. "Renewal and Reform in Religious Life: Concepts and Realities," in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century. Eds. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable. (1982; repr. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) 37-67. This is also the heyday for the monastic bishop. Constance B. Bouchard noted in the conclusion to her article "The Geographical, Social and Ecclesiastical Origins of the Bishops of Auxerre and Sens in the Central Middle Ages" in Church History 76 (1977) that "The rise and the subsequent decrease in the number of monastic bishops (who were never in the majority) are contemporary with, respectively, the rapid spread of houses and orders dedicated to the 'apostolic life' of

12 the monastic houses of Citeaux, Fontevraud, Grandmont, and Premontre among others, that are most commonly linked with the notion of monastic reform in the twelfth century.

It is also the founders of these religious houses who are often considered the reformers of the twelfth century. In The Reformation of the Twelfth Century, Giles Constable chooses just this to focus on. He explains that his use of the word 'reformer':

is used here primarily for institutional reformers: the founders or members of new communities who sought a different type of life from that in the old houses, whether they looked back to an established model from which the existing monasteries had departed or whether they looked toward a new ideal, like the military orders or, in many respects, the regular canons.

Constable's definition of 'reformer' provides a summary of the overall thematic direction of The Reformation of the Twelfth Century. It is primarily, although not exclusively, concerned with the attitudes and ideas of the founders and members of the newer orders of the twelfth century.

In his chapter, "The Circumstances and Types of Reform," Constable considers

"how the reformers went about their task, the problems they encountered, and the variations between different regions, orders, and individual houses, which were affected

IT by the reform movement in different ways." Here he discusses who could enter religious life, the social origins of the reformers and members of reformed houses, the question of stability in monastic life,4 the foundation of new houses, l and the needs of

poverty and withdrawal, and the increasing wealth of the new orders at a time when movements based on 'apostolic' poverty were viewed with increasing skepticism by the organized church." (294). 36 Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 13-14. 37 Ibid. 88. 38 Ibid. 94-95. 39 Ibid. 96-100. 40 Ibid. 102. 41 Ibid. 107.

13 new communities. This is also where Constable places his consideration of the difficulties involved in the reform of existing houses:

The opponents of reform were not necessarily bad men... but they were set in their ways and opposed to change in principle as well as in practice... When they were faced with the reality of having to change their way of life, they resisted both passively and actively.43

He notes that monks in older houses sometimes welcomed reform, that occasionally a threatened reform could be averted, and that often the gradual introduction of reform was an acceptable compromise in a difficult situation. Citing examples from the reforms of the canons of Vic, Compiegne, and Saint-Genevieve, he also mentions "some or all of the previous members of a reformed house might have to be expelled."45

Despite his focus on the 'new' orders, Constable notes that contemporary observers did not clearly distinguish between old and new reformers: "That Robert of

Torigny saw the entire movement of reform as inspired and directed from strict old black monasteries shows that there was no single locus or type of reform and no simple distinction between 'old' unreformed and 'new' reformed houses."46 Constable's summarization of Robert of Torigny's conception of the twelfth-century reform movement emphasizes its diversification. This is particularly interesting for our purposes because the reforming bishops, who were largely responsible for the reforms at Saint-

Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean, while supporters of, and influenced by, the 'new' houses, largely came from a canonical rather than monastic background.

Ibid. 118-123. Ibid. 111-112. Ibid. 113-114. Ibid. 115. Ibid. 50.

14 Constable emphasizes the diversity of religious life in the twelfth century: the

Cluniacs, the Cistercians, regular canons, Grandmontines, Carthusians, hermits, military orders, lay brothers and confraternities. 7 Of these various orders, the Augustinian canons, the Cistercians and the Premonstratensians are the most relevant to this study, since these are the orders favored the most by the individual bishops whose reforming efforts concern us. Both Ivo of Chartres and his protege Galo of Paris were elevated to the episcopate from the abbey of regular canons at St. Quentin of Beauvais. Bishop

Stephen of Paris founded a house of Cistercian nuns at Yerres; and Bartholomew of Laon not only aided in the establishment of the order of Premontre, he also founded and retired to the Cistercian house of Foigny.

Robert of Molesme founded Citeaux, from which the Cistercian order would develop and spread throughout the course of the twelfth century, in 1098. The Cistercians argued for a literal interpretation of the Benedictine Rule, and their early insistence on withdrawal from human habitations, simplicity, manual labor, and poverty won many admirers in the religious climate of the early twelfth century and presented a challenge to adherents of traditional Benedictine monasticism.49 The Cistercians soon expanded from

Citeaux and under Abbot Stephen Harding developed into an order with the

47 Ibid. 50-81. 48 These associations will be discussed further in later chapters. 49 For the debate between the Cistercians and the black monks (and in particular Bernard of Clairvaux and Peter the Venerable of Cluny) see David Knowles, Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Controversy between St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable (London: Oxford University Press, 1955) repr. The Historian and Character and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1963) 50-75; Adriaan H. Bredero, Cluny et Citeaux au douzieme siecle: Thistoire d'une controverse monastique (Amsterdam: Holland University Press, 1985); Giles Constable, "From Cluny to Citeaux" in Georges Duby. L 'ecriture de I'Histoire, ed. Claudie Duhamel- Amado and Guy Lobrichon, Bibliotheque du Moyen Age, 6 (Brussels, 1996) 317-322, repr. Cluny from the 10th to the 12th Centuries, Variorum Collected Studies Series (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 2000) vi; Gillian Knight, The Correspondence between Peter the Venerable and Bernard of Clairvaux: a semantic and structural analysis (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002); and Marc Saurette, "Rhetorics of Reform: Abbot Peter the Venerable and the Twelfth-Century Rewriting of the Cluniac Monastic Project" PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2005.

15 establishment of the new houses of La Ferte in 1113, Pontigny in 1114, Clairvaux and

Morimond in 1115, Preuilly in 1118, and La Cour Dieu, Bouras, Cadouin and Fontenay in 1119.50

The revival of the canons regular, frequently known as Augustinian canons in the eleventh and twelfth centuries since they professed to follow the rule of St. Augustine, is intrinsically linked to the Gregorian reform movement's emphasis on the reform of the clerical life.51 From the letters of St. Ambrose, we learn that there is evidence for clerics living a common life attached to a church as early as the fourth century. Anecdotal

5 For Cistercian ideals and expansion see Louis J. Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977); Constance Bouchard explores the tension between Cistercian ideals and their economic success in Holy Entrepreneurs: Cistercians, Knights, and Economic Exchange in Twelfth- Century Burgundy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991); Martha G. Newman argues that the Cistercians' reforming activity developed out of their understanding of the monastic life in The Boundaries of Charity: Cistercian Culture and Ecclesiastical Reform, 1098-1180 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996); and Constance Berman draws attention to the Cistercians' incorporation of existing monastic houses into their order in The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000). 51 The Augustinian rule is derived from a letter written by St. Augustine of Hippo to some nuns on the religious life. See R.W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (London: Penguin Books, 1970, repr. 1990) 242. See Saint Augustine, The Monastic Rules, ed. Boniface Ramsey, trans. Sister Agatha Mary and Gerald Bonner (Hyde Park, NY: New City Press, 2004). For links between the Gregorian Reform and the revival of the regular canons see Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (London: Paul Elek, 1978) 101-105. Charles Dereine's article "Chanoines" in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastique (Paris, 1953) is foundational for the origins and types of canons. Other studies on regular canons include J.C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and their Introduction into England (London, 1950); Horst Fuhrmann, Papst Urban II und der Stand der Regularkanoniker (1984); Karl Bosl, Regularkanoniker (Augustinerchorherren) und Seelsorge in Kirche und Gesellschaft des europaischen 12. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1979); Jean Chatillon, Le mouvement canonial au Moyen Age, reforme de I'Eglise, spiritualite et culture, ed. Patrice Sicard (Paris-Turnhout: Brepols, 1992). Charles Dereine, Les chanoines reguliers au diocese de Liege avant Saint Norbert (1952). 52 Charles Giroud states that the letters of Ambrose reveal that Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli (d. 370/371) was the first to introduce the clerics of his church to the communal life. See L 'ordre des chanoines reguliers de Saint-Augustin et ses diverses formes de regime interne: Essai de synthese historico-juridique (Martigny, Editions du Grand-Saint-Bernard, 1961) 32. Later scholars have argued that Eusebius was primarily monasticizing his clergy rather than "imposing on them the common life of canons." See M. A. Claussen, The Reform of the Frankish Church: Chrodegang ofMetz and the Regula canonicorum in the Eighth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004) 11. It has also been suggested that Gregorian reformers were interested in 'monasticizing' the clergy. See Jean Becquet, "Chanoines reguliers et eremitisme clerical," Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 48 (1972) 361-70 as well as Carolyn Walker Bynum's arguments for a separate canonical spirituality and mission in Docere Verbo et Exemplo: An Aspect of Twelfth-Century Spirituality (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1979) and Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982) 22-58.

16 evidence, as well as conciliar decrees, demonstrates that the common life was practiced and prescribed up through the sixth century.

One of the earliest known rules written specifically for the canonical life is

Chrodegang of Metz's Regula canonicorum, composed circa 755.54 Much of the Regula canonicorum is drawn from The Rule of St. Benedict, but though some scholars have seen this as evidence that Chrodegang was attempting to transform the cathedral into a monastic cloister, M.A. Claussen, in The Reform of the Frankish Church, argues that

Chrodegang sought not only to appropriate the authority of Benedict, but "to produce men who had the virtues of monks, but who were not monks themselves, just as the

Regula canonicorum had the virtues of RB, but was not RB itself."55 Use of Chrodegang's rule spread from Metz and was used on the continent and in England until the eleventh century when it gradually began to be replaced by the Rule of St. Augustine.56

During the early years of the twelfth century the canonical life experienced the same sort of diversification of orders as the monastic life. A prospective canon could choose to enter a house with a strict ascetical observance or a more lenient one; the former lifestyle was found at Premontre and its dependencies.57 Norbert of Xanten, a former canon in the cathedral chapter at Xanten and later a wandering preacher, founded

53 Claussen 12-15. 54 As opposed to the Rule of St. Augustine, which was not specifically intended for canons. 55 Claussen 58 n.2; 117-121; 164. Claussen's purpose is to show Chrodegang as a reformer and to explore the ways in which he sought to "implement the ideas and norms associated with Christian teachings and spirituality in the areas under his care" (3). He focuses primarily on the Regula canonicorum because it is the most extensive of Chrodegang's surviving works (4). Claussen argues that Chrodegang was concerned overall with the salvation of his charges, both clerical and lay. Thus the reform of the clergy was a first step towards reforming the laity of Metz into a spiritual community modeled after the one described in the Acts of the Apostles (249). 56 Claussen 18. 57 Southern 242. Literature on the Premonstratensian order includes Charles Dereine, "Les origines de Premontre" in Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 42 (1947) 352-78; Francois Petit, Norbert et I'origine des Premontres (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1981); and Bernard Ardura, Premontres Histoire et Spiritualite. Centre Europeen de Recherches sur les Congregations et Ordres Religieux, Travaux et Recherches 7 (Universite de Saint-Etienne, 1995).

17 Premontre in the diocese of Laon circa 1120. He remained with his new community for only a few years until he was elected archbishop of Magdeburg in 1126. Premontre was famous in its time for its strict observance. The canons sought communal poverty through the austerity of their way of life, emphasizing manual labor and silence.58 In terms of its organization as an order, Premontre was greatly influenced by the Cistercians, particularly in the establishment of a general chapter and in the powers and privileges of the abbot.59

By definition regular canons were clerics yet in many respects they seemed similar to monks; this gave rise to confusion, both among their contemporaries in the twelfth century and modern historians as to the differences between monks and canons.

Caroline Walker Bynum tackles this question in Jesus as Mother: Studies in the

Spirituality of the High Middle Ages.60 She locates this difference in the spirituality of the regular canons, observing that whereas monks see themselves primarily as learners, canons view themselves as teachers and as learners.61 According to Bynum, "canons advise canons about the religious life as if an obligation to educate by word and example is a crucial component." Bynum's thesis relies on canonical commentaries and treatises for novices and offers a rare glimpse into the differences between canons and monks from the view of the canons themselves. To their contemporaries however, the differences were not necessarily as obvious. Christopher NX. Brooke argues in "Monk and Canon: Some Patterns in the Religious Life of the Twelfth Century" that contemporaries did not view the differences between monks and canons as sharp

58 Ardura 30. 59 Giroud 136-139; Ardura 51-54. Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982). 61 Ibid. 36. 62 Ibid. 40.

18 divisions but rather as a broad spectrum. Differences existed, but they were subtle and often changing. Giles Constable also touches on the perceived differences between monks and canons in The Reformation of the Twelfth Century when he examines the preferences of noble and ecclesiastical founders of religious houses for establishing houses of monks or canons. He notes that these founders often chose to establish regular canons if they anticipated a need for pastoral work in a given diocese.65 The monastic and heremetical founders of new orders, however, often were uncertain whether they should

adopt a rule for monks or canons.66

Thus far we have presented a review of the twelfth-century reform movement, its background, and the historiographical problems it presents. Although the bishops involved in the reforms of Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean, with the exception of

Galo of Paris, were not elected from regular orders, nevertheless, as we will later see, the influence of the 'new' orders permeates most aspects of their episcopal careers. These men were immersed in the reform milieu of their day, and so we too must understand it before we can examine their reforming activities.

In the end, this study is only peripherally concerned with the new orders of the twelfth century. Its main focus is the reform of nuns in the dioceses of Paris and Laon, which brings us to the historiography of the twelfth-century female religious.67 In 1896

w Brooke 109-129. 64 Ibid. 129. Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 57. 66 Ibid. 58. 67 There are numerous studies available for the history of female monasticism. Early works include Lina Eckenstein, Women under Monasticism: Chapters on Saint-Lore and Convent Life Between A.D. 500 and A.D. 1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1896); and Eileen Power, Medieval English nunneries, c. 1275 to 1535 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922). Among the significant studies over the last twenty-five years are: Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister 500 to 900 (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981); Michel Parisse, Les nonnes au Moyen Age (Le Puy: C. Bonneton, 1983); John A. Nichols and Lillian Thomas Shank, ed. Medieval Religious Women: Distant Echoes. Cistercian Studies Series, 71 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications,

19 Lina Eckenstein published Woman under Monasticism: Chapters on Saint-Lore and

Convent Life Between A.D. 500 andA.D. 1500. She justifies her choice of this hitherto unregarded subject by arguing that the freedom sought by women during the late nineteenth century to seek a life of intellectual and cultural achievement outside of the home is "analogous to the right which the convent secured to womankind a thousand years ago."69 Eckenstein focuses primarily on England and Germany, although she does look at Frankish convents of the Merovingian period and returns to France in her discussion of "The Monastic Revival of the Middle Ages" which outlines the different monastic orders founded between the tenth and the twelfth century.70 Eckenstein's treatment of the nuns of this period is, by necessity, very brief, and her conclusions, in stark contrast to later authors, are overwhelmingly positive. For instance, Eckenstein supposes that Cluny took no notice of women during its early years because, "settlements of nuns had not been interfered with like the settlements of monks during the ninth and tenth centuries by the appointment of lay superiors, and were untouched by the consequent evils." Likewise, she concludes her section on the new monastic orders with a discussion of thirteenth-century satirical literature on the religious life, observing

"generally nunneries and their inmates enjoyed favor with churchman and courtier, whose contempt for the monk does not extend to the nun."

1984); Penelope Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women in Medieval France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Bruce L. Venarde, Women's Monasticism and Medieval Society: Nunneries in France and England, 890-1215 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997). 68 Lina Eckenstein, Woman under Monasticism: Chapters on Saint-Lore and Convent Life Between A.D. 500 andA.D. 1500 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1896). 69 Ibid, viii - ix. 70 Ibid. 45-78; 184-201. 71 Ibid. 188. 72 Ibid. 201.

20 Eckenstein's comments on the place of nuns within the reform movement of the eleventh and twelfth centuries as well as her assertions regarding nuns and satire have been indirectly challenged many times over the last century. Current scholarship revolves around a number of related questions. Was there a decline or a revival in women's monasticism from the eighth to twelfth century? What impact did the Church's official policy of enclosure have on communities of nuns and to what extent was it enforced?

Why were so many houses of nuns re-founded for monks? Should accusations of decadence and promiscuity be interpreted literally?

In the last twenty-five years, the period stretching from the eighth to the twelfth century has been described as a period of decline and revival in women's monasticism.

Jane Tibbetts Schulenburg addresses this topic briefly in "Strict Active Enclosure and its

Effects on the Female Monastic Experience (ca. 500-1100)," arguing that the practice of strict enclosure favored by the Carolingians contributed to a decline in women's monasticism from the eighth to the late eleventh century. Moreover, the enforcement of this ideal of enclosure transformed female religious communities from autonomous, economically independent entities to "parasites and burdens" on the church hierarchy.

Loss of autonomy contributed to loss of influence and prestige.74

Schulenburg continues this argument in "Women's Monastic Communities, 500-

1100: Patterns of Expansion and Decline." Concentrating on the proliferation of new foundations, she locates the beginning of the decline in new foundations for women in

73 See Jane Tibbetts Schulenburg, "Strict Active Enclosure and its Effects on the Female Monastic Experience" in Medieval Religious Women: Distant Echoes, ed. John A. Nichols and Lillian Thomas Shank (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1984) 51-86; and Mary Skinner, "Benedictine Life for Women in Central France, 850-1100: A Feminist Revival" in Medieval Religious Women: Distant Echoes, 87-113; Schulenburg, "Women's Monastic Communities, 500-1100: Patterns of Expansion and Decline" in Signs 14 (1989) 261-292; and Bruce L. Venarde, Women's Monasticism and Medieval Society: Nunneries in France and England, 890-1215 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997) 9-16. 74 Schulenburg, "Strict Active Enclosure" 77-78.

21 the eighth century, noting that "the percentage of new foundations in France/Belgium established for women dropped from 32.7 percent for the years 650 to 699 to 12.7 percent for the period 700 to 749."75 Moreover, she argues that during the early years of the eleventh century, a period known for an increase in monastic life, women's monasticism was still in decline. Schulenburg identifies the seventh and early eighth centuries as an early "Golden Age" for female monasticism which was aided by Irish missionary activity, an upwardly mobile aristocracy and the development of the double monastery.77

As social conditions changed due to invasion and the secularization of religious lands, this "Golden Age" was followed by decline brought about by "increased requirements of security for women's communities..., a growing suspicion of double houses, the reformers' insistence on enclosure, and the consolidation of women's communities..."78

While Schulenburg focuses on decline from the eighth to the eleventh century, even asserting that "although the eleventh century offered new choices and opportunities to men in monasticism..., this does not seem to have been the case for women,"79 Mary

Skinner and Bruce L. Venarde offer a more positive interpretation, choosing to highlight the new houses founded in the late tenth and eleventh centuries as the beginning of a resurgence in women's monasticism. Beginning with a survey of female religious houses which survived intact through the ninth century, Skinner focuses on the proliferation of

Benedictine foundations for women in the tenth and eleventh centuries. She ties the initial revival of interest in women's monasticism to the Cluniac movement of the

Schulenburg, "Women's Monastic Communities" 268. Ibid. 269-70. Ibid. 290. Ibid. 290. Ibid. 270. Skinner 90-96.

22 eleventh century, then highlights the important role played by the women themselves, as well as their families and friends in establishing new monasteries.

Like Mary Skinner, Venarde focuses on the increased number of foundations for religious women from the end of the ninth century to the year of the Fourth Lateran

Council. He isolates the years between 1080 and 1170 as the most prolific, challenging the traditional viewpoint of historians who claim that the Gregorian reform was ill disposed toward women and limited their participation in religious life. Venarde argues that the growing number of monastic foundations for women in these years, as well as their institutional independence from the new orders of the twelfth century, suggests otherwise.84 He outlines some of the social conditions which aided this new era of growth, arguing that demographic change, in particular a growing population of young women and widows looking for alternatives to marriage, played a large role in the expansion of female foundations, which were supported by expanding economic resources, including an increase in donations from the lower echelons of the nobility.

Rather than focus on new foundations for women, Penelope Johnson in Equal in

Monastic Profession seeks to better understand the monastic vocations of women during the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. She examines the relationship between the female monastic community and the lay and ecclesiastical communities that surrounded it; and draws attention to the important roles, positive and negative, played by

81 Ibid. 96-103. 82 See Skinner 87-113. 83 Venarde 53. 84 Ibid. 54. 85 Ibid. 91-114. 86 Penelope Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women in Medieval France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) 265.

23 the patrons and advocates of women's communities. Johnson also considers the bishop's responsibilities towards communities of nuns. Using examples primarily from the thirteenth century, she examines the consecration ceremonies for nuns, the abbess' oath of obedience, and the practice of visitation. For the purposes of our study, which examines the reform of female monasteries by their diocesan bishops, it is interesting to note that, in discussing the abbess' oath and the bishop's subsequent role as a protector of the monastery, Johnson observes, "It appears that secular patrons were more protective of the abbey than was the bishop."89

One problem frequently encountered by historians of women's monasticism, and which appears as an issue in our own case studies, is the matter of chastity. Should we take medieval accusations of decadence, disorder, and moral laxity literally, or are such allegations merely rhetorical? In a brief, if problematic, discussion of expulsion, Jane

Schulenburg suggests that these 'moral lapses,' particularly in the eleventh century, were the result of women being forced to break the strict enclosure required by reformers due to economic hardship.90

87 Ibid. 41-49. 88 Ibid. 62-74. 89 Ibid. 65. 90 Schulenburg, "Women's Monastic Communities" 282-285. While Schulenburg's arguments for a link between 'moral laxity,' the practise of enclosure, and expulsion are intriguing, there are some significant problems with her first two examples. She conflates the two separate incidents which took place at Saint- Jean of Laon in 1060 and 1128 into a single reform. She also asserts that the nuns of Faremoutier were replaced by monks in the early twelfth century. Although King Philip did transfer his rights in the monastery to the monks of Marmoutier c.l 100 with the possible intent that the monks replace the nuns, later documents from Faremoutier suggest that the nuns were not displaced. Moreover, Schulenburg asserts that "church reformers or the aristocracy could use any kind of irregular activity as an excuse or rationale for the necessary reform or dissolution of a women's community. Invariably, the nuns were replaced by communities of monks or canons." (285). As I will show in the following chapters, while irregular activity did contribute to the expulsion of women's communities, it was only one factor among many. Furthermore, reform did not automatically entail expulsion and replacement. Although gender is an issue in such cases, it is not the only issue. The process of reform was far more complex than Schulenburg depicts.

24 Skinner also seeks explanations for accusations of decadence and the acquisition of female monasteries by men. Following her survey of female religious houses which survived to the twelfth century, she notes that a number of women's religious houses were either re-founded or handed over to men.91 Yet rather than assuming "decadence or disorder among the nuns," Skinner warns that:

While such accusations occasionally appear in the documents, we may doubt their trustworthiness if we suspect the house in question was needed by men. There was a strong desire in the tenth century to restore early Christian monasteries that had disappeared. Yet resources were scarce and potential nuns even scarcer;... Thus, when aristocrats founded new monasteries, usually on the sites of ancient ones, they intended them to be men's houses even if the original monastery had been for women.

Where Schulenburg argues for stricter enforcement of enclosure, Skinner suggests that such re-foundations, especially in the tenth century, were a result of shifting demographics. Yet although Skinner mentions specific accusations of disorder in a footnote, her focus is the new foundations for women in the eleventh century, and as a result she does not directly address these cases. Venarde, on the other hand, argues that

Skinner's assertion regarding the male need for such monasteries is difficult to prove.94

He, in turn, suggests that often the history of such sites was forgotten or disregarded by the new founders.

Penelope Johnson, too, devotes particular attention to the monastic vow of chastity. The motif of the wayward nun is common in later medieval literature, yet

Johnson asserts that this is merely a stereotype.96 Using the mid-thirteenth century

91 Skinner 88. 92 Ibid. 90. 93 Ibid. 90 n. 26. 94 Venarde 43 n. 96. 95 Ibid. 43-44. %Johnson 112-113. Also see Graciela S. Daichman, Wayward Nuns in Medieval Literature (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1986).

25 episcopal register of Archbishop Odo of Rouen, she compares the unchaste behavior of male and female monastics and concludes that "better than 95 percent of the cloistered men and women in his ecclesiastical province (or 2,073 monastics) lived up to their vow of chastity."97 Johnson further makes note of other potential difficulties for religious

no women including communal poverty, claustration and their inability to become priests.

Portrayals of women's monasticism from the eleventh to thirteenth century vary,

yet in general, this is considered to be a period of growth and expansion. Venarde argues that women's communities experienced a period of growth from the late eleventh to mid- twelfth century, which was followed by a second, less spectacular, period of growth in

the early thirteenth century.9 Johnson, too, provides a very positive overall portrayal of

female monasticism, though by the thirteenth-century she argues that the nun's status in religious life begins to diminish. ° She ascribes this changed status to a number of

factors including changing demographics, the Gregorian reform, the rise of the mendicant

orders, and the fear of heresy.'01

The studies we have examined here suggest that women's monasticism began to

experience a resurgence during the latter years of the eleventh century. Yet at the same

time that we hear of new reformed foundations for women springing up, we are faced

with reports of decadence, immorality and expulsion. Although they suggest possible

avenues for the exploration of the reform of existing female monastic communities,

scholars of women's monasticism, like those of men's, frequently prefer to focus on the

Johnson 128. Ibid. 107-112; 157-161; 219-226. Venarde 184. } Johnson 253. 'ibid. 251-264.

26 proliferation of new foundations during the eleventh and twelfth centuries rather than grapple too much with the problems encountered by older communities.

It is now time to turn from larger ideas about reform and monasticism to the more immediate political and ecclesiastical climate of twelfth-century France. This next section will consider the concerns, preoccupations and interactions of the kings of France and the papacy from 1100-1150. We will then draw closer to the immediate ecclesiastical context of the reforms of Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean through an examination of the roles of the bishop and patron in monastic reform.

The Kings of France, 1100-1150

The Kings of France during the period with which we are concerned, roughly

1100-1150, are not particularly known for their activities in the area of reform, or even for smooth relations with the papacy. It is their role in consolidating royal power, rather than religious reform, which has most often attracted the attention of historians.

Some historians of the early twentieth century had such a negative view of Philip I, Louis VI, and Louis VII that they were unwilling to concede any role in the recovery of monarchial power to them, preferring to see the revival of royal power solely in the reign of Philip Augustus. Charles Petit-Dutaillis in The Feudal Monarchy in France and England from the Tenth to the Thirteenth Century, translated by E.D. Hunt (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1936) insists that "These three men as a result of their weakness or the simplicity of their intellect were subject to the influence of those around them - their wives, the barons and prelates who thronged the Court, and the minor officers equally with the most important" (77). In spite of negative views of this sort, most modern historians recognize that the achievements of Philip Augustus were made possible through the groundwork laid by his predecessors. Jean Dunbabin, in France in the Making 2nd edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), argues that "the reigns of Louis VI and his son proved a decisive turning-point in the history of the French monarchy. After three centuries of decline, the first steps had been taken on the path to restoration." (265) Dunbabin further points out that "The extent to which Louis VI and Louis VII had consolidated royal powers was masked from their contemporaries by their policy of pushing hard only where they knew that resistance was weak. Therefore the greater aggression, the more systematic pursuit of self-interest which characterized the reign of Philip Augustus seemed a decisive break with earlier Capetian trends. Yet Philip's methods were those of his father and grandfather; and although he had a clearer notion of feudal lordship and a broader canvas on which to exploit that lordship, even here he drew on his predecessors' achievements." (267)

27 Philip I of France reigned from 1060 to 1108. He is often viewed by historians as a necessary, if controversial, stepping stone in the consolidation of Capetian power.104

On the one hand, he was in constant conflict with the Church, both over matters of reform and on account of his illegal marriage with Bertrade of Montfort; on the other, he set the stage for the grand extension of the royal domain which took place under his son

Louis.105 Philip resisted the reforms of Gregory VII, but his greatest conflict with the papacy came as a result of his marriage with Bertrade of Montfort.

In his commentary on the rapport between Philip and the Church, A. Fliche points out that like many rulers at the time of the investiture contest, Philip claimed the right to dominate the French Church in the same way that he dominated lay society by distributing its goods and appointing its personnel. Such an attitude, at a time when the

Apostolic See was trying to exert control over the Church as a whole, made conflict between the two inevitable.106 Yet despite discordant views over the proper role of the king in the Church, Philip did not engage in open conflict with the most driven of the

In 1907 Bernard Monod published Essai sur les Rapports de Pascal IIavec Philippe ler (1099-1108) (Paris: H. Champion, 1907), a detailed examination of Philip's relationship with the papacy during the later years of his life and that of the papacy with the French episcopate. The following year Marcel Prou produced an edition of Philip's collected charters, Recueil des Actes de Philippe I, Roi de France (1059- 1108) (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1908), and in 1912 Augustin Fliche published his exhaustive study, Le regne de Philippe ler, roi de France (1060-1108) (Paris: Societe francaise d'imprimerie et de librairie, 1912), which remains the foundational text for the reign of Philip I. 104 See A. Luchaire's account of Philip's reign in Les Premiers Capetiens, 987-1137 (1901) 168-175 and Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France, trans. L. Butler and R.J. Adam (1966) 16-19. There are of course many negative views of Philip's reign. Ivan Gobry calls Philip "le moins important de toute la dynastie capetienne" and criticizes him for his lack of interest in the First crusade (233-234). 105 Not all historians view Philip in a positive light. Where Robert Fawtier defends Philip's lack of participation in the First Crusade, Gobry and Petit-Dutalillis criticize Philip for not using the crusade as an opportunity to assert control over the French nobility (Fawtier 17; Petit-Dutalillis 91; and Gobry, Philippe ler 234). Where Fliche, Lemarignier, and Dunbabin see the beginnings of the recovery of royal power, Gobry sees incompetance and disinterest (Gobry 233-235). 106 Fliche, Le regne de Philippe ler 345. "En somme, il pretend dominer l'Eglise comme il domine la societe lai'que, disposer des biens et des personnes ecclesiastiques. Telle est la theorie du roi dans ses rapports avec l'Eglise. Or, au meme moment, la papaute cherche a subordonner plus etroitement l'Eglise de France au Saint-Siege. Dans ces conditions, le pouvoir royal et le pouvoir pontifical devaient fatalement se heurter l'un a l'autre; il devait y avoir lutte pour la preeminence dans la direction de l'Eglise entre les papes et le roi Philippe ler."

28 reforming popes. H.E.J. Cowdrey's recent book on Gregory VII argues that Gregory showed moderation in his dealings with France and that he was careful to avoid contending against Philip while still striving to implement canonical reform.

Relations between Philip and Gregory's successor, Pope Urban II, began amiably enough. The two worked together to resolve a quarrel between the dioceses of Cambrai and Arras, and Fliche describes their cooperation as "une victoire a la fois pour la papaute et pour la France, obtenue par l'accord d'Urbain II et de Philippe Ier." Discord between Philip and Urban arose initially over Philip's second marriage to Bertrade of

Montfort, wife of Fulk of Anjou.109 Urban excommunicated Philip in 1095, an event that coincides closely with the revival of the question regarding royal interference in ecclesiastical affairs.110 The question of investiture was not settled in France until the council of Troyes in 1107, under the pontificate of Paschal II. Philip had been reconciled to the Church at the Council of Paris in 1104 when he and Bertrade formally promised to separate; from that point onward Philip's relations with the papacy seem impeccable.111

Fliche asserts and Fautier concurs that Philip's reign began a new period of mutual

collaboration between the kings of France and the papacy.112

107 H.EJ. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998) 419-420. 108 Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 429. 9 See George Duby, Medieval Marriage: Two Models from Twelfth-Century France, trans. E. Forster (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978) 29-45. 110 Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 429-432. 111 Ibid. 445. 112 Ibid. 449-450; Fawtier, 19; See also J.-F. Lemarignier, Le gouvernement royal auxpremiers temps capetiens (987-1108) (Paris, 1965) 144. Cowdrey sees this concord as beginning during the pontificate of Gregory VII, "Given the prevalence of royal actions that could be deemed simoniacal, of lay investiture, and of royal initiative in episcopal elections, a headlong clash of pope and king could have developed - the more so because of the zeal of Hugh of Die as Gregory's legate. But two groups of Gregory's letters of the 1080s show that Gregory was careful not to allow the potential for strife to develop but that he sought a concord which, while not fully securing his objectives, established a modus vivendi between the papacy and France which lasted for two centuries after his death." (Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 420)

29 In 1901, A. Luchaire noted that Philip was preoccupied with extending the royal domain.

Cet homme positif rechercha, de propos delibere et par systeme, les moyens propres a accroitre les ressources materielles de la Royaute. On peut dire qu'il inaugura la politique d'annexions dont userent si bien Louis le Gros et Philippe Auguste. Sa constante preoccupation tut d'acquerir de la terre et de grossir le domaine royal, "reduit presque a neant par l'incurie de ses predecesseurs."113

A. Fliche's detailed examination of Philip's acquisitions supports this assertion.114 J.-F.

Lemarignier viewed the growth of royal power through the lens of royal charters. The

declining numbers of bishops' subscriptions to royal charters and rising importance of the

great officers of the king (the seneschal, constable, chamberlain, and butler) as well as the reappearance of royal writs during the reign of Philip I all suggested an uncertain and

fragmentary, but nonetheless clearly extant revival of royal prestige.115 Jean Dunbabin

further discusses Philip I's role in consolidating royal power in France in the Making,

843-1180, noting that Philip was assertive in his usage of the royal power of arbitration

and that he bought and sold parcels of land in a less glamorous effort to consolidate the

royal domain.116

While the recovery of royal power under Philip may be a matter for debate,117 few

modern scholars fail to recognize the role of Louis VI, whose reign extended from 1108

113 A. Luchaire, Les Premiers Capetiens, 987-1137. Histoire de France depuis les origines jusqu'a la revolution, ed. Ernest Lavisse (Paris: Hachette et cie, 1901) 171. 114 Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 138-152. 15 Lemarignier 142-163. Dominique Barthelemy challenges Lemarignier's thesis in L 'an mil et lapaix de Dieu: La France chretienne etfeodale 980-1060 (Paris: Fayard, 1999), asserting that Lemarignier and others exaggerated the political and social crisis of the early eleventh century. (234-6; 437). 116 Jean Dunbabin, France in the Making, 843-1180, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 139, 163. 117 See Note 102.

30 tol 137, in the consolidation of royal authority.118 His biographer, Abbot Suger of Saint-

Denis, credits Louis with the defense of the Church and the extension of the royal domain, and historians since have rarely viewed him otherwise. Even Ivan Gobry, who views Philip I with such disdain, hails Louis VI as "le restaurateur de la dynastie capetienne."119In the Annates, Luchaire points out that Louis VI, in defending the lands of the Church against its depredators served to protect his own interests as well, since the

"despoilers of bishops and abbots ordinarily were, at the same time, rebellious vassals in contempt of royal authority."120 Elizabeth Hallam has described Louis as preoccupied with "the domination of the castellan families of the He de France."121 She sees his judicial activity as a means of tightening the ties of vassalage and increasing his exercise of royal powers. Louis' actions in consolidating royal authority are subtle in comparison with those of later kings, notably Philip Augustus, yet it is his reign that is

118 See Luchaire, Les Premiers Capetiens 311-313; Lemarignier 167; Fawtier, 19; Francois Menant, Les Capetiens: histoire et dictionnaire, 987-1328 (Paris: Laffont, 1999) 46; Dunbabin 256-268. Achilles Luchaire's Louis VI le Gros, Annates de sa vie et de son regne, initially published in 1890 (Paris), remains a fundamental guide to the sources of Louis VI's reign. There is also a late nineteenth-century dissertation on Louis VI by James Westfall Thompson, The Development of the French Monarchy under Louis VI, le Gros, 1108-1137 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1895). Luchaire further discusses the impact of Louis' reign in the final chapters of Les Premiers Capetiens pages 311-313, while E. Bournazel uses the beginning of Louis' reign as a starting point for Le Gouvernement capetien auXIIe siecle: 1108-1180, structures sociales et mutations institutionnelles (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1975), in which he analyses the background and political connections of the feudal lords that composed Louis' government. More recently, Jean Dufour has published a collection of Louis' charters, -while Jacques Delperrie de Bayac and Ivan Gobry have reexamined the events, if not the impact of Louis' reign. See Jean Dufour, Recueil des Actes de Louis VI, roi de France (1108-1137) (Paris: Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres : Diffusion de Boccard, 1992); Jacques Deperrie de Bayac, Louis VI, la naissance de la France (Paris: J.C. Lattes, 1983); Ivan Gobry, Louis VI: pere de Louis VII. Histoire des Rois de France (Paris: Pygmalion, 2003). 119 Gobry. Louis VI: pere de Louis VII323. 1 A. Luchaire, Louis VI le Gros, Annates de sa vie et de son regne (Paris 1890) translated by John B. Henneman in The Medieval French Monarchy (Illinois: The Dryden Press, 1973) p. 54. 121 Elizabeth Hallam, Capetian France, 987-1328 (New York: Longman, 1980) 115. 122 Ibid. 116-119.

31 most often cited as the turning point in the revival of royal authority and the consolidation of the royal domain.

Louis VFs relationship with the Church has generally been explored from a different angle than that of his father. To begin with, Louis was not at odds with the papacy quite as often as Philip. In the Deeds of Louis the Fat, Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis consistently portrays Louis as a defender of the Church, glossing over those times when

Louis was at odds with members of the Church hierarchy. Suger avoids even the mention of Louis' one major fall-out with Pope Innocent II. Perhaps it is due to

Suger's omission that this episode has garnered less attention than it deserves from historians. Ivan Gobry's study of Louis VI does not even mention Louis' quarrel with

Innocent following the politically motivated murder of two high-ranking churchmen and

1Oft

Jacques Delperrie de Bayac discusses the matter only briefly.

The influence of Abbot Suger on both Louis VI and Louis VII is a particular point of debate.127 Suger was certainly an important counselor of both Louis VI and Louis VII.

123 For instance see Marc Bloch, Feudal Society trans. L.A. Manyon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961) 69; G. Barraclough, The Crucible of Europe: the ninth and tenth centuries in European history (Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 1976) 84; Hallam 117, 119; Dunbabin 267. 124 For a discussion of Louis as a defender of the Church see Andrew W. Lewis, "Suger's Views on Kingship" in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis, ed. Paula Gerson (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986)51. 12 This is the quarrel between Louis VI and Bishop Stephen of Paris following the murders of Archambaud, sub-dean of Orleans and Thomas, Prior of St. Victor in 1133. For the history of this quarrel see Robert-Henri Bautier "Origines et premiers developpements de 1'Abbaye Saint-Victor" in L 'Abbaye parisienne de Saint-Victor au moyen age: communications presentees au Xllle Colloque d'Humanisme medieval de Paris (1986-1988), ed. Jean Longere (Paris: Brepols, 1991) 39-44 and Grant 129-134. Jacques Deperrie de Bayac, Louis VI, la naissance de la France (Paris: J.C. Lattes, 1983) 294-295. 127 Abbot Suger and the church of St.-Denis have received a great deal of attention from art historians, both on account of the architecture of St.-Denis as well as the elaborate ornamentation recorded in Suger's De Administratione and De Consecratione. See Erwin Panofsky, ed., Abbot Suger, on the abbey church ofSt- Denis and its art treasures (Princeton, 1946); Conrad Rudolph, Artistic change at St-Denis: Abbot Suger's program and the early twelfth century controversy over art (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); Christoph Markschies, Gibt es eine "Theologie der gotischen Kathedrale"? : nochmals, Suger von Saint-Denis und Sankt Dionys vom Areopag (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1995); Martin Buchsel, Die Geburt der Gotik: Abt Sugers Konzeptfur die Abteikirche St.-Denis (Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach, 1997); and Elizabeth A.R. Brown, Saint-Denis: la basilique (Saint-Leger-Vauban: Zodiaque, 2001).There are a

32 He was a member of Louis VI's familia regis, the royal entourage, as well as a close, personal friend of Louis VI; and his influence only increased during the reign of Louis

VII.128 In 1964, Marcel Pacaut argued that Louis VII's early attempts to strengthen royal power were a result of Suger's conception of the feudal hierarchy. "He [Louis VII] attached himself to the feudal regime and doubtless was first induced to do so by Suger, who desired to organize French feudalism in a firm way and in a manner by which, in close cohesion, the monarchy was truly the suzerain."129 Thus the royal duty of arbitration ought to be exercised as a matter of course, rather than only at the request of the king's vassals.130 More recently, Lindy Grant has suggested that Suger, along with other royal counselors, "for many years held Louis [VI] 's more deeply old-fashioned ecclesiastical views safely in check, and had built a good relationship with Rome."

Several articles in Abbot Suger and St. Denis have further attempted to assess Suger's impact as a politician. Andrew Lewis distinguishes between Suger's understanding of

number of biographical works on Suger as well as studies focusing on his role as a politician. Early histories of the abbey of Saint-Denis frequently contain extensive sections on Suger's life and import. Most notable among these are Dom Jacques Doublet's Histoire de I'abbaye de Saint-Denys en France, first published in 1625 and Dom Michel Felibien's Histoire de I'abbaye royale de Saint-Denys en France, published in 1706. Up until the mid twentieth century, the best rendition of Suger's life was that of Otto Cartellieri, Abt Suger von Saint-Denis, 1081-1151 (Berlin, 1898). More recent accounts of Suger's life and politics include Marcel Aubert's Suger (Paris, 1950); Elizabeth A.R. Brown, "Burying and Unburying the Kings of France" in Persons in Groups: Social Behavior As Identity Formation in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, edited by Richard D. Trexler (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985) 241 -266; a collection of articles entitled Abbot Suger and St. Denis edited by Paula Lieber Gerson (New York, 1986), Michel Bur's Suger: abbe de Saint-Denis, regent de France (Paris: Perrin, 1991), and Lindy Grant's Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France. 128 Eric Bournazel, "Suger and the Capetians" in Abbot Suger and St. Denis ed. Paula Lieber Gerson (New York, 1986) 57-59. 129 Translation Henneman 59. Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et son royaume (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1964) 36. "(Louis VII) se rattache au regime feodal et a sans doute ete mis en avant d'abord par Suger qui desirait organiser la feodalite francaise d'une facon ferme et de maniere que, dans une forte cohesion, le monarque fut veritablement le suzerain." 130 Pacaut 36. 131 Grant 129.

33 royal sovereignty and that of the monarch himself.132 Eric Bournazel suggests that although ideas of feudal hierarchy are present in the writings of Suger, their implications

•I ^•5 are not fully worked out. Finally, Michel Bur argues that Suger's attitude to political life was, above all else, ecclesiastical.134

Louis VII's reign (1137-1180) is overshadowed, for good or ill, by his marriage to and divorce from Eleanor of Aquitaine.135 Marcel Pacaut, whose Louis VII et son royaume was for many years, and may still be, the fundamental study of Louis' reign, divided Louis VII's rule into two periods, which Pacaut found to be distinctly different in royal policy, these two periods correspond to the years before and after the annulment of

Louis' marriage to Eleanor. Pacaut further found it significant that the end of the first period also coincided with the death of Louis' two close advisors, Abbot Suger and Raoul of Vermandois.136 Pacaut argues that following his divorce from Eleanor, Louis made several deliberate decisions that would influence his policy from that point onward. Louis allied himself with the Church, taking advantage of his reputation following the Second

Crusade which "place le Capetien au tout premier rang des princes Chretiens.. ."137 He became a defender of churches and began to seek actively to extend the royal domain. At

132 Andrew W. Lewis, "Suger's views on Kingship" in Abbot Suger and St. Denis ed. Paula Lieber Gerson (New York, 1986)51-52. 133 Bournazel, "Suger and the Capetians" 60. 134 Michel Bur, "A note on Suger's understanding of political power" in Abbot Suger and St. Denis ed. Paula Lieber Gerson (New York, 1986) 73. 135 There are a number of major sources for the reign of Louis VII. These include the fragmentary history of Louis VII, Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici, of Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis as well as an account of Louis' deeds during the Second Crusade (1147-1149), the De profectione Ludovici VII in orientem, written by Suger's successor as abbot of Saint-Denis, Odo de Deuil. There is also an examination of the charters of Louis VII, Etudes sur les actes de Louis VII, produced by Achille Luchaire (Paris, 1885). Marcel Pacaut produced Louis VII et son royaume (Paris, S.E.V.P.E.N.: 1964), which remains essential to the understanding of Louis VII's reign, though there are several relatively new studies available, including Yves Sassier's Louis VII (Paris: Fayard, 1991), and Ivan Gobry's Louis VII: pere de Philippe II Auguste (Paris: Pygmalion, 2002). 136 Pacaut 175. 137 Pacaut 39.

34 the same time, he completely overhauled his entourage, replacing the most important

1 TO officers of the crown. Pacaut argues that circa 1152, Louis "accentua alors deliberement certaines tendances qui s'etaient deja fait jour: la cooperation avec le clerge, la mise en valeur du domaine royal, le rehaussement de l'ascendant monarchique, le perfectionnement des institutions."139

Thus we see that the kings of France during our period were primarily interested in consolidating their political power and extending the royal domain, yet all three

Capetian kings made alliances of a sort within the Church. It was in the interest of the king to cooperate with the ecclesiastical hierarchy, because such an alliance reinforced his authority; and as a defender of the Church, the king had yet another reason to rein in the local nobility.

The Papacy, 1073-1153

While the French monarchy was concerned with the consolidation of royal power, the papacy was preoccupied with matters of reform and investiture. The quarrel over investiture began during the pontificate of Gregory VII and marks what historians often still refer to as the 'Gregorian Reform Movement.' Augustin Fliche originally coined the term 'Gregorian Reform' in his 1924 work, La Reforme gregorienne. Yet modern scholarship argues against attributing the impetus of ecclesiastical reform in this period to

138 Ibid. 115-17,122-24, 173-174. 139 Ibid. 177. 1 Augustin Fliche. La Reforme gregorienne. Spicilegium sacrum lovaniense. Etudes et documents, fasc. 6,9,16 (Paris: E. Champion, 1924-37).

35 the charismatic and controversial Pope Gregory VII and usage of the term has fallen out

of fashion in many circles.14

I.S. Robinson divides the reform of the Church into two successive movements.

The first is the well-known Gregorian reform, which was preoccupied with eliminating

simony by eradicating royal control over ecclesiastical appointments. The second was

introduced by Innocent II at the council of Clermont in 1130 and was primarily

concerned with the discipline of the clergy.142

Gregory VII remains a fascinating figure for historians.143 H.E.J. Cowdrey, in his recent biography of this pope, views Gregory as a series of contradictions. He compares

Gregory's demands on the German episcopate with his more lenient stance in France,

arguing that, "Gregory thus presents himself as a complex of opposites, a man of whom it

is difficult to take a view that is comprehensive, balanced, and just."144

A number of scholars have come to the conclusion that Gregory VII did not have

a clearly defined reform agenda. Gerd Tellenbach, in his highly influential study Church,

State and Christian Society at the time of the Investiture Contest, originally published in

1940, was one of the first to question whether the "Gregorian" papacy's reform measures

141 In particular see O. Capitani, "Esiste un'eta gregoriana? Consideratione sulle tenderize di una storiografia medievistica" in Rivista distoria e letteratura religiosa I (1965) 454-81 and J.T. Gilchrist "Was there a Gregorian Reform Movement in the Eleventh Century?" originally published in The Canadian Catholic Historical Association: Study Sessions 37 (1970) 1-10 reprinted in Canon Law in the Age of Reform, llth-12th Centuries (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1993) VII: 1-10. 142 I.S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) ix-x. 143 The most recent studies of Gregory VII (1073-1085) are H.E.J. Cowdrey's Pope Gregory VII: 1073- 1085 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), Uta-Renate BlumenthaPs Gregor VII. Papst zwischen Canossa und Kirchenreform (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2001), Dag Tessore's Gregorio VII: ilmonaco, I'uomo politico, il santo (Rome: Citta nuova, 2003), and Glauco Maria Cantarella's // sole e la luna: la rivoluzione di Gregorio VIIpapa, 1073-1085 (Bari: Laterza, 2005). 144 Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII684. Also see above, n. 121.

36 were longstanding or developed directly from conflict itself.1 5 Karl Leyser furthered the view that Gregory gradually developed his ideas by responding to events as they happened in his article "The Polemics of the Papal Revolution" when he suggested,

Is it not possible that Hildebrand as pope never reached a rounded theory of secular government and that his views remained rugged and dissonant, drawing a distinction between good and evil rulers rather than the nature of the authority common to both?146

I.S. Robinson and H.E.J. Cowdrey have similarly interpreted Gregory's actions.147

Cowdrey, in particular, recently has argued, "It is commonly stated that, from the time of his becoming pope, he acted upon a number of sharply defined and clearly formulated principles of papal action. Such a view is misleading; the presuppositions upon which he acted were subject to change and adaptation."148 Cowdrey further argues that the only point on which Gregory remained resolute was his understanding of the Pope as the Vicar of St. Peter.149 Thus the authority of Saint Peter to bind and loose, granted by Christ, had passed to him on his ordination.15 Like Saint Peter, he could grant blessings or "impose

an anathema which bound and inhibited both spiritually and materially."15 Gregory's

ambitions, however, though never so clearly defined as his views regarding papal

authority, lie, like those of his immediate predecessors and successors, in the eradication

145 Gerd Tellenbach, Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest, trans. R.F. Bennett (London: Basil, Blackwell & Mott Ltd., 1959; repr. New York: Harper & Row, 1970) 120-121. 146 Leyser, K. "The Polemics of the Papal Revolution" reprinted in Medieval Germany and its Neighbors, 900-1250 (London: Hambledon, 1982) 153. 147 I.S. Robinson, "Periculosus homo: Pope Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority" in Viator 9 (1978) 103- 31, 109; Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII689. 148 Cowdrey. , Pope Gregory VII495. 149 Ibid- . 495. 150 Ibid. 520-29, 527. 151 Ibid. 527.

37 of simony and clerical marriage, the raising of clerical standards, the abolition of lay investiture, and the clarification of papal authority.

Gregory VII died on May 25, 1085. Following a year of vacancy, Gregory was finally succeeded by Victor III, who was in turn quickly followed by Urban II. Few scholars have needed to defend the importance of Urban II's pontificate. Urban has been credited with laying the foundation for the papal government of the twelfth century, launching the First Crusade, continuing and extending Gregory's campaign against lay investiture, and changing the form of papal synods.154 The most detailed study of Urban

IFs papacy is still Alfons Becker's two-volume work, Papst Urban II. (I088-I099).155

Becker examines every aspect of Odo of Chatillon's life: from his early appointment as an archdeacon of Reims and later conversion to the monastic life, to his election, consecration, and dealings with the western kingdoms as Pope Urban II. The second

152 For a very detailed discussion of Gregory's ideas see Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 495-583 and Uta- Renate Blumenthal, Gregor VII. Papst zwischen Canossa undKirchenreform 220-312. 153 Victor's tenure as pope was a short one, and he is better known for his position as abbot of Montecassino prior to his election as pope. H.E.J. Cowdrey, examining the abbacy of Desiderius and his election as Victor III, has argued that Victor is an important link between Gregory VII and Urban II and that "Victor III as an inactive and ineffective pope belongs to the myths of history." H.E.J. Cowdrey, The age of Abbot Desiderius : Montecassino, the papacy, and the Normans in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983) 213. Victor has most recently been discussed by Faustino Avagliano in Desiderio di Montecassino e I'arte della riforma gregoriana (Montecassino: [Pubblicazioni Cassinesi], 1997). See also Henry M. Willard, Abbot Desiderius and the ties between Montecassino and Amalfi in the eleventh century (Montecassino, Badia di Montecassino, 1973) and Graham A. Loud, "Abbot Desiderius of Montecassino and the Gregorian papacy" in The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 30:3 (1979)305-326. 154 See Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198, 17-18; 124-127; 323-328; 417-418. 155 Alfons Becker. Papst Urban II (1088-1099) Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 19.1-2 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1964-88). Prior to Becker's examination of Urban's life and career, the most frequently consulted work on Urban was Lucien Paulot's Urbain //(Paris, 1903). Ivan Gobry's recent biography of Urban II, Deux papes champenois: Urbain II, Urbain /F(Troyes, France: Librairie bleue, 1994) continues to rely primarily on Paulot as well as even earlier studies such as Adrien de Brimont, Un pape au Moyen-Age, Urbain II (Paris, 1862) and Abbe Poquet, Etude sur le pape saint Urbain II (Chauny, 1886).

38 volume of his work focuses on Urban's relations with the Byzantine Empire and the First

Crusade.156

Francis Joseph Gossman explored Urban II's impact on canon law in his 1960 work, Pope Urban II and Canon Law. Gossman's study aimed to determine the impact

of Urban II's ideas on his contemporaries as well as the context of his ideas within and

out of the canonical collections. He notes that Urban sought to defend and centralize the rights and prerogatives of the papacy, while at the same time tempering the more extreme positions of his predecessor, Gregory VII. Gossman points out regarding the reception

of the sons of priests into clerical orders that where Gregory VII followed the rule

established by the Ninth Council of Toledo (657) to the letter, forbidding the sons of

priests and other major clerics from receiving holy orders, Urban modified the canon,

allowing these sons to take holy orders provided that they remained celibate and did not

accept investiture from the hands of a layman.159 Similar leniency is shown to those who

unknowingly allowed themselves to be ordained by heretics and simoniacs or were

The literature on the First Crusade is vast. One recent treatment of the First Crusade and Pope Urban IPs role is Gerhard Armanski's Es begann in Clermont: der erste Kreuzzug und die Genese der Gewalt in Europa (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1995). Recent articles include Niall Christie and Deborah Gerish "Parallel Preachings: Urban II and al-Sulaml," in Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean 15:2 (2003) 139-148; Jean Flori, "A propos de la Premiere Croisade: naissance et affirmation de l'idee de guerre sainte dans l'Occident chretien (Xle siecle)" in Imaginaires de guerre: L'histoire entre mythe et realite. Actes du colloque, Louvain-la-Neuve, 3-5 mai 2001, ed. Laurence Van Ypersele (Louvain-la-Neuve: Bruylant-Academia, 2003) 31-43; and Christoph T. Maier, "Konflikt und Kommunikation: Neues zum Kreuzzugsaufruf Urbans II." in Jerusalem im Hoch- und Spatmittelalter: Konflikte und Konfliktbewaltigung — Vorstellungen und Vergegenwdrtigungen. Ed. Dieter Bauer, Klaus Herbers and Nikolas Jaspert (Frankfurt: Campus, 2001) 13-30. There is also a relatively recent volume in me Variorum Collected Studies Series by H.E.J. Cowdrey The Crusades and Latin Monasticism, 11th-12th Centuries, Variorum Collected Studies (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), a number of whose articles focus on Urban II and the First Crusade. 157 Francis Joseph Gossman. Pope Urban II and Canon Law (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1960). Sir Robert Somerville's The Councils of Urban II (Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1972), followed Gossman's study and most recently Robert Somerville and Stephen Kuttner have produced an edition and commentary on Urban's first papal council: Pope Urban II, the Collectio Britannica and the Council of Melfi (1089) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). 158 Gossman 141. 159 Ibid. 158.

39 victims of simony by means of a third party.160 Yet Gossman further argues that Urban only compromised on specific points; regarding matters of episcopal obedience and lay investiture he remained unyielding.161

Pope Paschal II was elected and consecrated in August of 1099, a little over two weeks after the death of Urban II.162 In the history of the Investiture Contest Paschal II will always be known as the pope who, held as a prisoner of the Holy Roman Emperor

Henry V, capitulated to the demands of the Empire by granting the emperor the right to invest bishops with the physical symbols (ring and staff) of their spiritual office.163 The

Lateran Council of 1112 was called specifically to revoke this privilege, and may have been summoned in Paschal's name by the cardinals who also forced Paschal to make a profession of faith that reaffirmed the policies of Gregory VII and Urban II.164 Paschal's role in the Investiture Contest dominates much of the current literature on this pope;

160 Ibid. 159,188. 161 Ibid. 152-53, 164-65. Gossman explains the importance of episcopal support for the papacy during the Investiture Struggle. "The desperate need for bishops to be allied to the papal cause is recognized by all historians. Urban's correspondence is replete with admonitions and encouragement to members of the episcopate. The bishop was the shepherd of his flock in the fullest sense. The bishop was the protector and peace-maker for his diocese. Loyalty and respect toward the Pope and the metropolitan was expected from every bishop. The faithful, on their part, owed to their bishop true obedience. But for the bishop who had forsaken his pastoral trust, Urban had only rebuke and penalties. Excommunication and the withdrawal of obedience and tribute were threatened. Suspension was likewise a possible penalty." (152-3). 162 In 1907 Bernard Monod published an early study of Pope Paschal's relations with the French monarchy, Essai sur les rapports de Pascal Ilavec Philippe Ier (1099-1108) but it was not until the 1970s that the papacy of Paschal II again began to attract the interest of scholars. In 1978, Uta-Renate Blumenthal published The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II, 1100-1110, (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1978). The following year, Carlo Servatius produced a critical study of Pope Paschal II, Paschalis II. (1099-1118): Studien zu seiner Person und seiner Politik, Papste und Papsttum 14 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1979). More recent scholarship includes two studies by Glauco Maria Cantarella Ecclesiologia e politica nelpapato di Pasquale II: linee di una interpretazione (Rome: Nella sede dell'Istituto, 1982) and La costruzione della verita: Pasquale II, un Papa alle strette (Rome: Nella sede dell'Istituto, 1987). Uta-Renate Blumenthal has also published numerous articles on Pope Paschal II, many of which have been collected together in Papal Reform and Canon Law in the 11th and 12th Centuries Variorum Collected Studies (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1998). 163 This privilege was granted by Paschal II to Henry V at Ponte Mammolo in April of 1111. 164 See P.R. McKeon, "The Lateran Council of 1112, the 'heresy' of lay investiture and the excommunication of Henry V" in Medievalia et Humanistica 17 (1966) 3-12; Uta-Renate Blumenthal, "Opposition to Pope Paschal II: some comments on the Lateran council of 1112" in Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 10 (1978) 82-98; Servatius 309; and Robinson, The Papacy 128-129.

40 Servatius focuses on Paschal's relations with Germany, leaving out his actions in

England and France altogether, and Cantarella concentrates almost exclusively on the

events of 1111 and 1112.165 A number of articles on Paschal and the Investiture Contest

over the past 25 years further reinforce this impression.166

Three days after Paschal II's death in 1118, John of Gaeta, who had previously held the post of papal chancellor under Urban II and Paschal II, as well as chief advisor to

Paschal, was elected to the papal throne as Gelasius II.167 Over the course of a papal

tenure that barely lasted a year, Gelasius was forced to flee Rome twice: once on account

of Henry V, who still wanted to resurrect the failed privilege of 1111, and again due to

the distrust of the Frangipani clan of Rome.168 During Gelasius' brief reign, relations between the papacy and the empire continued to be strained.

Gelasius' impact as John of Gaeta and papal chancellor has received greater

attention from historians than his tenure as pope.169 Nevertheless, despite the brevity of

his tenure, an important change of direction may have taken place during the reign of

Gelasius II. Due to his capitulation of 1111, Paschal has often been presented by

165 Cantarella presents Paschal as a pope with unusual views and boldly argues that Paschal considered regnum and sacerdotium to be of equal rank, an assertion that has been criticized by Uta-Renate Blumenthal, among others. See Uta-Renate Blumenthal, review of Ecclesiologia epolitica nel papato di Pasquale II: Linee di una interpretazione, by Glauco Maria Cantarella in Speculum 60 (1985) 138-139. 166 See Stanley A. Chodorow, "Paschal II, Henry V and the origins of the crisis of 1111" in Popes, Teachers and Canon Law in the Middle Ages ed. James Ross Sweeney and Stanley Chodorow (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989) 3-25; Takehiko Sekiguchi, "The crisis of the Reform papacy: 1111-1112" in Yamagata Daigaku Kiyo, Shakai Kagaku: The Bulletin of the Yamagata University, Social Science 24:1 (1993) 107-129; Anat Tcherikover, "Reflections of the Investiture Controversy atNonantola and Modena" in Zeitschriftfiir Kunstgeschichte 60:2 (1997) 150-165; Stefen Weinfurter, "Wendepunkte der Reichgeschichte im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert." In Macht und Ordnungsvorstellungen im hohen Mittelalter. Werkstattberichte ed. Stefan Weinfurter and Frank Martin Siefarth (Munchner Kontaktstudium Geschichte, 1998) 19-43. Also see Blumenthal, Papal Reform and Canon Law. 167 Paschal died on January 21, 1118; Gelasius was elected on the 24th and consecrated March 10th. 168 Robinson, The Papacy 66, 431-32. 169 See Reginald L. Poole, Lectures on the History of the Papal Chancery down to the time of Innocent III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1915); K. Jordan, "Die Entstehung der romischen Kurie," in Zeitschrift derSavigny-StiftungfurRechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung, 28 (1939) 96-152, 107-110; Stephen Kuttner, "Cardinalis: The History of a Canonical Concept" in Traditio 3 (1945) 129-214.

41 historians as far more willing to compromise with the emperor than any of the Gregorian popes' preceding him.170 I.S. Robinson asserts that Gelasius abandoned this policy of conciliation when he turned to Cuno of Palestrina and Guy of Vienne for advice during

171 his last months. Guy of Vienne soon after was elected pope as Calixtus II.

Calixtus II was elected February 2,1119 and consecrated on February 9th. The high point of Calixtus' reign is the Concordat of Worms (1122), which finally decided the question of royal investiture. Mary Stroll, in her recent study, regularly uses the term

'pragmatic' in her descriptions of Calixtus II. 72 She highlights the seeming contradiction between Calixtus' drive to accomplish his objectives by whatever means necessary and his genuine desire to uphold the ideals of ecclesiastical reform, particularly those

170 Robinson, The Papacy 430-432; Hayden V. White, "Pontius of Cluny, the "Curia Romana" and the End of Gregorianism in Rome" in Church History 27:3 (1958) 195-219,198. Mary Stroll describes the papacy in the years leading up to the election of Calixtus II as "flagging" and claims that Calixtus "made a critical difference at a time when the papacy was in danger of slipping into the abyss." Mary Stroll, Calixtus II (1119-1124): A Pope Born to Rule (Boston: Brill, 2004) 3. 171 Robinson, The Papacy 432. 172 Mary Stroll, Calixtus II. Stroll's study of Calixtus II is the latest of many inquiries into the life and impact of Guy of Vienne. In the preface to her work, she particularly makes note of the recent work of Beate Schilling, Guido von Vienne - Papst Calixt II. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Schriften, 45 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1998) which, Stroll argues, has revived scholarly discussion regarding the struggle between empire and papacy. Until recently the only monographs on Calixtus II dated from the 1800s. See Markus Maurer, Pabst Calixt II. Vol. 1. Vorgeschichte (diss. Munich, 1886), Vol. 2. Pontifikat von der Wahl bis zur Festsetzung in Italien. (Wurzburg, 1889); and Ulysse Robert, Histoire du Pape Calixte //(Paris, 1891). More recent literature includes, Pierre Frecon, "Calixte II et la querelle des Investitures" in Bulletin de la Societe des amis de Vienne, 63 (1968) 43-54; Stanley Chodorow, "Ecclesiastical politics and the ending of the Investiture Contest: The papal election of 1119 and the negotiations of Mouzon" in Speculum 46:4 (1971) 613-640. Chodorow's footnotes are particularly instructive and provide a good overview of the literature on Calixtus II and the Concordat of Worms during the first half of the twentieth century. See also Mary Stroll, "Calixtus II: a reinterpretation of his election and the end of the Investiture Contest" in Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, n.s. 3 (1980) 1-53 and "New perspectives on the struggle between Guy of Vienne and Henry V" in Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 18 (1980) 97-115. There is also Claudia Zey, "Der Romzugsplan Heinrichs V. 1122/23. Neue Uberlegungen zum AbschluB des Wormser Konkordats" in Deutsches Archivfur Erforschung des Mittelalters 56:2 (2000) 447-504; and Beate Schilling, "1st das Wormser Konkordat uberhaupt nicht geschlossen worden? Ein Beitrag zur hochmittelalterlichen Vertragstechnik." in Deutsches Archivfur Erforschung des Mittelalters 58:1 (2002) 123-191. Other resources include an article by Uta-Renate Blumenthal, "The correspondence of Pope Paschal II and Guido of Vienne 1111 -1116" in Papal Reform and Canon Law in the 11th and 12th Centuries, Variorum Collected Studies Series (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998). Reprinted from Supplementum Festivum: Studies in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. James Hankins, John Monfasani and Frederick Purnell, Jr. (Binghamton, 1987) 1-11; and a collection of papal bulls by Ulysse Robert, Bullaire du Pape Calixtell: 1119-1124 Essai de Restitution (Paris, 1891).

42 threatened by the Investiture Conflict; moreover, she contrasts Calixtus' willingness to compromise with Henry V in 1122 with his resistance to do so in 1119 and notes that the roots of the concessions made at the Concordat of Worms lay in the failed negotiations of

Paschal II in llll.173.

Following the Concordat of Worms, Calixtus II convened the First Lateran

Council in Lent of 1123 to mark the end of the investiture quarrel. The canons of

Lateran I restate many of the concerns of the reform papacy, but, as I.S. Robinson succinctly points out, "The council of 1123 was the last occasion when the characteristic

Gregorian reform programme dominated conciliar legislation. The canon prohibiting lay investiture, a regular feature of papal synods since 1078, disappeared after 1123, as also did the decree concerning the canonical election of bishops."175

The focus of papal historiography shifts following the Concordat of Worms and a new theme comes to the forefront of scholarly discussion, the papal schism, partly centered on the papal chancellor Haimeric, who played an influential role in the papal elections of 1124 and 1130. Thus the papal reign of Honorius II (elected December 16,

1124) has been almost completely overshadowed by the events of his election and the reign of Innocent II (elected 14 February 1130), is likewise obscured, by papal schism; it is Cardinal Haimeric who appears at the root of either situation.

173 Stroll, Calixtus II 33, 174-176, 357-400, 474-479. 174 Ibid. 403. For an account of the canons promulgated at the First Lateran Council see Norman Tanner, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, vol. 1 (London: Sheed & Ward, 1990). Studies of the Lateran Councils include R. Foreville, Latran I, II, III, etLatran IV (Paris: Editions de l'Orante, 1965). 175 Robinson, The Papacy 135. 176 George Joseph Schiro produced a study of Honorius II as a PhD dissertation in 1975, "The career of Lamberto da Fagnano: Honorius II, 10357-1130, and the Gregorian reform." PhD diss., New York University, 1975. Most studies of Innocent II are concerned with the papal schism of 1130 and will be considered below.

43 In 1124 an armed force led by Robert Frangipane, one of the two leading noble families of Rome, interrupted the election of Cardinal Thibaud of St. Anastasia as Pope

Celestine II and compelled the election of Lambert of Ostia as Honorius II. Cardinal

Haimeric aided the Frangipane behind the scenes by bribing the Pierleoni family (the supporters of Celestine II) to accept the election.177 Historians have viewed Haimeric's actions at the election of 1124 in the context of his actions in the election of 1130, when he led the faction of cardinals who secretly elected Innocent II, neglecting to inform the whole of the college of cardinals of Pope Honorius' death.

Since its publication in 1961, Franz-Josef Schmale's Studien zum Schisma des

Jahres 1130 has often served as a starting point for discussions of Cardinal Haimeric and his role in the papal schism of 1130.179 Schmale sought to continue the work of Hans-

Walter Klewitz, and criticized that of Pier Fausto Palumbo, who, unlike Klewitz, argued that tension existed between regnum and sacerdotium even after the Concordat of

Worms, that the new orders of monks and canons still had close ties to secular rulers, that

Anaclet's Jewish ancestry was an important issue in his rejection as pope, and that the propaganda of Innocent's supporters significantly effected the conclusion of the schism. Schmale, on the other hand, argued that there were two competing factions in the College of Cardinals. The faction led by Haimeric elected Innocent II, while the other

Robinson, The Papacy 66-69. Franz-Josef Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres 1130. Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 3 (Cologne: Bohlau Verlag Koln Graz, 1961) 120- 123. Robinson, The Papacy 69-71; Mary Stroll, The Jewish Pope: Ideology and Politics in the Papal Schism of1130 (New York: Brill, 1987) xiv-xv. 179 Note 188 above. Schmale's work itself is developed from the work of Hans-Walter Klewitz, "Die Entstehung des Kardinalkollegiums" in Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftungfur Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 25 (1936) 115-221; reprinted in Reformpapsttum und Kardinalkolleg (Darmstadt, 1957) 11-134. Pier Fausto Palumbo, Lo Scisma del MCXXX: I precedents la vicenda Romana e le ripercussioni europee delta lotta traAnacleto ed Innocenzo II col registro degli atti diAnacleto II. Miscellanea della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria 13 (Rome: Presso la R. Deputazione alia Biblioteca vallicelliana, 1942). Stroll, The Jewish Pope 3; Palumbo 10, 54, 82-83, 95.

44 faction, which viewed Innocent's election as irregular, elected Anacletus II. These two factions were divided ideologically and geographically by their adherence to the spirituality of the 'new' monasticism of the twelfth century, the Cistercians and the

Canons Regular, or their loyalty to the 'old' Benedictine orders.181 Stanley Chodorow's

1972 Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century: The

Ecclesiology ofGratian 's Decretum further extended the arguments of Klewitz and

Schmale by linking Gratian to Haimeric's party of reformers.182

Although Schmale's arguments have been widely accepted by many scholars, there is also a wealth of opposition to this ideologically separated view of the 1130 schism. Palumbo's study of the schism emphasized its political aspects; Schmale's work, on the other hand, deliberately rejected Palumbo's approach, and instead sought to focus on the spiritual and ideological differences of each faction.184 Palumbo responded to Schmale's criticism in a 1963 article and since then many scholars have joined the debate. The outcome, as I.S. Robinson has argued in The Papacy, is that "These criticisms demonstrate that the two rival groups of electors who can be identified on 14

February 1130 were not the homogeneous factions described in Schmale's study of 1961.

181 Schmale 29-90, 253-279. 182 Stanley Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century: The Ecclesiology of Gratian's Decretum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972) 5-6,46-47. 183 Critical explorations of the historiography of the papal schism of 1130 can be found in Robinson, The Papacy 67-73, 215-216; and Stroll, The Jewish Pope 1-9. 184 Schmale 6-12; Stroll, The Jewish Pope 5. Pier Fausto Palumbo, "Nuovi Studi (1942-1962) sullo scisma di Anacleto II," in Bollettino dell'istituto storico italianoper il medio evo e Archivio Muratoriano 15 (1963) 71-103. Gerd Tellenbach, "Der Sturz des Abtes Pontius von Cluny und seine geschichtliche Bedeutung," in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven undBibliotheken 42/43 (1963) 13-55; Peter Classen, "Zur Geschichte Papst Anastasius IV," in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 48 (1968) 36-63; Helen Tillman, "Ricerche sull'origine dei membri del collegio cardinalizio nel XII secolo," in Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 24 (1970) 441-64, 26 (1972) 313-53,29 (1975) 363-402; Rudolf Hiils, Kardindle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms 1049-1130. Bibliothek des deutschen historischen Instituts in Rom 48 (Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1977); Werner Maleczek, "Das Kardinalskollegium unter Innocenz II. und Anaklet II." mArchivum Historiae Pontificiae 19 (1981) 27-78; Mary Stroll, The Jewish Pope.

45 They do not, however, affect the central thesis of Klewitz and Schmale, that the origins of

i as the schism of 1130 are to be sought in the College of Cardinals."

The schism of 1130 was settled in 1138 by the death of Anacletus; and in April of

1139 Innocent convoked the Second Lateran Council. Lateran II celebrated the end of the schism and promulgated Innocent II's new reform programme, which he had first introduced at the Council of Clermont in 1130. This new programme sought to enforce

ecclesiastical discipline and to impose new standards on secular society. I.S. Robinson

asserts that Innocent's reform programme contrasted the most with that of the Gregorian reform in its attitude towards the laity. "The older reform movement was preoccupied with protecting the sacerdotium from the encroachment of the secular power, especially

in the sphere of ecclesiastical appointments. The new programme of the 1130s assumed

that this battle had been won."187

Celestine II in 1143 and Lucius II in 1144 followed Innocent II in quick

succession, and in 1145, Eugene III, a former Cistercian monk and disciple of Bernard of

Clairvaux, was elected to the papal see.188 Eugene is perhaps best known on the one hand

as the instigator of the Second Crusade, and on the other as the recipient of St. Bernard's

treatise on the papal office, De Consideratione. In the arena of reform, Eugene, as might be expected from his Cistercian connections, supported widespread canonical and monastic reform, and his collaboration with Abbot Suger in the reform of Saint-

Genevieve is well documented.

S6 Robinson, The Papacy 73. 187 Robinson, The Papacy 135-137. 188 Eugene III was formerly Bernard of Pisa, abbot of the Cistercian house of SS. Vincenzo e Anastasio, near Rome. 189 See Michael Horn, Studien zur Geschichte Papst Eugens III. (1145-1153) (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1992) 114-120.

46 Until the publication in 1992 of Michael Horn's Studien zur Geschichte Papst

Eugens III (1145-1153), Helmut Gleber's Pabst Eugen III (1145-1153), unter besonderer

Beriicksichtigung seiner politischen Tatigkeit, published in 1936, was the most recent monograph available for the study of Eugene Ill's contribution to the history of the papacy.190 As his title suggests, Dr. Gleber's work focuses primarily on the political significance of Eugene's papacy. He looks at Eugene's contribution to the 'papal monarchy'191 of the later twelfth century, his assertion of papal supremacy in secular affairs, and the importance of the Council of Reims in the spring of 1148 as the highpoint of Eugene's political power. He looks also at the struggles Eugene faced in his attempts to physically occupy the papal see as well as the Second Crusade and its political repercussions.193 Michael Horn's study of Eugene III is far more comprehensive than that of Helmut Gleber. He considers Eugene's origins and career before his election before entering into a discussion of Eugene's relations with Germany, France, England, and Spain, taking into account the political situation as well as issues of reform and the monastic life.

In spite of at least two major clashes between Pope and King, the Papacy was very much at home in France during the first half of the twelfth century. The popes made several visits to France during this time. Pope Urban traveled through France in 1098

Helmut Gleber, Pabst Eugen III (1145-1153), unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung seiner politischen Tatigkeit. Beitrage zur mittelalterlichen und neueren Geschichte, vol. 6 (Jena: G. Fischer, 1936). There is also an unpublished PhD dissertation by Charles D.G. Spornick, "The Life and Reign of Pope Eugene III (1145-1153)." PhD diss., University of Notre-Dame, 1988. Spornick makes little reference to Gleber, which is understandable since his thesis concentrates on Eugene's place in the 'reform papacy,' a topic outside of the scope of Gleber's work. 191 For more on the theory of 'papal monarchy' see Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050-1250 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989). Helmut Gleber actually calls this Weltherrschaftsgedankens or 'idea of world domination', but it seems to fit in nicely with more modern theories of the papal monarchy. 192 See particularly Gleber 72-102. 193 Gleber 5-61.

47 preaching the First Crusade. Paschal II met with King Philip and the future Louis VI at

Saint-Denis in 1107, Gelasius II spent three months in France, Calixtus II spent eleven months there, Innocent II took refuge from the papal schism for over a year in France, and Eugene III visited for nine months.194 Active papal legates, such as Matthew of

Albano, also provided a visible reminder of the papacy and its interests even during the pope's absence.

The events with which the papacy was preoccupied in the years from the reign of

Gregory VII up to that of Eugene III were an integral part of the religious environment within which the bishops of France acted in the governance and reform of their dioceses.

From 1073 to 1122 the overriding concerns of the papacy and curia were the definition and protection of papal privilege as well as the capitulation of the Holy Roman Emperor regarding the question of lay investiture. During these years the popes primarily relied on local bishops to implement the goals of their reform programme, the ongoing fight against simony, lay investiture and a thorough reform of the canonical life. Pope and bishop were linked by the papal legate, who was frequently a cardinal bishop, originally from the area of legation, and was responsible for enforcing papal decrees as well as passing local information back to the papal curia. 5

Though there was still underlying tension between regnum and sacerdotium following the Concordat of Worms in 1122, the peace established under the Concordat allowed the papacy to focus more sharply on matters of reform. Calixtus II and Innocent

II each promulgated programmes of reform; Calixtus at the First Lateran Council in 1123, and Innocent at the Council of Clermont in 1130, and again at the Second Lateran

194 Robinson, The Papacy 286. 195 Robinson, The Papacy 178. For more on papal legates see Robinson's chapter "Papal Legates" in The Papacy, 146-178.

48 Council in 1139. The papal schism ofll30-1138 however, detracted attention from

Innocent's reform agenda. Yet from 1138 to the end of his papacy in 1143, Innocent II sought to improve ecclesiastical discipline and encourage the laity to observe the statutes of the Church. Pope Eugene III, too, perhaps influenced by his Cistercian background, encouraged monastic and canonical reform.

Bishops and Patrons

The years following the conclusion of the Investiture Contest mark a rough turning point in the history of papal administration and therefore in the interaction between pope and bishop at the local level. Where initially the pope was content to leave the implementation of reform in the hands of the bishop, after 1130 he often took a much more direct hand in local affairs.196 Constance Brittain Bouchard examined the changing role of the twelfth-century bishop in Spirituality and Administration: The Role of the

Bishop in Twelfth-Century Auxerre. By analyzing the biographies of seven bishops, reigning from 1092-1220, she has isolated certain specific characteristics which contemporaries expected, to some degree or other, in their local pontiff. Auxerre, in this case, acts as a microcosm for many a French diocese, and as these expectations will be encountered in later chapters, it seems prudent to outline a few of them now.

One of the chief duties of a twelfth-century bishop was the defense and expansion of episcopal rights. These included the liberation of churches from lay control, the recovery of episcopal property, and the defense of episcopal rights. For example, Bishop

Humbaud of Auxerre's biographer extensively relates his reclamation of property from

196 Constance Brittain Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration: The Role of the Bishop in Twelfth- Century Auxerre. Speculum Anniversary Monographs, 5 (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1979)34, 61.

49 the laity and his improvements to the episcopal domain, while the biographer of

Humbaud's successor, Hugh of Montaigu (1115-1136), in spite of his obvious sanctity, compares Hugh of Montaigu unfavorably to the next bishop, Hugh of Macon (1136-

1151), due to his "lack of justice," i.e., the defense and expansion of episcopal rights.197

Bishops were also expected to be generous in the support of their cathedral and its

canons. Support could consist of physical repairs to the cathedral buildings, the

acquisition of decorations and relics, and the grant of additional revenues towards the maintenance of the canons. The bishop was further expected to nurture the religious

life of his diocese through the support and reform of religious houses. Many bishops were

involved in the new foundations of the late eleventh and early twelfth century, and the bishops of Auxerre offer no exception. Humbaud established regular canons at the

churches of St.-Pierre and St.-Eusebe of Auxerre, Hugh of Montaigu was involved in the

founding of the Cistercian houses of Reigny, Bouras and Les Roches, and Hugh of

Macon in the establishment of Premonstratensian canons in the church of St.-Marien.199

Bishops supported existing religious houses through gifts, the settlement of disputes, and,

when necessary, reform.200 Bishop Humbaud is particularly remembered for the restoration of regular life in his diocese.201

Regular life, whether monastic or canonical, could be restored in numerous ways.

A bishop might introduce or encourage the adoption of the customs of a 'reformed' abbey

such as Cluny, Bee, or Gorze.202 In canonical communities, he might insist that they

19 Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration 24-25, 51, 54-56. 198 Ibid. 22-23,44-45, 62-63. 199 Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration, 28, 43, 56-57. 200 Ibid. 30,45-46, 58. 201 Ibid. 26-29. 202 Frequently in the adoption of new customs the impetus for reform would come from either the bishop or from within the community itself. For example Archbishop Lanfranc introduced the customs of Bee in the

50 follow or adopt a stricter interpretation of the rule of St. Augustine. In the case of irregular or secular canons the bishop might expel the entire community and replace them with regulars or he might compromise by insisting that at the death of a secular canon his place should be given up to a regular one.203 Expulsion as a method of reform was actually far more common among canons than it was among monks or nuns.204

The four Lateran Councils, held between 1123 and 1215, outline in greater and greater detail, many of the responsibilities of twelfth-century bishops, particularly as regards the regular life in their diocese. Bishops were responsible for the souls of those within their diocese. Canon sixteen of the First Lateran Council (1123) states that monks are to be subject to their diocesan bishops; further, monks should remain within their monasteries and refrain from pastoral duties such as celebrating public masses, visiting the sick, and hearing confessions. If a monastery has churches which it needs to provide with parish priests, these are to be ordained by its diocesan bishop.205 Canon seven of the

monastery of Christ Church, Canterbury. See David Knowles, ed. & trans. The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc. rev. ed. Christopher NX. Brooke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002) xxiii - xxiv. For the Gorze reform see John Nightingale, Monasteries and patrons in the Gorze reform: Lotharingia c850-1000 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001). There are numerous examples of monasteries adopting the customs of Cluny. See Neithard Bulst, Untersuchungen zu den Klosterreformen Wilhelms von Dijon (962-1031) (Bonn: L. Rohrscheid, 1973), and Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 108. 203 For multiple examples of canonical reform see Little 105-112. With regard to the decision to reform or replace a canonical community Little argues "The canonical reform movement made its appearance in all parts of Europe, but an important distinction is to be made between those areas where cathedral chapters were reformed and those where instead, new communities of regular canons were founded. The studies made so far suggest that reforms of existing communities were common in those areas where nobles lived in towns and had relatively liquid fortunes. These areas included central and northern Italy, the Alpine provinces, Provence, Aquitaine, and Spain. But in England, northern and central France, the Rhineland, and western Germany, where the nobility had an interest in retaining the old, landed prebends, the old canonical life changed little or not at all, and canonical reform had to enter via newly established communities." (105). Constance Bouchard notes in Sword, Miter, and Cloister: Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980- 1198 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987) that in the churches of St.-Etienne of Dijon and CMtillon regular canons were gradually introduced (114). See also Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 114-117. 204 For example, in 1120 Pope Calixtus II encouraged the bishop of Auxerre to replace all of the secular canons in his diocese with monks or regular canons (Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister 113). 205 Norman P. Tanner. Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils: Volume One, Nicaea I to Lateran V (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1990). 1 Lateran c.16.

51 Second Lateran Council (1139) elaborates on Canon seven of the First Lateran Council by forbidding not only priests, deacons and subdeacons to marry, but also decreeing that any bishop, priest, deacon, subdeacon, canon regular, monk or lay brother who has dared to break their vow of continence is to be immediately separated from their partner. The same applies to any female religious who attempts to marry.

Second Lateran agrees with the conviction that monks should remain in their monasteries. Canon nine prohibits monks and canons regular from studying civil law or medicine for temporal gain and places the burden of their obedience on their diocesan bishop as well as their abbot. Bishops, abbots and priors who fail to correct such practices

907 are to be excommunicated. Canon twenty six of Second Lateran calls for bishops to keep a closer watch on the nuns of their diocese.

We decree that the pernicious and detestable custom which has spread among some women who, although they live neither according to the rule of blessed Benedict, nor Basil, nor Augustine, yet wish to be thought of by everyone as nuns, is to be abolished. For when, living according to the rule in monasteries, they ought to be in church or in the refectory or dormitory in common, they build for themselves their own retreats and private dwelling places where, under the guise of hospitality, indiscriminately and without any shame they receive guests and secular persons contrary to the sacred canons and good morals.

The following canon further prohibits nuns from singing the office in company with monks or canons.209

Although this dissertation is primarily concerned with events between 1100 and

1150, the decrees of the Third and Fourth Lateran Council are founded upon those of

First and Second Lateran, and are of sufficient importance that we should consider them

1 Lateran c. 7; 2 Lateran c. 7. 207 2 Lateran c. 9. 208 2 Lateran c. 26. 209 2 Lateran c. 27.

52 here. The Third Lateran Council (1179) brings up the subject of episcopal visitations, seeking to limit the burden placed on churches and religious houses by the episcopal

910 retinue. It also forbids the exchange of money for entry to a religious house, and declares that any monk who has money in his possession should be excommunicated.

Any abbot who knowingly allows such practices is to be removed from office.211

The Fourth Lateran Council (1215), in many ways the most famous of all, details exactly what is expected from bishops in maintaining the regular life in their dioceses.

Canons six through eight discuss the reform of the clergy, while canon twelve is concerned with monastic reforms. Archbishops should hold yearly provincial councils at which they and their suffragan bishops should work for the correction and reform of the clergy. In each diocese they are to appoint men to determine what needs correction or reform and then report back to the council.212 Canon seven, entitled 'On the correction of offenses,' is again primarily directed toward the reform of the clergy, particularly those 913 attached to a cathedral church.

Canon eight is concerned with inquests: the procedure which a bishop should follow in inquiring into the offenses of his subjects. It instructs that bishops should not immediately react to the first rumor that they hear, but should make sure that any accusation or complaint comes from prudent and honest persons; even then, the bishop should not act unless a complaint comes frequently and persistently. If such a case comes up, the bishop should carefully seek out the truth of the matter from senior officials in that church. The accused should be present and should be told what he is accused of so

210 3 Lateran c. 4. 211 3 Lateran c. 10. 212 4 Lateran c. 6. 213 4 Lateran c. 7.

53 that he can defend himself. The final section of this canon outlines the ways that a bishop can proceed against his subjects: by accusation, denunciation and inquest.214

Thus, just as a charge in lawful form ought to precede the accusation, so a charitable warning ought to precede the denunciation, and the publication of the charge ought to precede the inquest...

Canon eight concludes that this procedure does not necessarily apply to regulars because they can "be more easily and freely removed from their offices by their own superiors, when the case requires it."216

Canon twelve, 'On general chapters of monks,' seeks to institute a general chapter for Benedictine monasteries, along the lines of those held by the Cistercians. At this chapter, men are to be appointed to make a round of visitations of all the abbeys, both male and female, in the kingdom or province on behalf of the pope.

Let them correct and reform what seems to need correction and reform. Thus if they know of the superior of a place who should certainly be removed from office, let them denounce the person to the bishop concerned so that he may see to his or her removal. If the bishop will not do this, let the visitors themselves refer the matter to the apostolic see for 217

examination.

The canon further states that diocesan bishops should be zealous to reform the monasteries within their jurisdiction, so that these papal visitors will find nothing wrong. In addition, canon thirty-three comments that the purpose of visitation is preaching, exhortation, correction and reform.

Canon sixty-four of the Fourth Lateran Council repeats and elaborates the tenth canon of the Third Lateran Council, which labels the exchange of money in return for

214 4 Lateran c. 8. 215 Ibid. 216 Ibid. 217 4 Lateran c. 12 218 Ibid. 219 4 Lateran c. 33.

54 reception into a religious house as simony. The canon particularly identifies this problem with houses of nuns. Those admitted in this way are to be transferred to another house of the same order, if there are too many to be transferred then they may be readmitted to their convent after the prioress and other officials have been replaced. 20

In 1934 Marion Gibbs and Jane Lang published a study on bishops and reform in

England following the Lateran Council of 1215.221 Their purpose was to examine the background of the bishops, the factors influencing their elections, and finally, to see how these bishops approached the matter of reform and to what extent they attempted to enforce the canons of Lateran IV.222 They came to the conclusion that the English bishops attempted to enforce certain decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council with varying degrees of success, while ignoring others altogether. Canon six, demanding yearly provincial councils, was not followed although a similar decree aimed at religious orders, canon twelve, was observed by the abbots, most likely to prevent interference by their bishops.224 The bishops in England did work towards the improvement of the monasteries in their dioceses; Gibbs and Lang find evidence for frequent visitations of religious houses from 1215-1272.225 Yet the English bishops of this period seem most concerned with enforcing the Lateran decrees regulating the conduct and discipline of the secular clergy.226

The legislation of the four Lateran Councils suggests a growing interest in the maintenance of regular life at the diocesan level on the part of the papacy. Elaine

220 4 Lateran c. 64. 221 Marion Gibbs and Jane Lang, Bishops and Reform 1215-1272, with special reference to the Lateran Council of 1215 (London: Oxford University Press, 1934). 222 -Ibid. vii. 223 •Ibid . 176-177. 224 Ibid. 147-148. 225 Ibid. 151-153. 226 Ibid. 158.

55 Graham-Leigh highlights this interest, as well as a growing tension between papal and diocesan understandings of the bishops' role, in her article "Hirelings and Shepherds:

001

Archbishop Berenguer of Narbonne (1191-1211) and the Ideal Bishop." The focus of her article is the contentious career of Berenguer of Narbonne, infamous among 00H historians due to his failure to deal with the Cathar heresy in his diocese. Graham-

Leigh challenges this interpretation of Berenguer as a failing prelate. She argues that in many respects, Berenguer of Narbonne was a very effective bishop. The discrepancy lies in the tension between papal expectations of the episcopate and local expectations.

Berenguer's behavior corresponds to the expectations of twelfth-century cathedral chapters, examined in the work of Constance Brittain Bouchard.229 He excelled in the administration of his diocese and brought about financial and political stability.

Graham-Leigh argues that Innocent III was more interested in spirituality and pastoral care than bureaucratic ability. As the legislation of the Fourth Lateran Council demonstrates, Innocent III placed much emphasis on the pastoral duties of bishops, and it is in this respect that he found Berenguer negligent in his episcopal duties. Graham-

Leigh notes that the problem of heresy in the Languedoc allowed Innocent "to remake the

church of the Midi according to his own model of the episcopal office. In the sees most

affected by heresy, the removal of unsatisfactory bishops allowed the introduction of not

227 Elaine Graham-Leigh, "Hirelings and Shepherds: Archbishop Berenguer of Narbonne (1191-1211) and the Ideal Bishop" in The English Historical Review 116 (2001) 1083-1102. 228 Graham-Leigh, 1083 n.2. 229 Bouchard concludes that over the course of the twelfth century there was a gradual increase in emphasis on the administrative ability of bishops as a result of the increased variety of religious life. "The manifestation of inward spiritual life that die biographers of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries found most appropriate in a bishop was immersion in the administrative duties of the office. Thus William of Seignelay's biographer pictured his subject as someone whose saintliness was manifested in a defense of ecclesiastical rights and close attention to the affairs of his church." (Spirituality and Administration, 143). 230 Graham-Leigh, 1093-1095,1097. 231 Ibid. 1093, 1098.

56 only monastic, but specifically Cistercian candidates.. ."232 Thus, according to Graham-

Leigh, Innocent sought a return to the episcopal model that emphasized the spiritual sanctity of prelates rather than their administrative ability, and so the dispute between

Innocent III and Archbishop Berenguer was a result of two very different understandings of the episcopal office.233

An examination of the ideal role of the bishop is, of course, only one approach to the history of the twelfth-century episcopate. Scholars have studied the spirituality of bishops, their origins, elections, their administration of temporalities, and their relation to the political order. Marcel Pacaut, J. Gaudemet, Jean Becquet and Constance B.

Bouchard have all considered the social origins of bishops, with Bouchard concluding that, at least with regard to the men who became bishops in the dioceses of Auxerre and

Sens, bishops tended to be drawn from the local nobility. Jorg Peltzer, John W.

Baldwin, Ralph V. Turner, and Kimberly A. LoPrete have all recently delved into the subject of episcopal elections, although the classic works on the subject date primarily from the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century.235 Recently, also a number

232 Ibid. 1100. 233 Ibid. 1101. 234 See Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les elections episcopates dans le royaume de France (Paris: J.Vrin, 1957) 121-146; Jean Gaudemet, "Recherches sur l'episcopat medieval en France" in Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law: Boston College, 12-16 August 1963, S. Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan, eds. (Vatican: S. Congregatio de seminariis et studiorum universitatibus, 1965) 139- 154; Bernard Guillemain, "Les origines des eveques en France au Xle et Xlle siecles." In Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche della 'societas Christiana' dei secoli XI-XII. Miscellanea del Centre- di Studi Medioevali 7 (Milan, 1974) 374-407; Jean Becquet, "Les eveques de Limoges aux Xe, Xle et Xlle siecles." In Bulletin de la Societe archeologique et historique du Limousin 104 (1977) 63-90; Constance B. Bouchard, "The Geographical, Social and Ecclesiastical Origins of the Bishops of Auxerre and Sens in the Central Middle Ages" in Church History 46 (1977) 277-295; Ibid. 295. 235 For episcopal elections see Jorg Peltzer, "The Angevin kings and canon law: episcopal elections and the loss of Normandy" in Anglo-Norman Studies, XXVII: Proceedings of the Battle Conference, 2004, ed. John Gillingham (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2005) 169-184; John W. Baldwin, "Philippe Auguste, Pierre le Chantre et Etienne de Gallardon: la conjoncture de regnum, studium et cancellaria au tournant des Xlle et XHIe siecles" in Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Comptes-rendus des seances 1 (2000) 437-457; Ralph V. Turner, "Richard Lionheart and the episcopate in his French domains" in French Historical Studies 21 (1998) 517-542; Kimberly A. LoPrete, "Adela of Blois and Ivo of Chartres: piety,

57 of regional studies of bishops, their authority and their temporalities have been published.236

Although it was ostensibly the bishop's role to initiate reform in his diocese, often the patron of a monastery also played a significant part. In Sword, Miter, and Cloister:

Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980-1198, Constance Bouchard explores the co- dependant relationship between the nobility and monastic reform in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.237 Bouchard chronicles the initiative of the monastic patron in bringing about the reform of older religious houses as well as their support of the new 'reformed' orders. She gives multiple examples of reforms initiated by the counts of Burgundy in the tenth century either by means of the introduction of a new observance, the addition of monks from Cluny, or the donation of the house as a priory to Cluny itself.238 By the twelfth century, the nobility's initiative had taken on a new form; rather than introduce a politics, and the peace in the diocese of Chartres" in Anglo-Norman Studies, XIV: Proceedings of the Battle Conference, 1991, ed. Marjorie Chibnall (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 1992) 131-152. Foundational studies for episcopal elections include Pierre Imbart de la Tour, Les elections episcopates dans I 'eglise de France du IXe au Xlle siecle (Paris, 1891); Emile Roland, Les chanoines et les elections episcopates duXIe auXIVe siecle (Aurillac, 1909); Geoffrey Barraclough, "The Making of a Bishop in the Middle Ages: The Part of the Pope in Law and Fact," in Catholic Historical Review 19 (1933-34) 275-319; Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les elections episcopates and on the unique position of the bishop-elect see Robert Benson, The Bishop Elect: a study in medieval ecclesiastical office (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968). Also of interest is Robert Benson's article "The Obligations of Bishops with 'Regalia': Canonistic Views from Gratian to the Early Thirteenth Century" in Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law: Boston College, 12-16 August 1963, S. Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan, eds. (Vatican: S. Congregatio de seminariis et studiorum universitatibus, 1965) 123-137. 236 See Benjamin Arnold, Count and Bishop in Medieval Germany: A Study of Regional Power, 1100-1350 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991) which highlights the importance of the prince- bishop as a political entity in the Eichstatt region of Medieval Germany (176-177); George W. Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society, 1000-1320 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991) describes the changing nature of episcopal power in Florence and explores the interrelationship between the city and its surrounding countryside (6-12); Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950-1150 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993); Everett U. Crosby, Bishop and Chapter in Twelfth-Century England: A Study of the Mensa Episcopalis. Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, Fourth Series (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) examines the political and economic relationship between the bishop and his cathedral chapter; and David Foote, Lordship, Reform, and the Development of Civil Society in Medieval Italy: The Bishopric ofOrvieto, 1100-1250 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004) explores the relation between the sacred and secular elements of society in the bishopric ofOrvieto. 237 See note 216. 238 Bouchard, Sword, Miter and Cloister 102-110.

58 new observance or new monks into an older, established religious house in order to instigate reform, they turned their attention and resources to the support of the newer

'reformed' orders. Under these circumstances Bouchard observes, "there were very few old monasteries left in Burgundy which had not already been reformed, so in many cases it would have been impossible for the twelfth-century monks simply to move into a ruined monastery, even if they had wished to do so."239 The nobility also continued to support the monasteries connected to their families by acting as advocates and defenders of monastic property.240

Bouchard argues against the traditional scholarly viewpoint "that the church reform of the eleventh and twelfth centuries was carried out in determined opposition to the local nobility."241 John Howe supports Bouchard's argument in his article, "The

Nobility's Reform of the Medieval Church."242 Whereas Bouchard concentrates on the duchy of Burgundy, Howe considers some of the wider implications of the nobility's support of church reform as well as how they acquired the tarnished reputation as oppressors of the Church in the first place. Howe suggests that the nobility's reputation is a by-product of the Gregorian Reform and particularly Augustin Fliche's bipolar model of the clergy set against the interfering nobility. 43 Howe argues "men of noble birth led

239 Ibid. 122. Ibid. 125-131. For more on advocates and their role see: Arlette Laret-Kayser, "Avouerie et reforme monastique: la fondation du prieure de Chiny (1097)" in Revue du Nord: Histoire & Archeologie, nord de la France, Belgique, Pays-Bas 55:216 (1973) 78-79; Roger Petit, "L'avouerie de l'abbaye de Stavelot du IXe au Xlle siecle" in Publications de la section historique de I'Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 98 (1984) 129-157; Christian Dupont, "Violence et avouerie au Xle et au debut du Xlle siecle en Basse- Lotharingie: note sur l'histoire des abbayes de Saint-Hubert et de Saint-Trond." In Publications de la section historique de I'Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 98 (1984) 115-128; and Michel Parisse, "Les reglements d'avouerie en Lorraine au Xle siecle" in Publications de la section historique de I'Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 98 (1984) 159-173. Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister 124. 242 John Howe, "The Nobility's Reform of the Medieval Church" in The American Historical Review 93 (1988)317-339. 243 Ibid. 318-319, 326.

59 church reform."244 He points out that it was the nobility who supplied the abbots, monks and bishops; both reformed and unreformed, as well as financial resources.245 Howe attributes the Gregorian reform in part to the initiative and support of the nobility:

It seems useful, therefore, to recognize the reforming role nobles played as they helped set the stage for and then participated in the Gregorian reform. They usurped for themselves royal rights of ecclesiastical patronage, endowing the Church with so much wealth that it had ample resources for independent action. They showered exemplary abbots with monasteries, creating religious federations with armies of holy and learned monks, many of noble birth. From the nobility came wealth, support, and leadership for a revived episcopate. The aid given by particular nobles and groups of nobles was often the difference between success and failure for reforming abbots, bishops, and popes.2

Briefly, it was the secular nobility's support of their ecclesiastical kin that made the reformation of the Church in the eleventh and twelfth centuries possible.247

While noble patrons frequently played an active role in the reform of religious houses, we should keep in mind that their interest was not entirely selfless in these matters. The relationship between a patron and a monastery was complex and could include a variety of unrecorded customs and expectations. Christopher Holdsworth explores the intricacies of this relationship in The Piper and the Tune: medieval patrons and monks?4 Holdsworth makes it clear that patrons held many customary expectations, both material and spiritual, from the monasteries that they sponsored. Patrons might expect to have some control over a monastery's lands, interfere in abbatial elections, or

244 Ibid. 328. 245 Ibid. 328-332. 246 Ibid. 336-337. 247 Also see Marjorie Chibnall's article "The Empress Matilda and Church Reform" in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 38 (1988) 107-130; repr. Piety, Power and History in Medieval England and Normandy. Variorum collected studies series (Aldershot, Eng.: Ashgate, 2000). 248 Christopher Holdsworth, The Piper and the Tune: medieval patrons and monks. The Stenton Lecture, 1990 (Reading: University of Reading, 1991). For an older, but far more detailed treatment of patronage and monastic houses see Susan Wood, English Monasteries and their Patrons in the Thirteenth Century. Oxford Historical Series (London: Oxford University Press, 1955). For a regional study of patronage see Penelope Johnson, Prayer, Patronage and Power: The Abbey of la Trinite, Vendome, 1032-1187 (New York: New York University Press, 1981).

60 claim the right to demand hospitality.249 They also received spiritual benefits, the most significant of which was the inclusion in the prayers of the community for as long as the community existed.250 Above all, a monastery was viewed as a spiritual investment.251

Susan Wood's recent study, The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West, draws attention to the evolving relationship between the laity and the Church and, in particular, the laity's transition from dominium to patronage. 52 Whereas in pre-Carolingian times the founder of a monastery and his family might have strong interest in a foundation, even so, the abbot or abbess could generally be considered the monastery's 'owner'.

Wood argues that before the Carolingian period there is little evidence for any real long- lasting family control over a given monastery.254 The transition to outside lordship of a monastery, control of the office of abbot or abbess that can lead to direct possession of a monastery, appears to have taken place by the end of the eighth century, when medium sized monasteries began to come under the lordship of great monasteries and bishoprics,

Frankish mayors, dukes and kings.255 This sort of lordship is alternatively described by the terms dominatio, dominium, potestas, ius, and proprietas. Such is the state of proprietary lordship over churches from the Carolingian period to the Gregorian reform of the eleventh century.257

249 Holdsworth 14-15. 250 Ibid. 17-18. 251 Wood 2. 252 Susan Wood, The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 922. 253 Ibid. 118. 254 Ibid. 176. 255 Ibid. 182, 190. 256 Ibid. 190. 257 For the change from dominium to patronage in the eleventh century see Wood, The Proprietary Church 851-933.

61 The preoccupations of the kings of France and the papacy from 1100-1150 generally lay outside of the realm of monastic reform. The kings were occupied with extending their authority and domain. Thus they supported reform when it suited them to do so, whether out of concern for their own soul or for more political reasons. The popes at this time were primarily concerned with matters of investiture and schism; thus they were content to leave individual matters of discipline in the hands of their bishops and legates. In the following chapters we will see that it was the individual bishops, aided and encouraged by the lay patrons of monasteries, who were responsible for pushing forward reform, such as expulsion, at a local level. By examining individual case studies, we will look more closely at how such bishops and patrons enacted reform. Along the way we will consider expulsion as a method of reform, giving due attention to why these communities were expelled, the steps taken in the expulsion and the fate of such communities afterward.

62 Chapter Two

Saint-Eloi

Due to a relative scarcity of sources, scholarly attempts to trace the history of

Saint-Eloi prior to the expulsion of the nuns have rarely been attempted. The most complete studies date from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and can be found in the seventh volume of the Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa and the first of L'Abbe Lebeuf s Histoire de la Ville et de tout le diocese de Paris. There are no modern studies of Saint-Eloi, although Robert-Henri Bautier and Thomas Waldman have mentioned the expulsion in the context of a variety of reforms. Bautier discusses Saint-

Eloi in "Les origines et premiers developpements de l'abbaye Saint-Victor de Paris" in

L 'Abbaye Parisienne de Saint-Victor au Moyen Age with reference to other reforms that took place under the cover of the Gregorian reform.2 He attributes these reforms to economic opportunism on the part of the reforming parties and notes that Saint-Eloi was transferred to the monks of Saint-Maur under the pretence of moral reform.3 Waldman mentions the reform of Saint-Eloi as a precedent for Abbot Suger of St. Denis in his acquisition of the abbey of Argenteuil in "Abbot Suger and the Nuns of Argenteuil."4

Details of the expulsion itself are preserved in a charter of Bishop Galo of Paris, which can be found in Paris at the Archives Nationales, K. 20, n°9.5 Circumstantial

1 See GC 7:279-282 and L'Abbe Lebeuf s Histoire de la Ville et de tout le diocese de Paris 1 (Paris: Librairie de Fechoz et Letouzey, 1883) 306-309. R. H. Bautier, "Les Origines et Premier Developpements de l'Abbaye Saint-Victor" in L 'Abbaye Parisienne de Saint-Victor au Moyen Age, ed. Jean Longere (Paris: Brepols, 1991)23-52. 3 Ibid. 25,31. Note that Saint-Maur and Saint-Pierre des Fosses are the same abbey. 4 Thomas G. Waldman, "Abbot Suger and the Nuns of Argenteuil" Traditio 41(1985) 239-272; 248. 5 The original, in the form of a chirograph, can be found in Paris, Archives Nationales K. 20, n°9. There is a twelfth century copy in the Livre noir de Notre-Dame, Paris, Archives Nationales LL 177, p. 72 and two copies from the thirteenth century; one in the Grand Pastoral de Notre-Dame, Archives Nationales LL 175,

63 evidence can further be found in a letter of Pope Paschal II to the canons of Paris, and of

King Philip of France to Bishop Galo.6 Saint-Eloi is mentioned in several earlier sources

as well. Jonas of Bobbio recounts the monastery's foundation in the seventh-century

Vitae Columbani; several early royal and papal charters survive as well, most notably

those of Charles the Bald, Louis the Stammerer, and Pope Benedict [VII].7 Finally, there

is a surviving charter describing a transaction between the nuns of Saint-Eloi and the

monks of Morigny. This document dates only a few years prior to the expulsion and lists

the members of the community of Saint-Eloi. This same transaction is briefly mentioned

in the Chronicle of Morigny.

In the following chapter we will examine the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Eloi,

paying attention not only to Bishop Galo's charter describing the expulsion and

subsequent transfer of the monastery to the monks of Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses, but also to

p. 607 and the other in the Petit Pastoral de Notre-Dame, Archives Nationales LL 176, p. 150. Editions include: Robert de Lasteyrie, ed. Cartulaire General de Paris (Paris, 1887) n°143; GC 7: instr. 42; PL 164: 725C; M. Guerard, ed. Cartulaire de I'Eglise Notre-Dame de Paris, l(Paris, 1850) 311-314. This charter is also indexed in Luchaire, Annales n°49. 6 A twelfth-century copy of Paschal's letter can be found in the Archives Nationales LL 177 p. 31 and a thirteenth century copy in Archives Nationales LL 176 p. 14. Editions include: RHGF 15: 28; de Lasteyrie 156, n°134; Guerard 1: 224; and PL 163: 157. The original of King Philip's letter has been lost, but a copy survives from the fifteenth century in Archives Nationales S 1182, n° 4, fol. 9. It has been edited by M. Prou. Recueil des Actes de Philippe I, Roi de France (1059-1108), n° 160, p. 401. 7 Jonas of Bobbio. Vitae Sanctorum Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis. Ed. Bruno Krusch. MGH SS rer. Germ. 37 (1905) 255. Charles the Bald's original charter is found in Paris, Archives nationales K 11, n°4; twelfth and thirteenth century copies exist respectively in Paris, Archives nationales LL 78, p. 101 and in Paris, Archives nationales LL 77, p. 54. Editions include Guerard 1: 248; de Lasteyrie 66, n°49, and Tessier, Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve 2 (Paris: Impr. Nationale, 1941) 312, n°364. Louis the Stammerer's charter survives in Paris, Archives Nationales LL. 177, p. 92 and Paris, Archives Nationales LL 176, p. 77. It has been edited by de Lasteyrie 69, n°51 and by Guerard 1: 261-263. There is also a confirmation of the possessions of the bishop of Paris by a Pope Benedict, most likely Pope Benedict VII, dated by Guerard c. December 30, 984 which includes the monastery of St. Eloi. This has been edited by Guerard 1:220-222. 8 An eighteenth-century copy of this charter survives in BN, ms. lat. 5439 (Cartulary of Morigny), p.217. Editions include: de Lasteyrie n°130; Fleureau, Les antiquitez de la ville, et du duche d'Estampes avec I'histoire de I'abbaye de Morigny (Paris, 1683) 499-500; and E. Menault, Morigny: son abbaye, sa chronique et son cartulaire suivis de I'histoire du doyenne d'Etampes, part II, 5-6. The transaction is also mentioned in the twelfth-century Chronicle of Morigny, found in the Vatican Library in the library of Petau, n° E 52. It has been edited by Leon Mirot (1912) and translated by Richard Cusimano, A Translation of the Chronicle of the Abbey of Morigny, France c. 1100-1150. (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen Press, 2003).

64 relevant circumstantial evidence and the historical background of Saint-Eloi. We will show that the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Eloi was not only a result of accusations of moral laxity, but also was contingent on matters of proprietary jurisdiction.

The Expulsion

In the year 1107, Bishop Galo of Paris ejected the nuns of Saint-Eloi from their monastery on Paris' Ile-de-la-Cite and handed Saint-Eloi to the monks of Saint-Pierre- des-Fosses for use as a priory. He accused them of living in a secular manner, breaking vows of chastity, abandoning the purpose of the religious life, and turning the house of

God into a house of fornification. The foil charter reads as follows:10

1. In nomine sanctae et individuae 1. In the name of the holy and Trinitatis. indivisible Trinity

2. Ratio quidem, et sanctarum 2. Reason and the authority of holy scripturarum monet auctoritas, ut scripture warn that those who qui pastoraliter ecclesiis praesident, preside over churches like a vigilanti cura, pastorali sollicitudine shepherd should inquire into and subditorum vitam inquirant et examine the life of those under inspiciant, ut in ecclesiis sibi them with pastoral solicitude and commissis, si inhonestas et vigilant care so that if, in the incorrigibiles viderint personas, aut churches committed to them, they ad statum religionis studeant should see dishonest and revocare, aut alias omnino personas incorrigible persons then either they commutare, ne male viventium should be eager to recall them to a exemplo bene viventes state of religious life or to substitute

9 For secondary literature on Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses see Michel Lauwers, "La 'Vie du seigneur Bouchard, compte venerable'. Conflits d'avouerie, traditions carolingiennes et modeles de saintete a l'abbaye des Fosses au Xle siecle," in Guerriers et moines. Conversion et saintete aristocratiques dans I 'Occident medieval (IXe-XIIe siecle) (Antibes: Editions APDCA, 2002) 371-418. Lauwers examines the monks' redaction of their monastery's 'restauration' in the eleventh century and traces the transition of Count Bouchard from advocate to patron. Also see Michel Lauwers, "Memoire des origines et ideologies monastiques. Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses et Saint-Victor de Marseille au Xle siecle" in La memoire des origines dans les institutions medievales. Actes de la Table-Ronde de I'Ecole francaise de Rome, 6-8juin 2002. Melanges de I'Ecole frangaise de Rome, MoyenAge 115 (2003) 155-180. 10 In order to more easily discuss the particulars of the charter, I have labeled each sentence with a corresponding number. I have used die Gallia Christiana edition here, GC 7: instr. 42.

65 corrumpantur, et pastores, si others altogether, lest those living dissimulaverint aut tacuerint, ex good lives be corrupted by the consensu taciturnitatis in perpetuum example of those living badly, and condemnentur. pastors should be condemned perpetually if they ignore [such problems] or remain silent out of tacit consent.

3. Omnibus igitur notum fieri 3. Therefore we wish all to know that volumus, monasterium S. Eligii the monastery of Saint-Eloi of Paris Parisiensis, ordini quidem in former times was counted among monacharum antiquitus fuisse the ordo of nuns, but through deputatum, sed tandem diabolico diabolical influence that fragile sex instinctu, fragilis ille sexus ad has lapsed into such a miserable tantam turpitudinis prolapsus est state of dishonor that impudently miseriam, ut publice secularitati and publicly adhering to secular impudenter adherens, voto castitatis behavior, with broken vows of rupto, proposito religionis penitus chastity and a complete rejection of abjecto, templum Dei speluncam the precepts of the religious life, it fornicationis effecerit, et vocem has turned the temple of God into a nostrae ammonitionis nullatenus cavern of fornification and has audierit. entirely refused to hear our words of admonition.

4. Ego igitur Galo Dei gratia 4. Therefore I, Galo, by the grace of Parisiorum episcopus, et Guillelmus God bishop of Paris, and William, archidiaconus, tantum scandalum, [my] archdeacon,11 by no means tantum pestem minime ferentes, ex tolerating such scandal, such praecepto domini papae Paschalis, disease, at the command of lord ex consilio regis nostri Philippi et pope Paschal, the counsel of our filii sui Ludovici, hortaru etiam king Philip and his son Louis, and canonicorum nostrorum, infames et at the urging of our canons, we incorrigibiles personas pro have removed the ill-famed and turpitudine vitae a praedicto incorrigible persons from the monasterio eliminavimus, et aforesaid monastery due to the omnino alienavimus, et altiori disgracefulness of their life and we religionis ordine, cum Dei auxilio have expelled them in every way; sanctum locum decoravimus. and with God's help we have adorned that holy place with a higher order of religion.

5. Noverint igitur omnes tarn posteri 5. Therefore we wish all present and quam praesentes, quia monasterium future persons to know that we S. Eligii cum omnibus ad illud grant the monastery of Saint-Eloi,

This is William of Champeaux, Abelard's adversary, who in 1108 retired to the monastery of Saint- Victor and in 1114 became bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne.

66 pertinentibus, ecclesiae B. Petri together with all the goods Fossatensis, salvo quidem jure pertaining to it, in perpetuity to the Parisiensis ecclesiae, perpetuo church of Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses, habendum concedimus. safeguarding only the right of the church of Paris.

6. Ita scilicet ut abbas Fossatensis 6. This is done in such a way that the praedictum monasterium tanquam Abbot of Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses cellam suam possideat, et in shall possess the aforementioned monachos illic Deo militantes monastery as a cell, and shall plenam ac perfectam abbatis exercise the full and complete potestatem exerceat; institutum est authority of an abbot over the ut duodecim ad minus monachi cum monks fighting for God there; It is suo priore ad serviendum Deo illic established that at least twelve apponantur, qui juxta regulam S. monks with a prior shall be placed Benedicti ad ordinem tenendum to serve God there which seems to sufficere videantur. be sufficient to hold discipline according to the rule of St. Benedict.

7. Sciendum vero est, quia illam 7. Moreover let it be known that we eandem potestatem quam hold untouched and will keep in praedecessores nostri in perpetuity the abbey of Saint- monasterium S. Eligii, et in Pierre-des-Fosses as regards that abbatissam illius loci antiquitus same authority which our habebant, nos in abbatem predecessors held from antiquity Fossatensem ex integro habemus, et over the monastery of Saint-Eloi in perpetuum retinemus, quantum and the abbess of that place, as it scilicet ad coenobium S. Eligii et ad seems to pertain to the monastery of res illius monasterii pertinere Saint-Eloi and the goods of that videntur. monastery.

8. Sed ut totius altercationis molestia 8. Moreover, in order that trouble of in posterum excludatur, quid any sort may be avoided in the potestatis episcopus, quid juris aut future, we have specified clearly consuetudinis canonici sanctae and openly what sort of authority Mariae, tarn in abbatissam, quam in the bishop formerly possessed and monasterium illud prius what sort of rights and customs the possederint, et modo possideant, canons of Saint Mary formerly evidenter et aperte distinximus. possessed, and still possess, over the abbess and monastery.

9. Sciendum igitur est, quod quotiens 9. Therefore let it be known that Parisiensis episcopus abbatissam ad whenever the bishop of Paris called justitiam vocavit, ilia proculdubio the abbess to justice, she presented omnem executura justiciam ante herself before the bishop episcopum se praesentavit: si autem immediately prepared to execute vel servus, vel ancilla, vel hospes justice: moreover if a servant or illius monasterii, contra personam guest of the monastery had done episcopi aut contra proprias res anything against the person of the illius, aliquid forefecisset, bishop or against his property, the abbatissa, audito prius episcopi abbess, after hearing the command mandato, in praesentia episcopi, of the bishop, led those men into illos ad justitiam faciendam the presence of the bishop in order adduxisset, et post justitiam that justice might be done; and after episcopi, abbatissa suos districtus the justice of the bishop, the abbess accepisset si voluisset; quod si might undertake her own judgment abbatissa servos vel ancillas illius if she wished; but if the abbess monasterii libertate donare, aut wished to free servants of the terram alienare, aut manufirmam monastery, to alienate land, or to facere voluisset, nullam potestatem, make a precarial grant, she had no nullam id faciendi licentiam power, no permission to do so habuisset, absque assensu episcopi, without the assent of the bishop and et absque carta sigillo ejus et a charter fixed with his seal and by cancellario firmata. his chancellor.

10. Hanc ergo potestatem in abbatissam 10. This therefore is the authority our et in monasterium S. Eligii predecessors were known to have antecessores nostri habuisse over the abbess and monastery of dignoscuntur, et nos quoque in Saint-Eloi and we also hold the abbatem Fossatensis ecclesiae, same dignity of authority in the eandem potestatis dignitatem, ut abbey of the church of Fosses as is superius determinatum est, delineated above. obtinemus.

11. Nihil scilicet nostri juris 11. Thus not relinquishing or relinquentes vel relaxantes, sed renouncing our right in any way, tantummodo abbatiam in cellam but only changing the abbey into a commutantes: canonicis vero B. cell: the aforementioned monastery Mariae praedictum monasterium S. was accustomed to pay two meals Eligii per singulos annos duos to the canons of Saint Mary each pastus ex consuetudine debita year: one at the feast of Saint Paul, persolvit, unum scilicet in the other at the feast of Saint-Eloi; festivitate S. Pauli, alterum in in such a way that each meal was festivitate S. Eligii; ita scilicet quod received in the canons' refectory. uterque pastus in refectorio canonicorum recipitur.

12. Consuetudo etiam est ut conventus 12. Moreover, it is the custom that the praefati monasterii, unam cum community of the aforementioned canonicis B. Mariae processionem monastery should make a faciant, et in diebus rogationum, et procession with the canons of Saint

68 in die Ascensionis, et in funeribus Mary during the days of Rogation canonicorum, alias etiam and on the day of the Ascension, as processiones, aut pro aeris well as at the funerals of the serenitate, aut pro aliqua canons; if the canons decide to tempestate, sive necessitate, si make other processions, for good canonici facere disposuerint, weather or rain or something necesse est praedictum conventum needful, it is necessary that the canonicoram instituta sequi, eosque aforementioned community follow si mandaverint, in iis the decision of the canons, and if processionibus semper comitari. they command them, always accompany them in these processions.

13. Illud etiam silentio praeterire 13. Moreover, we do not wish to pass noluimus, quia quotiens mater over in silence that whenever the ecclesia a divino officio cessaverit, mother church ceases to celebrate coenobium S. Eligii ex necessitate the divine office, it will be cessare, et tacere oportebit. necessary that the monastery of Saint-Eloi should cease to celebrate and be silent.

14. Sub hac igitur distinctione 14. Therefore under this provision, we potestatem, jura, consuetudines, bring together in brief the authority, tarn episcopi quam canonicorum, rights and customs of the bishop breviter comprehendimus, ut nulla and canons, in order that no de caetero controversia oriatur, et litigation should arise from now on, jus et consuetudo utriusque and the right and custom of each ecclesiae praesenti privilegio church is protected in the present defendatur. privilege.

15. Salvo igitur, ut dictum est, jure 15. Saveguarding therefore, as is said, Parisiensis ecclesiae, assensu the right of the church of Paris, with quidem regis nostri Philippi, et filii the assent of king Philip and his son ejus Ludovici, communi etiam Louis, and also with the common canonicorum nostrorum consensu, consent of our canons, we grant ecclesiae B. Petri Fossaten. possession of the monastery of Monasterium S. Eligii in cellam Saint-Eloi as a cell to the church of possidendum concedimus, ea Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses, naturally videlicet ratione, quotiens with this understanding, as often as Fossatensis abbas debitam the abbot of Fosses makes his professionem in Parisiensi ecclesia obligated profession in the church fecerit, ibidem in praesentia of Paris, there in the presence of the episcopi profiteatur monasterium S. bishop he will publicly declare that Eligii ex dono episcopi, ex he holds and possesses the beneficio Paris, ecclesiae se habere monastery of Saint-Eloi as a gift et possidere. from the bishop and as a benefice of

69 the church of Paris.

16. Volumus etiam illud determinare, 16. Moreover we wish to decree that quia homines praedicti monasterii the men of the aforementioned in exercitum regis inconsulto monastery should in no way go in episcopo nullatenus debent ire, sed the army of the king without abbas aut prior ex consilio et consulting the bishop, but the abbot mandato episcopi illos debent or prior ought to exhort them and monere et in exercitum mittere. send them into the army on the basis of the counsel and mandate of the bishop.

17. Diffinitum est etiam quatenus in 17. Moreover, it is decided that at the festivitate sancti Eligii canonici feast of Saint-Eloi the canons of sanctae Mariae dextrum chorum, Saint Mary shall occupy the right monachi vero sinistrum teneant, ita side of the choir and the monks the scilicet ut cum canonico illo qui left, in such a way that, along with chorum tenuerit, aut prior, aut the canon's choirmaster, either the cantor monachorum ad chorum prior or the monks' choirmaster tenendum recipiatur, et nulla alia shall be allowed to lead the choir, persona ad id faciendum admittatur. and no other person shall be allowed to do this.

18. Missam vero aut abbas aut prior 18. Furthermore, either the abbot or the cantabit, si neuter interfuerit, aliquis prior will sing the mass; if neither is de clero nostro illam celebrabit. present, one of our clerics shall celebrate it.

19. Sciendum vero est, quod illo die 19. Moreover, let it be known that on praedictus pastus redditur, scilicet that day the aforementioned meal is ex sex porcis vivis et sanae carnis, to be delievered, namely six live ex duobus modiis vini et dimidio sows, with healthy flesh, two sextario, et ex duobus sextariis et measures of wine and a half dimidio frumenti bene vanati. sextarii, and two and a half sextarii of well winnowed grain.

20. Pastus vero qui redditur in festo S. 20. Moreover, the meal which is Pauli, de octo constat arietibus, et delivered on the feast of Saint Paul duobus modiis vini ad mensuram consists of eight rams and two nostri claustri, et ex tribus sextariis measures of wine according to the frumenti bene vanati, et ex sex measure of our cloister and three denariis et obolo. sextarii of well winnowed grain and from six denarii and an obolum.

21. Ut autem haec concessio et 21. Moreover, so that this grant and institutio inconcussa permaneat, arrangement remains unbroken, we

70 praesentem cartam fieri have ordered the present charter to praecipimus, et in signum perfectae be made and we have imprinted it firmitatis sigillo nostra illam with our seal as proof of perfect signavimus, et manibus surety and have given it into the canonicorum nostrorum firmandam hands of our canons to be tradidimus. confirmed.

22. Sig. Galonis episcopi, S. Berneri 22. [Witness list] decani, S. Adae praecentoris, S. Guillelmi archidiac. S. Stephani archidiac. S. Rainaldi archidiac. S. Rogeri presbyteri, S. Landonis presbyteri, S. Durandi presbyteri, S. Anscheri levitae, S. Johannis levitae, S. Guineranni levitae, S. Thebaldi subdiaconi, S. Guillelmi subdiaconi, S. Guilberti subdiaconi. 23. Actum publice in capitulo sanctae 23. Acted publicly in the chapter of Mariae anno Incarnationis Saint Mary, in the year of the Dominicae M.C.VII. indictione XV. Lord's Incarnation 1107. Indiction Epacta XXV. Concurrente I. 15. epact 25. In the first concurrent Philippo rege regnante anno XLVII. regnal year 47 of King Philip I, in Anno episcopatus Galonis III. the third year of Galo's episcopate. Gilbertus cancellarius scripsit. Recorded by Gilbert, chancellor.

Galo's charter grants us insight into multiple areas of import regarding the reform of

Saint-Eloi. We learn why the nuns were expelled. We gain insight into Galo's understanding of the bishop's duties within his diocese. We glimpse something of the customs of the monastery and, finally, we observe the bishop's concern to preserve his own rights as well as those of his cathedral chapter.

Section (2) of the expulsion charter indicates Galo's awareness of the importance of his role in preserving the regular life within his diocese. If those under him have strayed from the path of religion, it is his duty to reform them and if they refuse to be reformed, it is his duty to remove them so that they cannot provide a bad example for others. Galo argues in Section (3) that the nuns of Saint-Eloi have refused to hear his

71 words of correction and therefore must be removed in order to preserve the overall regular life of his diocese. Their refusal to reform their way of life, rather than the other accusations leveled against them, is the primary reason for their expulsion.

Galo twice refers to the nuns of Saint-Eloi as incorrigible. In Section (3), he argues that "fragilis ille sexus... vocem nostrae ammonitionis nullatenus audierit." He has attempted to correct the nuns and they have refused to listen. In Section (4) he refers to the nuns as ill-famed and incorrigible persons, "infames et incorrigibiles personas."

We have no other record of Galo's attempts to correct the nuns of Saint-Eloi; however there is evidence which suggests that the nuns had gained a negative reputation some years before Galo's election to the bishopric of Paris.

Our first indication that something is amiss at Saint-Eloi comes from a letter of

Pope Paschal II (1099-1118) to the clergy of Paris, dated April 6th.12 Paschal's letter is primarily concerned with the appointment of a bishop of Paris, though there has been some debate as to which bishop it refers to. Robert de Lasteyrie, editor of the Cartulaire

General de Paris, and the authors of the Gallia Christiana assert that it refers to Fulk,

Galo's predecessor, who had previously been Dean of the chapter of Paris, while Dubois and Guerard claim that it refers to Galo.13 Whether the letter can be dated to 1103 or 1105 matters little here, since it demonstrates that, regardless of which Bishop of Paris initially was instructed to deal with the monastery of Saint-Eloi, the state of the abbey had been brought to the pope's attention by the canons of Paris several years prior to the expulsion of the nuns.

12 A twelfth-century copy of Paschal's letter can be found in the Archives Nationales LL 177 p. 31 and a thirteenth century copy in Archives Nationales LL 176 p. 14. Editions include: RHGF 15: 28; de Lasteyrie 156, n°134; Guerard 1: 224; mdPL 163: 157. 13 See de Lasteyrie 156, n° 134 Note 1.

72 It is unfortunate that we do not have a copy of the canons' initial letter, because we do not know precisely what the canons' complaint was; nevertheless, a fair amount can be gleaned from Paschal's reply. Paschal writes to the canons, "Insofar as what ought to be done concerning the monastery of Saint-Eloi, we commit it to his (the bishop's) providence; for it is said that it is situated in a most unsuitable place, exposed to both infamy and affliction by the apathy of its inhabitants."14 Paschal's letter indicates that the nuns of Saint-Eloi had gained a reputation for apathy, probably to be understood as a lack of interest in the religious life, but their correction was the duty and responsibility of the new bishop. The pope might demand that something be done, as the expulsion charter makes clear in Section (4), but the decision of when and how to reform the monastery lies with the Bishop of Paris.

Paschal's letter demonstrates that the cathedral canons of Notre-Dame as well as the pope were aware that the nuns of Saint-Eloi had a negative reputation several years prior to their expulsion. King Philip was also aware of that reputation. Some time before the expulsion, he addressed a letter to Galo requesting that he place a convent of any ordo to serve God there.15 Philip claimed that the monastery had been reduced to almost nothing; and that people had often approached him and requested that he hand it to them

"under the guise of placing a sacred ordo within it." He requests that Galo place a congregation there for the service of God.1

14 PL 163:158 A. " De cenobio Sancti Eligii quid agendum sit ejus provisioni commisimus; dicitur enim et loco importunissimo situm, et inhabitantium desidia tam infamie quam erumne vehementer expositum. Datum Laterani, viii idus aprilis." 15 Since this letter is addressed specifically to Bishop Galo, it must date from between Galo's election and ordination as Bishop of Paris in 1104 and the expulsion of the nuns in 1107. 16 Prou 401. "Quia beati Eligii Parisiensis ecclesiafm] nostris temporibus fere ad nichilum redactam cognovimus, nisi divina ac nostri providencia ressurrexerit, ut a nobis dampnose requiratur pertimescimus, et licet a multis, sub specie sacri ordinis in eadem apponendi, multociens ut earn committeremus ipsis postuletur, quia nichil ad eos pertinet, universis hactenus subtrahitur. Vobis autem, cui a Deo et a nobis,

73 Philip's letter offers the impression that there was no congregation at Saint-Eloi at the time in which he is writing, between 1104 and 1107. Yet Galo states in the expulsion charter that he has eliminated or 'turned out of doors' the disreputable inhabitants of the monastery and replaced them with a new religious ordo)1 Saint-Eloi was built for nuns during the first half of the seventh century by Eloi, bishop of Noyon-Tournai.n He appointed a woman named Aurea as its first abbess and the nuns are supposed to have followed the rule of St. Columban.19 Destroyed by the Danes, most likely during the ninth century, the monastery was rebuilt and became a possession of the Frankish king,

Charles the Bald. In 871, at the request of Englewine, then bishop of Paris, Charles the

Bald granted his rights over the abbey to the cathedral church of Notre Dame and the

successors of the bishop of Paris, giving the bishop of Paris complete jurisdiction over

dictante justicia, commissa est, cum universis que ad earn intus et exterius omnimode pertinenciis, regali potencia, omni cura procurandam commandantes committimus, rogamus etiam et obsecramus in Domino Ihesu quatinus, juxta disposicionis vestre sentenciam et ad intellectus vestri voluntatem, cujuslibet ordinis conventum pastorali providencia ad Dei servicium inibi licencia nostra imponere studeatis." 17 See Section 4 above. 1 Eligius in Latin. 19 Jonas of Bobbio 255. "Quam multi iam in amore Columbani et eius regula monasteria construunt, plebes adunant, greges Christi congregant. Inter quos inluster tunc vir Elegius, qui modo Vermandensis ecclesiae pontifex praeest, de quo, quia superest, non meo iudicio fulciendus est, ne adolationis noxa reprehendar, iuxta Lemovicensem urbem monasterium nobile Sollemniacum nomine construxit super fiuvium Vincennam, distantem a supradicta urbe milibus quattuor, et alia multa hisdem locis coenubia, sed et in Parisius puellarum monasterium, quem de regio munere susceperat, aedificat in quo Christi virginem Auream praefecit." GC 7: 280 suggests that the nuns followed the rule of St. Caesarius of Aries, but the evidence seems scanty. "Auream praefecit abbatissam sub regula S. Columbani, ut tradit Jonas de Bobio in vita sancti Eustasii capite 17 & post eum Bailletus, melius tamen fortassis sub regula S. Caesarii, quam hie sanctus pro parthenone a S. Caesaria sorore gubernato condiderat, quamque S. Radegundis sacris sui Pictaviensis coenobii virginibus proposuerat." 20 Paris was attacked in 845 and in 857. The Annals of St. Berlin relate that all the churches of Paris were burned in this second attack. (C. Dehaisnes. Les Annales de Saint-Bertin et de Saint- Vaast. Paris, 1871. 61, 91-92)

74 the abbey. Charles' son, Louis the Stammerer, confirmed this donation in 878 and it is listed among the possessions of the bishop of Paris, confirmed by Pope Benedict c.984.22

The language used in Charles the Bald's charter to Bishop Englewine suggests that in the ninth century, Saint-Eloi was considered a 'royal monastery.' Charles states that he transfers the monastery "from our right into the right and dominion of our Lady,

Mary, the mother of God, in such a way that whatever the prelate established at the time by God wishes to do, according to his own will and that of God,... shall be completed zealously."23 His use of the phrase de nostrojure indicates proprietary ownership and hereditary right.24 This language is echoed in later documents. The privilege of Pope

Benedict c.984 lists the monastery of Saint-Eloi as among the 'possessions' of the Bishop of Paris whereas a privilege of Pope Innocent II, dated March 26, 1137, recognizes that

Saint-Eloi, along with other churches, belongs "to the right and property of the bishop of

Paris."25 This papal privilege further distinguishes between those churches and

Charles the Bald's original charter is found in Paris, Archives nationales K 11, n°4; twelfth and thirteenth century copies exist respectively in Paris, Archives nationales LL 78, p. 101 and in Paris, Archives nationales LL 77, p. 54. Editions include Guerard 1: 248; de Lasteyrie 66, n°49, and Tessier, Recueil des actes de Charles Hie Chauve 2 (Paris: Impr. Nationale, 1941) 312, n°364. 22 Louis the Stammerer's charter survives in Paris, Archives Nationales LL. 177, p. 92 and Paris, Archives Nationales LL 176, p. 77. It has been edited by de Lasteyrie 69, n°51 and by Guerard 1: 261-263. There is also a confirmation of the possessions of the bishop of Paris by a Pope Benedict, most likely Pope Benedict VII, dated by Guerard c. December 30, 984 which includes the monastery of St. Eloi. This has been edited by Guerard 1:220-222. 23 de Lasteyrie 66 n°49: 67-68. "atque de nostra jure in jus ac dominationem dominae meae genitricis Dei mei Mariae, solemni more transferimus, taliter ut quicquid exinde statutus a Deo praesul, secundum Dei suamque voluntatem facere voluerit, ... studiosissime peragatur;" 24 Susan Wood in The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West notes that these terms are used of anything belonging to the king. "The term 'royal monastery', first found in a normative context at Ver in 755, appears occasionally thereafter, but other and sharper expressions were more usual: that a monastery -was of the king's property, fisc, or alod, or of his ius, dominium, or potestas, or his by hereditary right; or simply his ('our monastery'); the same expressions as were used of anything belonging to the king, such as a villa ofthe fisc." (221). 25 For the privilege of Pope Benedict see Guerard 1: 220. "Noscat igitur vestr? excellenti? laudabilis mansuetudo, quod Elisiardus, Parisiac? sedis episcopus, adiens limina beatorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli Rome instantia, ostendens regalia precepta, qu? pro remedio animarum suarum necnon et antecessorum nostrorum, privilegia ecclesi? beat? genitricis et virginis Mari? et sancti protomartyris Stephani, prefati loci firma conscriptione, tradiderunt; hac autem ratione commotus, supplici devotione deprecatus est nobis, quatinus apostolica auctoriate ei reconfirmaremus predictas conscriptiones et episcopatum prefat? sedis,

75 monasteries which belong ad jus et proprietatem Parisiensis episcopi and those which belong to the jus episcopate. For example, Saint-Eloi, together with the churches of

Saint-Marcel, Saint-Cloud and Saint-Germain among others, is listed as belonging to the property of the bishop of Paris, whereas the abbeys of Saint-Victor, Saint-Magloire,

Fosses, Chelles, Montmartre and Argenteuil belonged to the bishop's episcopal right. By dividing these churches into two groups, one belonging ad jus et proprietatem and the other ad jus episcopate, Innocent's charter indicates a distinct difference between proprietary and episcopal jurisdiction.26

Saint-Eloi was a small monastery. In 1102 the community consisted of the abbess, eleven nuns, a laywoman and a child and later provisions suggest that this number was considered appropriate to the resources of the abbey.27 The charter confirming the expulsion issued by Bishop Stephen of Paris in 1134 states that the number of monks in

cum omnibus pertinentiis vel adjacentiis suis, videlicet abbatiam Sancti Eligii,... et quicquid tam in presens quam in futurum prefata ?cclesia possidenda est." For the privilege of Pope Innocent II see Guerard 1: 23- 24. "In quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis: ecclesiam videlicet Sancti Marcelli, ecclesiam Sancti Clodoaldi cum villa et omnibus appendiciis suis, ecclesiam Sancti Germani Altisiodorensis, ecclesiam Sancti Eligii; ecclesiam quoque de Campellis cum prebendis et tribus parrochiis, id est de Sancto Mederico, de Capella et de Kerris, eidem ecclesie pertinentibus, salvo nimirum censu duorum solidorum monete illius terre, videlicet que in partibus illis expenditur, Senonensi ecclesie annualiter persolvendo; que videlicet supradicte ecclesie ad jus et proprietatem Parisiensis episcopi spectare noscuntur. Jus etiam episcopale, in subscriptis abbatiis et earum parrochiis seu parrochianis omnibus: videlicet, in abbatia Latinacensi, in abbatia Fossatensi, in abbatia Sancti Maglorii, in abbatia Sancti Victoris, in abbatia Vallis Sancte Marie, in abbatia de Sarneia, in abbatia Sanctimonialium, scilicet de MonteMartyrum [de Edera] et de Kala, in ecclesia insuper Argenteoli." [N.B. Italics mine]. 26 L. Falkenstein notes in his article "Monachisme et pouvoir hierarchique a travers les textes pontificaux (Xe - Xlle siecle)" in Moines et Monasteres dans les societes de rite grec et latin, ed. Jean Loup Lemaitre (Paris: Champion, 1996) 389-418, mat although the abbot traditionally had jurisdictional autonomy within his monastery, outside of the monastery he was subject to ecclesiastical and secular powers (389). The bishop traditionally had three distinct powers over the monasteries in his diocese, which Falkenstein refers to as "le pouvoir d'ordre, le pouvoir de magistere et le pouvoir de jurisdiction." These powers governed the consecration of the chrism and oil, the consecration of churches and altars, the ordination of monks, the blessing of the abbot, the abbot's vow of obedience, jurisdiction over the monastery in the bishop's courts, the right of visitation and the right to correct the monastery (407). Many monasteries, however, sought and gained immunity from their diocesan bishop's jurisdiction. Some royal monasteries of the Merovingian period were made exempt from diocesan control by their founders (391-97). 27 de Lasteyrie 153 n°130. "abbatissa Hadvisa, Senecheldis adhuc laica, Eremburgis, Hermensendis, Hildeardis, Richeldis, Joscelina Normanna, Adelais Stampensis, Avelina neptis decani, Joscelina, Emelina, Ingeneldis, Aya soror Bernardi figuli, Hodierna infans."

76 the abbey should be at least twelve.28 The property of Saint-Eloi is mentioned only once prior to the expulsion. A single charter dated 1102 survives in the Cartulary of Morigny.29

It records an agreement made between Abbot Rainald of Morigny, and Abbess Adouise of Saint-Eloi, regarding the manor of Maisons-en-Beauce, which the monks of Morigny had formerly held "in vadimonio" as a pledge or a surety for eleven pounds of denarii.30

It is described in the Chronicle of Morigny as "more like a desert than a manor," a

it desolate place plagued "by a multitude of raiders and constant attacks by robbers." The transaction was made publicly in the chapter of Saint-Eloi in the presence of many layfolk and clerics, including the bishop, who seems to be acting as the monastery's advocate, and the document provides a record of the nuns who were present in chapter at the time of the agreement.

This transaction between Saint-Eloi and Morigny provides concrete evidence of

Galo's assertion in the expulsion charter concerning the rights of the Bishop of Paris over the monastery of Saint-Eloi. In this transaction, the Bishop of Paris, William, received a sum of 60 solidi in exchange for his permission for the transfer of land. Bishop Galo's

de Lasteyrie 252 n°253. "Institutum tamen est ut XII ad minus monachi, cum suo priore, ad serviendum Deo illic apponantur, qui juxta regulam sancti Benedicti ad ordinem tenendum sufficere videantur." 29 See Note 8 above. 30 de Lasteyrie 153 n°130. "Maurigniacenses siquidem monachi habebant in vadimonio, pro undecim libris denariorum, locum qui Mesons dicitur et terrain ejusdem loci." 31 Cusimano 21-23. 32 The bishop received a sum of 60 solidi in exchange for his permission regarding this transaction, de Lasteyrie 153 n°130 "Qui monachi rogaverunt praedictam abbatissam et sanctimoniales ut sibi supradictam terram concederent denominato annuo censu. Hoc idem petiverunt a Guillermo, tunc temporis episcopo, ad quem pertinebat ipsa Sancti Eligii abbatia. Assensit autem Guillermus episcopus petitioni monachorum, pactis sibi pro hac re solidis lx." 33 Ibid, "abbatissa Hadvisa, Senecheldis adhuc laica, Eremburgis, Hermensendis, Hildeardis, Richeldis, Joscelina Normanna, Adelais Stampensis, Avelina neptis decani, Joscelina, Emelina, Ingeneldis, Aya soror Bernardi figuli, Hodierna infans."

77 expulsion charter asserts that, among other permissions, the abbess of Saint-Eloi must have the bishop's assent in order to alienate land from the abbey.34

Saint-Eloi's status is that of a former royal monastery in which the king's proprietary interest has been transferred to the Bishop of Paris. This gives the bishop certain rights which he was anxious to preserve, particularly since he did not possess these same rights over the church of Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses. Galo had full proprietary jurisdiction over the church of Saint-Eloi, whereas he had only episcopal right over Saint-

Pierre-des-Fosses. Galo specifies these rights in the expulsion charter and argues that he is not, in any way, surrendering these rights in establishing Saint-Eloi as a priory of

Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses.37 The bishop held jurisdiction over the abbess and could call her to present herself for episcopal judgment. If a servant or guest brought a complaint against the person of the bishop or the goods of the abbey, it was the abbess' duty to bring them before the bishop. Should the abbess wish to free a serf, alienate land, or make a precarial grant, she could not do so unless the bishop and his chancellor fixed their seals to the agreement.38

Saint-Eloi was also closely connected with the cathedral church of Notre-Dame.

The nuns of Saint-Eloi customarily provided two meals a year for the canons of Notre-

Dame: one at the feast of St. Paul and the other at the feast of Saint-Eloi.39 They joined

See Section 9 above. 35 It is interesting to note, however, that the kings remember the ex-status of this monastery, as is evidenced in King Philip's letter to Galo. "Vobis [Galo] autem, cui a Deo et a nobis [Philip], dictante justicia, commissa est,..." (Prou 401). 36 See the privilege of Pope Innocent II (26 March 1137) concerning the churches subject to the Bishop of Paris (Guerard 1: 23-24). 37 See Sections 7, 10-11, 15 above. 38 See Sections 8-10 above. 39 See Section 11 and 17-20. It appears that Galo took advantage of this occasion to elaborate and further define the interaction between Saint-Eloi and Notre Dame. In Sections 11-14 Galo lists the former customs of the nuns, in Sections 15-20 he elaborates how those customs are to be carried out by the new community of monks. Thus whereas the nuns were expected to provide two meals a year, one at the feast of Saint-Eloi

78 the canons of Notre-Dame in their processions on the holy days of Rogation and

Ascension and participated in the canons' funeral processions. If for some reason the divine office was not to be celebrated in the cathedral, it was not celebrated in the monastery either.40 By specifying exactly how the nuns of Saint-Eloi had interacted with the canons of Notre-Dame in the past, Galo sought to protect the rights of his cathedral chapter as well as his own.

The letters of Pope Paschal II and King Philip further clarify the role of the bishop in the reform of this monastery. Paschal's letter firmly states that the decision to reform

Saint-Eloi must be made by the bishop of Paris, whomever he might be. Moreover,

Philip's letter to Galo places the decision for reform in the bishop's hands. However, unlike Paschal's letter, this missive makes it clear that Galo's proprietary jurisdiction over Saint-Eloi also played a role in determining reform. Philip states that many had approached him asking him to hand the monastery over to them for reform.41 Thus we have a hint of tension between episcopal and proprietary jurisdiction. Paschal clearly views reform to be the job of the diocesan bishop, but Philip suggests that others have approached him with the assumption that he has the authority to hand the monastery off to someone else for reform. With Galo's expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Eloi, we see proprietary and episcopal right working together in the reform of a monastery.

Our discussion of Galo's charter expelling the nuns of Saint-Eloi and replacing them with monks from Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses thus reveals three points of emphasis.

First, Galo's understanding of his role as bishop included the maintenance of regular life and another at Saint-Paul, which the canons would eat in their own refectory, (Section 11) the specific details regarding what those meals would consist of may have been added by Galo (Sections 19-20). 40 See Sections 11-13 above. 41 Prou 401. "licet a multis, sub specie sacri ordinis in eadem apponendi, multociens ut earn committeremus ipsis postuletur..." For the full text see Note 16 above.

79 in his diocese by whatever means necessary. Therefore if a community would not submit to reform, the health of his diocese demanded their removal. Second, the nuns of Saint-

Eloi, by refusing to listen to their bishop, had proved themselves to be uncorrectable. Not only did their negative reputation precede Galo's episcopate, but they were unwilling to conform to the reform measures which Galo considered necessary. Finally, Galo, as bishop of Paris, possessed proprietary rights over the monastery of Saint-Eloi. These rights were more extensive than the episcopal rights which he possessed in the abbey of

Saint-Pierre-des-Fosses and Galo had no intention of lessening them. Further, it is because he had proprietary as well as episcopal right over Saint-Eloi that he is successfully able to expel the nuns.

Now that we have considered the expulsion, it seems prudent to turn our attention to its author, Galo of Paris.

Bishop Galo of Paris and Reform: 1104-1116

Surviving historical evidence suggest that Galo of Paris was a reformer in the

Gregorian tradition. 2 Ivo of Chartres described Galo as an ornament of liberal studies and ecclesiastical discipline.43 Eadmer in his Vita Sancti Anselmi, refers to Galo as "a man of sound religion, and steeped in ecclesiastical customs and discipline from an early

Much of what is known about Galo of Paris is found in the letters of Ivo of Chartres first printed by Francois Juret in 1585. A second edition, enriched by the notes of J.-B. Souchet was printed in 1610. This edition was reprinted by Fronteau in 1647 and again by J. P. Migne in volume 162 of his Patrologia Latina. In 1949 Jean Leclercq produced an edition of the letters of Ivo of Chartres from 1090 to 1098, as a part of Les Classiques de I'histoire de France au Moyen Age, but further volumes have not been forthcoming. [Ivo of Chartres], Correspondance I (1090-1098). ed. J. Leclercq. Les Classiques de I'histoire de France au Moyen Age 22 (Paris: Societe d'Edition "Les Belles Lettres", 1949). There is little secondary literature on Galo. His legateship to Poland is discussed in Pierre David, "Un disciple d'Yves de Chartres en Pologne — Galon de Paris et le droit canonique" in La Pologne: au Vile congres international des sciences historiques (Varsovie: Societe polonaise d'histoire, 1933) 99-113. 43 Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae PL 162: 122. "virum vita honestum, litteralibusque studiis et ecclesiasticis disciplinis ornamentum"

80 age. He was well-known at Rome, had filled the office of papal legate, and enjoyed the friendship of father Anselm." He was raised and educated among the regular canons in the Abbey of St. Quentin of Beauvais, where he was a student of Ivo of Chartres, and he succeeded Ivo as head of that community.45

In 1101 Galo became embroiled in a conflict with Stephen Garlande over the bishopric of Beauvais.46 Stephen had been elected in 1100, through the king's recommendation, but Ivo and Paschal II rejected him on moral grounds. Among other faults he had been publicly reprimanded for adultery by the papal legate Hugh of Die. A new election was called and Galo was elected in his place; but the chapter of Beauvais was divided over the issue and Galo was unable to take possession of the bishopric.47

During this period of dispossession, Paschal II sent him to Poland as a papal legate and he deposed two bishops.

In a 1933 article concerning this legatine trip "Un disciple d'Yves de Chartres en

Pologne - Galon de Paris et le droit canonique," Pierre David argued that Galo held a synod of reform at Gniezno in 1103, and that one of the deposed bishops was almost certainly Cazlas of Cracovie, appointed by the former duke of Poland Wladislas Herman, a supporter of Henry IV. Cazlas' replacement, Baudouin, returned to Rome with Galo for

Eadmer, The Life of St. Anselm. ed. and trans, by R. W. Southern (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) 132- 133. 45 For St. Quentin of Beauvais see Charles Dereine, "Les coutumiers de Saint-Quentin de Beauvais et de Springiersbach" Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 43 (1948) 411-42; and For Galo's status as Ivo's student see Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae PL 162: 123 "praedictus electus discipulus meus fuerit apud me nutritus, apud me eruditus" 46 For more information on this conflict see Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae PL 162: 11-288; especially nos. 87, 89, 92, 95, 97, 98, 102, and 104. Robert-Henri Bautier has briefly discussed the dispute in his article "Paris au temps d'Abelard" in Abelard en son temps: actes du colloque international organise a I'occasion du 9e centenaire de la naissance de Pierre Abelard, 14-19 mai 1979 (Paris: Belles lettres, 1981)21-77, 60-61. 47 Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 441-442. 48 GC 7: 55; MGH. SS. 19: 588. Annales Capiruli Cracoviensis et Annales Cracovienses Compilati. "1104. Gualo episcopus Belvacensis sedis apostolice legatus intrat Poloniam, Urbano II. Sedi apostolice presidente, et duos episcopos deponit." Urban II died July 29, 1099.

81 consecration. David further credits Galo with introducing Ivo of Chartres' Tripartite and the Regula canonicorum of 816 to Poland during this legation. He concludes by suggesting that it is not farfetched to suggest that Galo was personally involved in the compilation of the Tripartite.5

In 1104, never having taken possession of the bishopric of Beauvais, Galo was transferred to the diocese of Paris. Ivo of Chartres again sent letters of support, this time to Daimbert, archbishop of Sens, seeking sanction for the election and transfer of Galo from Beauvais to Paris.51 Galo was present, as bishop of Paris, at the Synod of Paris in

November/December of 1104 when King Philip I did penance for his uncanonical marriage with Bertrade of Montfort.52 Robert-Henri Bautier, among others, has suggested that Galo's transfer to Paris was part of a political compromise by Philip. "En 1104 intervint une 'reconciliation' generale: Galon etait transfere sur le siege de Paris et

Pexcommunication lancee contre le roi etait levee."53

In the matter of the bishopric of Beauvais, and later that of Paris, Galo's fortune in many respects appears tied to the political position of Ivo of Chartres. From May of

1092 to December 1104 a near constant state of hostility existed between Ivo of Chartres and Philip I of France. It is possible that unease between the two can be traced back as far as the events surrounding Ivo's election and consecration as bishop of Chartres, but

w David 108-109. 50 Ibid. 112-113. 51 de Lasteyrie 158-9 no. 137. 52 Ibid. 157-8 no. 136. Galo's name is recorded in a letter of Lambert, bishop of Arras, to Pope Paschal II, dated December 2,1104, describing the events of the synod of Paris. 5 Bautier, Saint- Victor 31.

82 unease became decided hostility in the matter of Philip's second marriage to Bertrade of

Montfort.54

Philip repudiated his wife, Bertha of Frisia, and began his adulterous affair with

Bertrade of Montfort in May of 1092. In the following months he sought to legitimize their union through marriage, but Ivo refused to comply with the king's wishes and chastised those bishops, by far the majority of the French episcopate, who recognized the marriage as legitimate. As a result of his intransigence, Ivo was imprisoned at Le Puiset in October 1092 by the viscount of Chartres acting on behalf of the king, but even after his release, he continued to speak out against the king's marriage.55 Bertha of Frisia died in 1094 and a council was held at Reims, attended by Philip's supporters, to reassess his marriage. An alternate council was held in Autun that same year by the papal legate,

Hugh of Die, that excommunicated Philip and Bertrade as adulterers. This pronouncement was followed by papal excommunication at the Council of Clermont in

1095.56

The history of unresolved conflict between Ivo of Chartres and Philip of France cannot be dismissed when we consider Galo's claim to the bishopric of Beauvais in 1100.

Galo was Ivo's friend and student as well as his choice for the bishopric. Even had Philip not wanted to support the promotion of his seneschal's son, Stephen of Garlande, it seems unlikely that he would have willingly endorsed Ivo's candidate for the position. Thus

54 Kimberly A. LoPrete, Adela ofBlois: Countess and Lord c. 1067-1137 (Portland, OR: Four Courts Press, Ltd., 2007) 234. Drawing from Ivo's letters nos. eight and twelve, LoPrete argues that Ivo offended the king when the former bypassed Archbishop Richer of Sens, who was refusing to consecrate him due to papal interference in the deposition of Geoffrey of Chartres, and sought consecration directly from Pope Urban II. Regarding tension between the papacy and episcopate over episcopal rights see I. S. Robinson, "Periculosus homo: Pope Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority" in Viator 9 (1978) 103-31. Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 40-51; Rolf Sprandel, Ivo von Chartres und seine Stellung in der Kirchenschichte (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1962) 103-6; Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 59-60. Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 55-61.

83 Ivo's suggestion that Galo be transferred from Beauvais to Paris, with his former rival

Stephen of Garlande as his archdeacon, at a moment of conflict resolution between Ivo and Philip, as well as between Philip and Pope Paschal II, has been viewed by historians as a moment of compromise. Philip renounces his adulterous marriage and is reunited with the Church, Ivo's protege is granted an influential bishopric.

Once established in Paris, Galo was on apparently good terms with his cathedral chapter throughout his episcopate. He appears to have made little attempt to impose the lifestyle of regular canons upon the canons of the cathedral, and in 1115 he even

CO defended some of their secular privileges before King Louis VI. His support of these secular canons seems quite remarkable at a time when bishops were being encouraged to install canons regular in their cathedral churches.59 This is not to say that Galo had no issues or problems with his cathedral chapter at all. A letter from Ivo of Chartres to Galo suggests that Galo had forbidden the canons of his church to contract marriages, but that at least one of the canons had disobeyed this prohibition. Ivo advised Galo that he was giving him the same counsel that he would give himself, were he were to discover that one of his clerics was restricted by the shackles of marriage: although the sacrament of marriage remains, the canon should lose his stipend.60

Ibid. 443-445; David 111; Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 59-60. Jean Dufour's relatively recent article "Etienne de Garlande" in Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'lle-de-France 122- 24(1995-97) 39-53, argues that Stephen was appointed archdeacon as early as 1097 (43). 58 de Lasteyrie 193. 59 For examples see Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy 101-112; Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister 113. 60 Ivo of Chartres, Epistolae CCXVIII, PL 162: 221. "De canonico Ecclesiae vestrae, qui contra prohibitionem vestram matrimoniales tabulas sibi composuit, nullam sententiam ad manum habeo, quam dilectio vestra ignoret, si scripta apud se reposita diligenter exploret. Verumtamen consilium quod mihi ipsi darem, si aliquem de commissis mihi fratribus uxoria compede astrictum deprehenderem, tutum esse intelligo, videlicet ut sacramentum conjugii maneat, clericus vero qui, postposita clericali continentia, de superiori ordine ad inferiorem descendit, stipendia militiae clericalis amittat."

84 Galo also concerned himself with the conformation of French liturgical practices to those found in Rome. After one of his trips to Rome, Galo wrote a detailed letter to

Lambert, the bishop of Arras, disclosing the differences between liturgical practices in

Rome and those in France.61 He also seems to have been concerned with protecting his ecclesiastical rights as the bishop of Paris over the abbey of St.-Denis, and possibly with the reform of that place. There had apparently been trouble between the bishops of Paris and the abbey of St.-Denis for some time.62 Circa 1105 Pope Paschal II had prohibited the monks of St.-Denis from approaching other bishops to ordain the monks of Saint-

Denis as priests or provide them with the sacred oil and chrism without the leave of the bishop of Paris; but in 1107 a dispute between Galo and Saint-Denis was resolved in the latter's favor.63 Abbot Suger later claimed in The Deeds of Louis the Fat that "we stood manfully in the sight of the lord pope and with clear evidence and in conformity to canon law won our case against the lord Galo, bishop of Paris, who was harassing the church of

St. Denis with many complaints."

Galo's deeds before and after his appointment as Bishop of Paris are the actions of a man genuinely interested in ecclesiastical reform. His close ties, both personal and

Epistola CXXIX Gualonis Parisiensis ad Lambertum, PL 162: 694-695. 2 Suger. Deeds of Louis the Fat. Trans. Richard Cusimano and John Moorhead. (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1992) 47, n.4 63 Paschalis II: Epistola et Privilegia CLXXI A[damo] abbati monachisque S. Dionysii, PL 163: 181. "Ex confratris nostri Galonis Parisiensis episcopi relatione comperimus qui vos praeter ipsius licentiam pro sacri olei et chrismatis acceptione, ac pro monachorum sue clericorum vestrorum ordinationibus quoslibet episcopos adeatis, vel pro eorumdem sacramentorum celebratione ad vestrum monasterium convocetis, et quod laicis poenitentias criminum injungatis. Quae profecto sacris canonibus valde contraria sunt. Et quidem privilegia pro pravis et malis collata sunt, et ad aedificationem, non ad canonum destructionem alicui conferuntur. Cum itaque praedictus frater Galo episcopus vester gratia Dei bonus et catholicus habeatur, et praedicta sacramenta gratis ac sine pravitate indulgeat: et vos praeter ipsius licentiam pro eisdem sacramentis suscipiendis alios adire antistites prohibemus, et archiepiscopis vel episcopis omnibus ne ea vobis exhibeant interdicimus." 64 Suger. Deeds of Louis the Fat. 47. It seems likely that this dispute between Suger and Galo was related to Paschal's letter circa 1105 to Abbot Adam. In their translation of Suger's Deeds of Louis the Fat, Cusimano and Moorhead note that there was long-standing trouble between the bishops of Paris and Saint- Denis and draw particular attention to a dispute in 1068 (47 n. 4). See Prou 114-7 and Fliche, Le regne de Philippe Ier 109.

85 political, with one of the most noted reformers of his day had significant influence on his career and his fortunes in many ways rose and fell with those of Ivo of Chartres. As a former student and disciple of Ivo, Galo continued to be influenced by the bishop of

Chartres, to one degree or another, in the management of his diocese. This is especially apparent in the letters of advice which Ivo sent in response to Galo's queries and in the interest that august figure continued to show in Galo's affairs throughout his career.

Therefore, it seems appropriate now to consider Ivo of Chartres' views on reform and women's monasticism in general.

Ivo of Chartres and Reform

Ivo's letter collection reveals that he had definite ideas about how monasteries such as St. Eloi ought to be reformed. Around the year 1098, Ivo wrote to Walter, the bishop of Meaux suggesting that he take in hand the abbey of Faremoutiers.65 He said that he had heard from Countess Adela of Blois and the monks of Tours that the reputation of Faremoutiers was so vile that it was no longer called a place of nuns, but a brothel of women possessed by demons, prostituting their bodies for the filthy usage of every kind of man. Ivo warns Walter that although such indiscretions can perhaps be tolerated, it is more likely that they will become a snare for the souls of many. Therefore, he suggests that Walter take measures to correct the nuns and, if they are not amenable to correction, that he give the monastery of Faremoutiers and its possessions to religious monks. He cautions Walter that if he takes this last step, he should make certain that the

65 Ivo of Chartres, Correspondance 308-312. 66 Ibid. 310. "Quod ideo suggero dilectioni vestrae quia tam ex verbis Turonensium monachorum quam ex litteris dominae Adeleidis venerabilis comitissae audivi turpissimam famam de monasterio Sanctae Farae, quod jam non locus sanctimonialium, sed prostibulum dicendum est, mulierum daemonialium corpora sua ad tuipes usus omni generi hominum prostituentium."

86 women are confined under strict discipline and that they are provided for life with necessities from the income of the monastery.

To the best of our knowledge, the nuns of Faremoutiers were never expelled from their monastery. It appears to have been a near miss though, Faremoutiers was a royal monastery, and between 1098 and April 7, 1100 Philip I granted Faremoutiers to Abbot

Bernard and the monks of Marmoutiers for the purposes of reform. The accusation that the king levied against the nuns is similar to that made eight years later against the inhabitants of Saint-Eloi; moreover, the language used reflects that of Ivo's letter to

Bishop Walter of Meaux. Now therefore, following in the footsteps of our predecessors, we hand over on behalf of our soul, grant, and confirm with royal authority through the present charter that the monastery of the ever-virgin Mary and Saint Fare, in which all religion and the monastic ordo is completely lacking due to the infirmity and negligence of the inhabitants, and even worse, we fear has been made a house of prostitution, is to be possessed perpetually under your jurisdiction as a cell in such a way that the monastic ordo might be reformed there through the prudence of your sanctity and assiduity of your prayers, and that the church of God, which up till now (oh sorrow!) has been disgraced by licentious embraces and deprived of the servants of God, ought to be congratulated that it will ascend from the valley of tears and sing the psalms with your sons.

Ibid. 312. "Quae quidem, si corrigi nollent et sibi tantum mortem facerent, tolerari forsitan possent; sed, quia multarum factae sunt laqueus animarum, suggero et consulo vigilantiae vestrae ut aut praedictas mulieres in loco suo et in suo ordine corrigatis aut, si id fieri non potest, religiosis monachis locum ilium cum suis possessionibus committere studeatis, accepta tamen ab eis cautione ut praedictas mulieres sub arcta disciplina coerceant et eisdem necessaria de rebus monasterii, quandiu vixerint, provideant." 68 The original has been lost since the eighteenth century. Mabillon included a partial facsimile of the charter in his De re diplomatica (Paris, 1681)pl. 13,no. 5. The most recent edition is found in Prou 345-6 no. 137. 69 Prou 346. "Nunc igitur, sequendo vestigia predecessorum nostrorum, monasterium sancte Marie semper virginis sancteque Fare, in quo ex infirmitate et incuria inhabitantium omnis religio et monasticus ordo penitus est adnullarus et, quod miserabilius est, prostibulum factum esse condolemus, pro salute anime mee, per presentem cartam in cellam vobis jure perpetuo possidendum tradimus, concedimus et auctoritate regia confirmamus, quatinus per sanctitatis vestre prudentiam et orationum vestrarum instantiam ordo monasticus ibidem reformetur, et ecclesia Dei, que actenus, pro dolor! adulterinus fedata est, complexibus et tanto tempore a servitio Dei privata est, cum ecclesie vestre filiis de valle lacrimarum ascendere et canticum graduum se cantare congratuletur."

87 Philip accused the nuns of Faremoutiers of licentiousness and negligence, and due to the infirmity and incorrigibility of the nuns, ex infirmitate et incuria inhabitantium, granted the abbey to Marmoutiers as a priory for the sake of reform. From this point on there is a gap in the documentation available for the history of Faremoutiers. Despite Philip's donation, Faremoutiers did not become a possession or priory of Marmoutiers, and, indeed, there is no mention of it in the Cartulaire Manceau of Marmoutiers; as a matter of fact, later documents from Faremoutiers' cartularies suggest that Faremoutiers never did become a dependent of Marmoutiers. In order to reconcile this discrepancy, scholars have assumed, for lack of any evidence to the contrary, that a reform of the religious life took place at Faremoutiers between 1100 and 1137 which prevented the expulsion of the

70 nuns.

Philip's use of the words in cellam vobis jure perpetuo possidendum tradimus suggest that he was transferring his proprietary interest in Faremoutiers to the monks of

Marmoutiers for the purposes of reform.71 Yet the simple transfer of proprietary interest apparently was not enough to justify expulsion in this particular case. Unfortunately the response of Bishop Walter of Meaux to the plight of the nuns of Faremoutiers is unknown, yet it does not seem too unreasonable to conjecture that in cases of reform, proprietary right may have meant little without the added authority of episcopal right.

Although we may not know the details, it is clear that the nuns of Faremoutiers, unlike those of Saint-Eloi, were considered amenable to correction. During the middle

See Andre Galli, "Faremoutiers au Moyen Age Vile - XVe siecle" in Sainte Fare et Faremoutiers: treize siecles de vie monastique (Paris: Girard, 1956) 37-56, 43. 71 Prou 346; Note 69 above.

88 years of the twelfth century Faremoutiers was under royal and papal protection. More importantly, Abbess Rissende, who is the first confirmed abbess following the period of reform, is described in a charter dated September 1, 1137 by Henry Sanglier, archbishop of Sens, as "our most beloved Abbess of Faremoutiers, by merit of truth and diligence,

Rissende by name, truly a venerable handmaid of Christ, distinguished in conduct, noble in birth, but even more noble in virtue.. ."73 As Andre Galli argues "De telles expressions insinuent que Rissende n'etait pas, en 1137, au debut de son gouvernement et que la reputation de Faremoutiers etait desormais retablie."74 The possibility of a successful reform at Faremoutiers which did not include expulsion amongst the reform measures employed suggests that expulsion was a measure of last resort and that the real reason for the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Eloi went beyond immorality and reputation, and rests on Galo's perception of that the nuns of Saint-Eloi were not willing or able to be reformed.

This being said, eleventh and twelfth century reformers clearly had very strict ideas about the morality and reputation of female monastics. Ivo expressed his ideas about the type of behavior appropriate to nuns around the year 1091 to the nuns of Saint-

Avit-les-Guepieres. He extolled the preservation of virginity, but it was not only physical virginity that he was concerned with, but also spiritual virginity and its outward appearance. He exhorts the nuns, writing that:

You vowed to wed Christ, not clerics. You vowed to wed Christ, not to frequently engage in conversation with secular men. It was for this that the walls of the monastery were made for you, lest you receive lovers of the

72 Jacqueline le Braz-Tremenbert, "Les Cartulaires de Faremoutiers" in Sainte Fare et Faremoutiers: treize siecles de vie monastique (Paris: Girard, 1956) 175-213; 184-185, nos. 10-11, 13. 73 Michel Toussaints ChretienDuplessis, Histoire de I'eglise de Meaux, 2 (Paris, 1731) 33; GC 8: 1704; Galli 43. "carissima nostra Farensis Monasterii merito probitatis et industriae Abbatissa, nomine Rissendis, ancilla Christi valde venerabilis, moribus insignis, genere nobilis, sed nobilior honestate..." 74 Galli 43.

89 world within the fortress of those fleeing the world; so that you not expose yourselves to the public and by drawing within filthy images from the corporeal sight of the world, and expelling your virginity from within, allow your body to be subject to corruption. Therefore how can you serve chastity, when you strive to engage in public conversations or daily private employment with unchaste men?

Not only should nuns avoid the conversation of men, they should avoid the very sight of men. Their monastery is a hedge that protects them from lovers of the world; a place where they are protected from the very sight of things that might inwardly overcome their virginity. He particularly notes that the Virgin Mary "whose life has been set forth as a special pattern for the virgins of Christ did not reside in public nor did she delight in the conversation of suitors when she was greeted by the angel, overshadowed by the Holy

Spirit, and made the mother of the Saviour."76 Ivo encouraged the nuns to stay within the enclosure of their monastery as a way to protect them from the potential harm caused by the presence and conversation of secular men and clerics, thus protecting the nuns' reputation from the suspicions of society and the nuns from themselves.

Ivo's Panormia

There are numerous studies of Ivo's work and influence as a canonist.77 He has been considered a forerunner of Gratian in the science of canon law, and Paul Fournier

Ivo of Chartres, Correspondance 42. "Christo enim vovistis nubere, non clericis. Christo vovistis nubere, non saecularium hominum colloquia frequentare. Ad hoc enim vobis septa monasterii facta sunt, ne mundi amatores intra castra mundum fugientium recipiatis, ne ad publicum prodeatis ac de corporali mundi visione, tractis introrsum foedis imaginibus atque expugnata intus virginitate, corpus quoque corruptioni subjici permittatis. Quomodo ergo pudicitiam servare valebitis, quae cum impudicis hominibus miscere colloquia publica vel privata quotidiano usu laboratis?" Ibid. 44. "Non enim beata Virgo Maria, cujus vita Christi virginibus specialis est forma proposita, residebat in publico nee procorum delectabatur colloquio, quando est ab angelo salutata, quando est Spiritu Sancto obumbrata et mater Salvatoris effecta." 77 A detailed review of the wide range of literature available on Ivo of Chartres can be found in Lynn K. Barker, "History, reform, and law in the work of Ivo of Chartres." PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1988. 25-44. Also see Bruce Clark Brasington, Ways of mercy : the prologue of Ivo of Chartres, edition and analysis (Munster: LIT, 2004).

90 and Gabriel LeBras have studied his collections in great detail. Three collections of canons are associated with Ivo of Chartres: the Decretum, the Panormia and the

Tripartita. The Panormia, a compacted revision of the Decretum, circulated the most widely of the three.80

The third book of the Panormia is concerned with ecclesiastical hierarchy and the religious life; the final sections, in particular, are concerned with virgins, widows, and abbesses.81 These chapters delineate the age at which a girl can take the veil, the consecration of virgins, their chastity, the place of widows, and the duties of abbesses. Of these subjects, matters of chastity as well as the role of the abbess are of particular interest to our discussion. Heading 192 comes from Jerome's Contra Jovinianum. It declares that anyone who marries a virgin dedicated to God will incur damnation upon himself. Heading 195, from a letter of the martyr Boniface to King Hiltribaldo of the

For Ivo as a forerunner of Gratian see Stanley Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century: The Ecclesiology of Gratian's Decretum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972) 2, n.3; and Jacqueline Rambaud-Buhot, "Le Decret de Gratien et le droit romain: l'influence d'Yves de Chartres," in Revue historique de droit francais et etranger 4: 35 (1957) 290-300. Paul Fournier's work on Ivo's canonical collections includes "Les collections canoniques attribuees a Yves de Chartres," inBibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes 57 (1896) 645-98; 58 (1897) 26-77, 293-326,410-44 and 624-76; and "Yves de Chartres et le droit canonique" in Revue des questions historiques 63 (1898) 51-98, 384-405. These have been reprinted in Melanges de droit canonique, ed. Theo Kolzer. 2 vols. (Aalen: Scientia, 1983). Also see Paul Fournier and Gabriel Le Bras, Histoire des collections canoniques en Occident depuis les Fausses decretales jusqu 'au Decret de Gratien. 2 vols. (Paris: Sirey, 1931-32). The works of Ivo of Chartres have been printed by Migne in the Patrologiae Latinae series cursus completus, volumes 161-162. Jean Werckmeister has recently produced a translation and edition of Ivo's Prologue, Le Prologue (Paris: Cerf, 1997) as has Bruce Brasington, see Note 77 above. 80 See Lotte Kery, Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages (ca. 400-1140): A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1999) 244-260. There are 23 known manuscripts of the Tripartita, 5 complete and 3 incomplete manuscripts of the Decretum, and over a hundred manuscripts of the Panormia. The dating of the Panormia is debated, but Fournier dated it to 1094-1095, while Sprandel and Brett argue for a longer period between the composition of the Decretum and Panormia (253-254). 81 The most recent edition of the Panormia has been published in an online draft version by Bruce Brasington and Martin Brett as a part of The ORB: On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies Text Library at http://www.the-orb.net/libindex.html. The most recent printed edition is by Melchior de Vosmedian (Louvain, 1557) and is reprinted in Migne PL 161: 1041-1344. Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 192. "Si nupserit virgo non peccavit. Non ilia virgo que se semel Dei cultui dedicavit, harum enim si qua nupserit, habebit dampnationem quia primam fidem irritam fecit." (Brasington & Brett 123).

91 Angles, reinforces this statement by arguing that those who have had intercourse with a veiled and consecrated nun cannot enter holy orders. Heading 197, from the Council of

Mainz, declares that if a widow has assumed the veil of her own accord, even if she has not been consecrated by a bishop, she must remain chaste. Widows who depart from

or their vow of chastity should be excommunicated. Those who violate the body of a woman consecrated to God are to be condemned as the sons of perdition. The canons chosen by Ivo regarding virgins and widows clearly demonstrate a concern for female OT chastity, a concern which is barely mentioned in the preceding section on monks.

Just as the chapters on nuns are overwhelmingly concerned with chastity, those on the duties of abbesses focus on a related matter - enclosure. Quoting from the Council of

Mainz, Chapter 209 states that abbesses and nuns are to live correctly and justly, according to the rule of St. Benedict, but it adds that if they are to live canonically, they

Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 195. "Apud Grecos et Romanos quasi blasphemiam Deo irrogasset, qui in hoc reus sit, ut proprie de hoc peccato ante ordinationem interrogatus, si reus inventus fuerit, ut cum velata et consecrata norma concubuisset, ab omni gradu sacerdotii Dei prohiberetur." (Brasington & Brett 123). 84 Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 197. "Viduas autem velare pontificum nullus attemptet, prout statutum est in decretis Gelasii capitulo xiii, quod nee auctoritas divina nee canonum forma prestitit. Que si propria fuerit voluntate continentiam professa, ut in eisdem Gelasii capitulo xxi legitur, eius intentio pro se reddat rationem Deo, quia sicut, secundum apostolum, si se continere non poterat, nullatenus nubere vetabatur, sic secum habita deliberatione promissam fidem pudicitie Deo debet custodire. Nos autem auctoriate patrum suffulti in hoc sacro conventu sancimus et libere iudicamus si sponte velamen, quamvis non consecratum, sibi imposuerit, et in ecclesia inter velatas oblationem Deo obtulerit, velit nolit sanctimonie habitum ulterius habere debet, licet sacramento confirmare velit eo tenore et ratione velamen sibi imposuisse ut iterum posset deponere." (Brasington & Brett 125-126). 5 Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 204. "Viduas a proposito discedentes viduitatis, super quibus nos consulere voluit dilectio tua, frater charissime, credo te nosse a sancto Paulo et a multis Sanctis patribus nisi convertantur, olim esse dampnatas. Quas et nos apostolica auctoritate dampnandas et a communione fidelium atque a liminibus ecclesie arcendas fore censemus, usquequo obedient suis episcopis, et ad bonum quod ceperunt, invite aut voluntarie revertantur." (Brasington & Brett 128-129). 86 Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 207. "Sciendum est omnibus quod Deo sacratarum feminarum corpora, per votum proprie sponsionis, et verba sacerdotis Deo consecrata templa esse, scripturarum testimoniis comprobantur, et ideo violatores earum sacrilegi ac iuxta apostolum, filii perditionis esse noscuntur." (Brasington & Brett 131). 87 Of the section on monks in book three of the Panormia only heading 182 even touches on the subject of chastity. "Propositum monachi proprio arbitrio aut voluntate susceptum deseri non potest absque peccato. Quod enim quis vovit Deo, debet et reddere, unde qui relicta singularitatis professione ad militiam vel ad nuptias devolutus est, publice penitentie satisfactione purgandus est, quia etsi innocens militia et honestum potest esse coniugium, electionem meliorum deseruisse transgressio est." (Brasington & Brett 116).

92 should remain in their cloister and should not leave their monastery without the permission of their bishop.88 Chapter 210, from the Council of Gangra, reinforces this command. It states that the abbess should never go outside without the permission of the bishop, but that if she must do so she should take great care for the nuns accompanying her, lest they should be given occasion to sin.89 Chapter 212, from the Council of Mainz, likewise states that the abbess should not allow nuns to go out of the monastery without urgent necessity.90 Finally chapter 215, from the Council of Rouen, states that bishops should frequently visit monasteries of monks and nuns and converse diligently with them in order to correct any irregularities. The bishop should particularly inquire into the chastity of nuns and if he should find any who has neglected her vow of chastity and impudently associated with either clergy or laymen, she should be punished harshly with flogging and be confined in private custody where she can do worthy penance for her wrongdoing.91

Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 209. "Abbatissas autem cum sanctimonialibus omnino recte et iuste vivere censemus. Que vero professionem secundum regulam sancti Benedicti fecerunt, regulariter vivant. Sin autem canonice vivant pleniter et sub diligenti cura custodiam habeant, et in claustris suis permaneant, nee foras exitum habeant, sed et ipse abbatisse in monasteriis sedant, nee foras vadant, sine licentia et consilio episcopi sui." (Brasington & Brett 132). 89 Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3:210. "Abbatissa nequaquam de monasterio egrediatur, nisi per licentiam episcopi sui. Et si aliquando foras pergit, de sanctimonialibus quas secum ducit curam habeat maximam, ut nulla eis detur occasio peccandi." (Brasington & Brett 133). Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 212. "Sanctimoniales nisi forte abbatissa sua pro aliqua necessitate incumbente mittente, nequaquam de monasterio egrediantur." (Brasington & Brett 134). PL 161: 1180 reads "Sanctimoniales, nisi forte abbatissa sua pro aliqua necessitate urgente mittente, nequaquam de monasterio egrediantur." Ivo of Chartres, Panormia 3: 215. "Ut episcopus monasteria monachorum et sanctimonialium frequenter introeat, et cum gravibus et religiosis personis in eorum vel in earum conventu residens, eorum vitam et conversationem diligenter discutiat, et si quid reprehensibile invenerit corrigere satagat. Sanctimonialium etiam pudicitiam subtiliter investiget, et si aliqua invenitur que, neglecto proposito castitatis, clerico aut laico impudenter misceatur, acriter verberibus coerceatur, et in privata custodia retrudatur, ubi quod male commisit, digne peniteat. Interdicatur etiam ex auctoritate sanctorum canonum, ut nullus laicus aut clericus in earum claustris et secretis habitationibus accessum habeat, neque presbiteri, nisi tantum ad missam. Expleta missa ad ecclesias suas redeant. Omnibus preterea publice et privatim denuntiet quantum piaculum sit qui sponsam Christi vitiare presumit. Si enim ille reus tenetur qui sponsam hominis violat, quanto magis reus maiestatis efficitur, qui sponsam omnipotentis Dei corrumpit?" (Brasington & Brett 135).

93 When combined with the conciliar canons stressed in book three of the Panormia, the contents of Ivo's letter concerning the nuns of Faremoutiers as well as his letter to the nuns of Saint-Avit-les-Guepieres suggest that Ivo was particularly concerned with the chastity of nuns and its preservation through the practice of enclosure. The canons collected in the Panormia further imply that Ivo, as well as other churchmen of his time, thought that nuns, more so than monks, needed strict supervision in order to maintain their chastity. Considering the close connection between Bishops Ivo and Galo, it seems highly likely that the bishop of Paris shared these same views.

Given Ivo's, and by extension Galo's, views on the importance of chastity and enclosure to the spiritual and physical welfare of nuns, it is time to turn to what little we know of the social behavior of the nuns of Saint-Eloi. The expulsion charter tells us that the nuns participated twice a year in public processions. They were also obligated to participate in the funeral processions of the canons of Notre-Dame. Thus the nuns did leave their cloister at least twice a year, even if under controlled circumstances.

Furthermore their cloister was not free from outside visitors, either male or female. The

1102 charter discussed above which details a transaction between the abbeys of Saint-

Eloi and Morigny states that the agreement took place in chapter at Saint-Eloi in the presence not only of the abbess and nuns of Saint-Eloi and the monks of Morigny, but of nineteen other clerics and laymen. 2

92 de Lasteyrie 153, n°130 "(Bishop William) Quo Hierusalem profecto, monachi, volentes rem ceptam perducere ad effectum, venerunt iterum in capitulum Sancti Eligii. Ibi presentibus pluribus clericis et laicis, abbatissa, consensu ceterarum sanctimonialium, tradidit Rainaldo abbati et monachis Maurigniaci praedictam terrain... Huic rei adfuerunt et hanc rem confirmaverunt Stephanus archidiaconus, Fulco decanus, Rainaldus archidiaconus, in quorum manu Guillermus episcopus dimisit curam et providentiam episcopalium rerum. Nomina testium qui affuerunt scribere necessarium duximus: ex parte sanctimonialium, testes nominati sunt Stephanus archidiaconus, Fulco decanus, Herluinus paedagogus Ludovici regis filii, Galterius filius suae matris, Hugo de Sancto Clodoveo, Ingenulphus pictor, Hugo praepositus Sancti Eligii. Ex parte monachorum, Rainaldus archidiaconus, Albertus et Fulbertus canonici,

94 The two above-mentioned instances make it clear that there was interaction between the nuns of Saint-Eloi and the outside world at least twice a year and quite possibly more often. When combined with the accusations of spiritual apathy and secularity, this worldly interaction takes on a dangerous tint. Galo's mentor, Ivo of

Chartres, also encouraged nuns to remain within their cloister. His letter to the nuns of

Saint-Avit-les-Guepieres uses the term septa, figuratively presenting the walls of the monastery as a hedge separating the nuns from the temptations of the world. His claim that the Virgin Mary was not residing in public when the angel greeted her implies that the nuns cannot progress spiritually if they are distracted by the world outside of their cloister.94 Thus it seems highly likely that a man such as Ivo or anyone trained by him would have looked at least a bit askance at the presence of secular men in the nuns' chapter meeting or at their practice of taking part in public processions such as those described in Bishop Galo's charter of expulsion.

Conclusions

The portrayal of a convent of nuns as a brothel appears frequently enough in descriptions of religious houses in need of reform that scholars often consider it a rhetorical convention. This may be so, yet whether or not the accusation is a rhetorical convention or topos matters little in light of the nuns' reputation prior to their expulsion.

Mangoz de Meleduno, Hugo de Valenton, Hervaeus camberlanus, Robertas filius Algrini, Fulbertus de Stampis, Bartholomaeus de Monasteriolo, Robertas de Sancto Clodovaeo, Guillermus de Bistigi, Brunest praepositus... Nomina sanctimonialium quae capitulo adfoerunt et conventionem concesserunt: abbatissa Hadvisa, Senecheldis adhuc laica, Eremburgis, Hermensendis, Hildeardis, Richeldis, Joscelina Normanna, Adelais Stampensis, Avelina neptis decani, Joscelina, Emelina, Ingeneldis, Aya soror Bernardi figuli, Hodierna infans." 93 See Note 75 above. 94 See Note 76 above. 95 See LoPrete, Adela ofBlois 248 n.71.

95 Even if the nuns of Saint-Eloi were entirely chaste before their expulsion, they still were encumbered by negative reports of spiritual apathy and a lack of religion. It seems that it was this reputation, as much as anything, which lay the foundation for their expulsion.

Reputation or fama may have attracted the interest of reformers, but it was not the only factor in the nuns' expulsion. The documents discussed at the beginning of this chapter clearly demonstrate that there were many people who thought that Saint-Eloi needed to be reformed, but reform does not necessarily translate into expulsion. Bishop

Galo was urged to reform the monastery; he chose to do so by expelling the nuns and replacing them with a higher ordo. Galo's decision was influenced by numerous factors which included the unwillingness of the nuns to reform, his own proprietary interest in

Saint-Eloi, and his understanding of canon law.

96 Chapter Three

Argenteuil

With the notable exception of Thomas G. Waldman's article, "Abbot Suger and the Nuns of Argenteuil," scholars have treated the expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil in one of two ways: it is either a brief episode in the history of the abbey of Saint-Denis or it is mentioned in connection with Heloise and the founding of the Paraclete.1 Waldman cites Michel Felibien's account of the recovery of Argenteuil in the Histoire de I'abbaye royale de Saint-Denys en France as the standard version of Abbot Suger's acquisition of

Argenteuil. He further noted that Charlotte Charrier's account of events attributes the recovery of Argenteuil to a spirit of personal vengeance and that R.-H. Bautier has posited that the recovery of Argenteuil was the result of a personal quarrel between Suger and the families related to Heloise.3 Following Bautier's lead, John F. Benton considered

Suger's acquisition of Argenteuil to be one result of the political alliance between

Bernard of Clairvaux and Suger against Stephen of Garlande. Citing the reforms at St.

Jean of Laon, St.-Martin-au-Val and Morigny, he suggests, "the monastic victors in this power struggle, wrapped in the banner of reform, aggrandized their own authority and property."4 More recently, Constant J. Mews has described the eviction of the nuns of

1 For foil reference see Chapter 2, Note 4. 2 Michel Felibien, Histoire de I'abbaye royale de Saint-Denys en France (Paris, 1706; repr. Paris: Editions du Palais Royal, 1973) 162-4. 3 Waldman 239, 245-246; Grant 190-93. 4 John F. Benton, "Suger's Life and Personality" in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium, edited by Paula Lieber Gerson (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986) 3-15,5; repr. in Culture, Power and Personality in Medieval France, ed. Thomas Bisson (London: Hambleton Press, 1991) 387-408.

97 Argenteuil as a "major political victory for Suger," while also suggesting that Heloise's scholarly acumen may have caused Suger additional alarm.5

A chronological survey of the royal, episcopal and papal charters documenting the expulsion begins with the confirmations issued by Bishop Stephen of Paris and Matthew the cardinal bishop of Albano following the Council at Saint-Germain-des-Pres and before the council of Reims on April 14,1129. These episcopal letters are followed by the royal confirmation of Louis VI and his son Philip dated at Reims on April 14, 1129, the papal confirmation of Honorius II, 23 April 1129, and that of Innocent II, November

1130. These documents are collectively preserved in two cartularies of Saint-Denis from the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries and are now located at the Archives Nationales in

Paris.6

As in the previous chapter, we will examine circumstances of Abbot Suger's claim to Argenteuil and the subsequent expulsion of the nuns. We will consider not only the expulsion itself, but also the ideals of the reformers and the religious climate which influenced those ideals. We will show that as in the case of Saint-Eloi, reputation and proprietary jurisdiction are significant factors in the expulsion. Nevertheless, unlike some scholars, we do not intend to assign blame for the expulsion to Heloise's reputation alone.

Instead we will argue that, although her scandal ten years before may have continued to have a negative effect on the abbey, the greater share of blame for the abbey's unfavorable reputation lay with the stricter models of sanctity in vogue from the late

5 Constant J. Mews, Abelard and Heloise. Great Medieval Thinkers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) 146. 6 Paris, Archives Nationales LL 1156 folios 45-49 and LL 1158 folios 278-281. Matthew of Albano's letter is edited in PL 173: 1265-1266; Louis VI's confirmation is printed in PL 186: 1463-1464; and Honorius' confirmation in PL 166: 1297. A partial transcription of the letters of Bishop Stephen of Paris and Bishop Matthew of Albano regarding the expulsion is also available. See Waldman 252 n. 62

98 eleventh century onwards. Moreover, we will argue that Heloise's efforts to create a holy life at the Paraclete can be used to better comprehend the expulsion from Argenteuil.

The Expulsion

Abbot Suger of St.-Denis laid claim to the abbey of Argenteuil in 1129 at the

Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres, called, according to a letter of papal legate Matthew of Albano, to discuss the reform of monasteries of lukewarm fervor throughout France.7

The confirmations of Bishop Stephen of Paris and papal legate Matthew of Albano concerning the expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil either date from or were issued soon after this council. Stephen's grant reads as follows:

1. Privilegium domini Stephani 1. Privilege of Lord Stephen, Bishop of episcopi Parisiensis de ecclesia Paris, concerning the church of Argentoili Argenteuil

2. In nomine summe et individue 2. In the name of the highest and trinitatis, Stephanus divina largiente indivisible trinity, Stephen, by God's gratia parisiorum ecclesie grace Bishop of Paris: episcopus.

3. Quoniam ad episcopalem constat 3. Since it is established that the pertinere dignitatem propheticum prophecy "to uproot and destroy, illud ut evellas et destruas, edifices build and plant," in the name of the et plantes in nomine domini Lord belongs to the episcopal cotidiana, summa sollicitudine, dignity;9 we must, with daily nobis invigilandum est supra solicitude, give great attention to the gregem a domino deo nobis flock committed to us by the Lord commissum omnem videlicet ab eo God, especially, with God's help, to inmundiciam ipsius auxilio drive out every impurity, and, in evellere, omnem ubicumque particular, to extirpate and destroy possumus et maxime per with our entire will mortal sin where-

PL 173: 1265 "aliique quamplurimis, de sacri ordinis reformatione per diversa Galliarum in quibus tepuerat monasteria Parisius ageremus..." 8 Paris, Archives Nationales LL 1156, folio 46v., and LL 1158 folio 278. See Jeremiah 1:10.

99 parrochiam nostram enonnitatem ever we can throughout our diocese, eliminare, tota voluntate destruere, and to faithfully build up the vineam domini cotidiana instantia vineyard of the Lord with daily fideliter edificare, cultores idoneos perseverance (and) humbly supply qui earn religiose excolant humiliter suitable laborers who will nurture it supplantare; in a holy fashion;

4. quapropter universitati fidelium tarn 4. on which account we wish to make presentium quam futurorum known to all the faithful both present innotescere volumus quod and future that the venerable Abbot venerabilis abbas Sancti Dyonisii Suger of Saint-Denis sought out our Suggerius in conspectu domini humble self in the presence of Albani episcopi, sancte sedis M[atthew], the lord Bishop of apostolice legati, .M., serenissimi Albano and legate of the Apostolic regis francorum, domini nostri See, our lord Louis, the most serene Hludovici, Remensis archiepiscopi, King of the Franks, Rainald, Rainaldi, Carnotensis episcopi, Archbishop of Reims, Geoffrey, Gaufredi, Suessioniensis episcopi, Bishop of Chartres, and Joscelin, Gosleni, humilitatem nostram Bishop of Soissons; expetiit;

5. immunitates ecclesie sue 5. and there he revealed to us apostolicorum et regum satis sufficiently canonical privileges of canonicas in quibus continebantur his church, both papal and royal, in quod Argentoylense monasterium which it was held that Argenteuil, a monacharum, situm super fluvium monastery of nuns situated on the Sequane propria Sancti Dyonisii river Seine near the village of Saint- villa ad ius ecclesie sue pertinere Denis ought to pertain to the deberet ibidem nobis aperuit. jurisdiction of his church.

6. Cumque qui aderant de enormitate 6. And when all those who were et miseria monacharium illarum present cried out that the grave eliminenda omnes conclamarent, irregularity and poor condition of the prelibato cum illis quos supra nuns should be eliminated, in nominavimus consilio, rum propter consultation with those named eius quam comperimus justiciam above, we restored the monastery of turn etiam potissimum propter Argenteuil to the gratuitous benefit monasterii illius in sancta religione of the holy martyr due to the justice inmutationem quia in tempore eius of his claim, which we learned, and, nobile monasterium Beati Dyonisii above all, on account of the change inter alia Gallorum monasteria per in the religious life of that monastery dei misericordiam precipue in omni because in his [Suger's] time the religioni elucet, prefatum noble monastery of Saint-Denis monasterium Argentoilense shines forth among all the gratuitis sanctorum martyrum monasteries of Gaul, especially in beneficiis restituimus religious matters, through the grace of God;

7. et ut ibidem monachos suos qui deo 7. and we granted that he might religiose deservirent substitueret, substitute his own monks there who salvo in omnibus iure parisiensis would serve God religiously, ecclesie concessimus. saveguarding in all things the right of the Church of Paris.

8. Et ut hec nostre restitutionis 8. And so that this agreement of concessio rata firmissimaque restitution should remain fixed and permaneat, ei successoribusque suis valid we confirm it by the authority litterarum nostrarum auctoritate in of our letters to him and his perpetuum conflrmamus. successors in perpetuity.

Citing Jeremiah 1:10, Stephen outlines his understanding of the duties of a bishop in

Section three of his charter. A bishop must be able to uproot and destroy those communities living a life of irregularity in his diocese while simultaneously promoting those who seek to live in a manner which glorifies God. Thus Stephen, like his predecessor Bishop Galo, suggests that one of the key duties of a bishop is to oversee the regular life in his diocese in two opposing ways: he must remove irregularity, in this case the nuns of Argenteuil, and supplant it with suitable laborers who can nurture the vineyard of the Lord, the monks of Saint-Denis.

Stephen relates that Abbot Suger approached him in the presence of notable witnesses and argued that Argenteuil lawfully belonged to Saint-Denis. Suger's appeal was aided by the council attendees who spoke out against the nuns of Argenteuil, accusing them of irregularity and calling for them to be expelled. Stephen acknowledges that he was swayed as much by the reputation of the two monasteries as he was by

Suger's presentation of charters. According to Stephen, the reputation of Saint-Denis was

101 pre-eminent throughout France and would lead to a change (presumably for the better) in the religious state of Argenteuil. Finally, Stephen gives Suger permission to replace the nuns of Argenteuil with his own monks from Saint-Denis.

Matthew of Albano's confirmation of events at the Council of Saint-Germain-des-

Pres is similar enough to that of Bishop Stephen of Paris that Thomas Waldman asserts that the two confirmations are almost identical. Yet though relating the matter in similar language, Matthew of Albano's account describes the council in a considered manner that reveals a bit more about the events of the expulsion than that of Stephen of Paris.

Matthew's confirmation reads as follows:

1. Litterae Matthaei Albanensis 1. Letter of Bishop Matthew of episcopi, quibus Argentoliense Albano, in which the monastery of monasterium abbatiae S. Dionysii, Argenteuil is restored to the abbey de sententia concilii Parisiensis of Saint-Denis by the judgment of a apud S. Germanum a Pratis habiti, council of Paris held at Saint- restituitur. (Anno 1129.) Germain-des-Pres. (In the year 1129.)

2. In nomine summi Dei et Salvatoris 2. In the name of the highest God and nostri Jesu Christi, Matthaeus, our Savior, Jesus Christ, Matthew, divinae gratiae dispositione by the disposition of divine grace Albanensis episcopus et apostolicae Bishop of Albano and Legate of the sedis legatus. Apostolic See.

3. Quoniam ad nostrae dignitatis 3. Since it is established that it potestatem pertinere constat circa belongs to the authority of our ecclesiasticae cultum religionis dignity to faithfully strive with the summa sollicitudine fideliter greatest care regarding the elaborare, immunda cuncta cultivation of ecclesiastical religion, eliminare, utilia quoque studiose to eliminate all impurities, and to supplantare, ideo summopere nobis eagerly supply beneficial things, injuncto officio oportet invigilare. therefore it is fitting to give the greatest attention to the office enjoined on us.

10 Waldman 252. 11 Paris, Archives Nationales LL 1156, folio 47r, and LL 1158 folios 278-9; PL 173: 1265-1266.

102 4. Ea propter cum nuper in praesentia 4. On that account, when recently we domini serenissimi regis Francorum met at Paris in the presence of Ludovici, cum fratribus nostris Louis, most serene lord King of the coepiscopis, Remensi scilicet Franks, with many of our brother archiepiscopo R[ainaldo] Parisiensi co-bishops, namely, Archbishop episcopo Stephano, Carnotensi Rainald of Reims, Bishop Stephen episcopo G[aufrido] Suessionensi of Paris, Bishop Geoffrey of episcopo G[osleno] aliisque Chartres, Bishop Joscelin of quamplurimis, de sacri ordinis Soissons, and many others, reformatione per diversa Galliarum, concerning the reform of sacred in quibus tepuerat, monasteria, order in various monasteries Parisius ageremus, throughout Gaul in which it (the sacred order) was lukewarm,

5. subito in communi audientia 5. suddenly there was an outcry conclamatum est super enormitate amongst the general assembly et infamia cujusdam monasterii concerning the sin and ill fame of a sanctimonialium, quod dicitur certain monastery of nuns which is Argentolium, in quo paucae called Argenteuil in which a few moniales multiplici infamia, ad nuns were living in manifold ignominiam sui ordinis degentes, disgrace to the dishonor of their multo tempore spurca et infami order, for a long time, had defiled conversatione omnem ejusdem loci every connection of that place by affinitatem foedaverant. their filthy and disreputable behavior.

6. Cumque omnes qui aderant illarum 6. And when all who were present expulsioni insisterent, venerabilis insisted on [the nuns'] expulsion, abbas S. Dionysii Suggerius, the venerable Abbot Suger of Saint- emunitatibus suis apostolicorum Denis showed clearly enough, by confirmatione certissimis in presenting his immunities in our medium ostensis, praefatum midst with apostolic confirmations, monasterium ad jus ecclesiae suae that the aforementioned monastery pertinere satis evidenter ostendit. pertained to the jurisdiction of his church.

7. Unde nos, cum fratribus 7. Whence we, with the praenominatis participato consilio, aforementioned brothers met in et quia illud venerabile coenobium, council, and because we recognized potissimum in suis temporibus inter that that venerable monastery was alia Galliae totius monasteria, Dei the most important in its time misericordia, et sanctorum among all the other monasteries of martyrum intercessione, omni Gaul, illuminated in all religion religione irradiatum vidimus, non through God's grace and the solum ejus justitiae, verum etiam intercession of the holy martyrs, illarum miseriae consulentes, hanc we enjoined this monastic property

103 ei injunximus obedientiam, ut illis to [Suger], considering not only his in religiosis locatis monasteriis, legal right but also the ibidem monachos suos, qui Dei wretchedness of [those women], religiose deserviant, substitueret. that, with the latter having been placed in religious monasteries, [Suger] should substitute his own monks there who would serve God religiously.

8. Et ut haec nostra restitutionis 8. And so that this, our grant of concessio tarn sibi quam posteris restitution, should be held most firmissima in posterum habeatur, ei firm both for him and those who apostolica auctoritate, nostrique come after in the future, we confirm signi corroboratione in it forever with apostolic authority sempiternum confirmavimus: hoc and strengthen it with our seal: idem, Parisiensi episcopo Stephano, idem, with this having been made in cujus parochia est, primum and confirmed first by Stephen, faciente et confirmante. Bishop of Paris, in whose diocese it is.

Matthew follows the same general outline as Stephen. He begins with a statement asserting that it is the duty of a bishop to maintain the regular life and then describes the major attendees of the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres. This is followed by a recounting of events that, although similar to Stephen's, differs slightly, yet significantly, in its presentation of the order of the events surrounding the expulsion. Stephen states that Abbot Suger approached him in the presence of the various dignitaries of the council and presented to him the charters showing that Argenteuil belonged by right to Saint-

Denis. It is following this presentation that there is an outcry against the behavior of the nuns of Argenteuil. Matthew, on the other hand, reverses this chain of events. Yet

Matthew's charter also gives more details about the business of the council and the expulsion itself. In order to make the two charters make chronological sense, we must assume that Abbot Suger first approached Bishop Stephen privately about the matter of

104 Argenteuil, for Matthew of Albano reports that the matter of Argenteuil was raised, subito, quite suddenly.

Suddenly there was an outcry amongst the general assembly concerning the irregularity and ill fame of a certain monastery of nuns which is called Argenteuil in which a few nuns living in manifold disgrace to the dishonor of their order, for a long time, had defiled every connection of that place by their unclean and disreputable behavior. And then all who were present insisted on their (the nuns') expulsion.12

At this point, Abbot Suger stepped forward with his privileges and it was arranged that after the nuns had been placed in religious monasteries the monks of Saint-Denis would be substituted in their place.13

Matthew's account reveals two key points almost immediately: first, the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres was called in order to deal with monasteries of lukewarm fervor throughout France and second, Argenteuil was not originally on the agenda, at least not that of the papal legate.14 On the basis of the order of events as recounted by

Matthew of Albano, Lindy Grant has speculated that Abbot Suger carefully orchestrated the outcry against Argenteuil in advance. 5 Whether he orchestrated the outcry against the nuns or simply took advantage of it, there is little reason to question that, although the clamor took Matthew by surprise, Suger himself was carefully prepared for the event.

The authenticity of the charters claiming that Argenteuil belonged to Saint-Denis has long been questioned and is the primary subject of Thomas Waldman's article

"Abbot Suger and the Nuns of Argenteuil."16 Waldman pursues two separate arguments:

12 See above Section 5. 13 Regarding Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis' forgery of the charter or charters on which he based his claim to Argenteuil see Note 16 below. See above Sections 4 and 5. If Argenteuil had been on the reformers' agenda Matthew would not have described it as subito. 15 Grant 191. 16 See Chapter 2, Note 4. Waldman is not the first to doubt the validity of the charter of Louis the Pious and Lothar. Andre Lesort's article "Argenteuil" in the Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Geographie Ecclesiastiques

105 one, that the abbey of Saint-Denis' claim to Argenteuil was based upon a forgery by

Abbot Suger, and two, that there may have been some truth in the accusations about the nuns' scandalous behavior.57 In Waldman's analysis of Suger's writings on the subject of

Argenteuil he notes that: "All three accounts mention the misconduct of the nuns, but whereas in the earliest account [Testamentum] this appears to be the principal reason behind the restitution, in the last [De administratione] it is subordinated to the antiquity of Saint-Denis' rights."18 He then contrasts Suger's accounts with those found in the papal and episcopal charters. "Whereas Suger's accounts imply that the abbey had been pleading its case at Rome over a long period of time, Matthew of Albano states that subito at Saint-Germain-des-Pres there was an outcry concerning the nuns of

Argenteuil."19 Waldman's analysis clearly shows that Suger himself, when looking back on his acquisition of Argenteuil, was uncertain as to which of the two reasons, Saint-

Denis' juridical right or the misconduct of the nuns, should have precedence.

The letter of Matthew of Albano and the papal confirmation of Pope Honorius II further indicate the fate of the displaced community of Argenteuil. The Pope's confirmation of April 23, 1129 quickly followed the decision to expel the nuns. He confirmed that the abbey of Argenteuil had been granted to Saint-Denis because of the

IV(Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1912-...; 1930) casts serious doubt on the document. "Entre le diplome deja cite de Childebert III et la reforme de 1129, dont nous parlerons plus loin, un certain nombre de documents nomment le monastere d'Argenteuil: tous attestent qu'il etait un couvent de religieuses : aucun, sauf le diplome de 826-830, ne fait allusion aux droits que l'abbaye de Saint-Denis pretendra plus tard faire valoir sur lui." (22-23). See Jules Tardif, Monuments historiques: cartons des rois 528-1789 (Paris: Claye, 1866; repr. Nendeln: Kraus, 1977) 51-2, n° 62; 82, n° 118. 17 Waldman 240. 18 Waldman 243. Waldman divided the sources for the recovery of Argenteuil into four groups: "These are (1) the writings of Abbot Suger himself and the chronicles of Saint-Denis that were based upon them; (2) the papal charters of Matthew cardinal bishop of Albano, Honorius II, and Innocent II, the episcopal charter of Stephen bishop of Paris, and the royal charter of Louis VI, all of which granted and confirmed Saint- Denis' rights at Argenteuil; (3) the sources connected with Peter Abelard - his Historia calamitatum and the Calender of the Paraclete; and (4) the ancient privileges - authentic and false - Suger used as evidence for his claim." (240). 19 Waldman 244.

106 reported evil behavior of the nuns and because Argenteuil rightly pertained to Saint-

Denis due to an ancient royal privilege. He then added a few extra instructions directed at

Abbot Suger. Suger was to establish religion at Argenteuil, but he was also to place the women in religious places where they could save their souls, "lest any of the aforementioned women should perish due to your (Suger's) neglect." Thus the nuns of

Argenteuil were to be relocated to other monasteries, houses that were considered to be more "religious" than Argenteuil. Some of the nuns followed Heloise, who had been the prioress of Argenteuil, to the Paraclete; while others were relocated to the monastery of

Malnoue in Brie.21

Whether Suger's presentation of his immunities was staged or not, the episcopal and papal confirmations clearly illustrate that the local reputation of the nuns of

Argenteuil played a role in their downfall. The contrast between the monks of Saint-

Denis, who had recently been reformed by Abbot Suger, and the nuns of Argenteuil is carefully described in both charters. Saint-Denis is the pre-eminent monastery in France, whereas the inhabitants of Argenteuil live in disgrace and disorder.22

20 Paris, Archives Nationales LL 1156, folio 48v., and LL 1158 folio 281. PL 166: 1297. "Venerabilis siquidem frater noster Stephanus Parisiensis episcopus, sicut ex litterarum suarum inspectione cognovimus, monasterium Argentoilum, in quo quaedam malae vitae, prout dicebatur, mulieres vivebant, quod etiam ex antiquis regum praeceptis cognoverat jure monasterio S. Dionysii pertinere,... dilecte in Domino fili Sugeri abbas, intuitu religionis tibi et monasterio S. Dionysii, salvo jure Parisiensis Ecclesiae concessit, ita tamen ut mulieribus in religiosis locis ubi animas possint salvare provideas. Quod ergo pro reformando religionis amore de praefato monasterio a praedicto Stephano Parisiensi episcopo statutum est, auctoritate nostra firmamus, et firmum volumus futuris temporibus permanere. Tuae igitur dilectioni mandamus, ut religionem et monasticum in praefato loco statuere diligenti vigilantia studeas; et ne praedictarum mulierum aliqua in tua culpa depereat, in locis religiosis sollicita cura provideas." 21 Waldman 246. After the establishment of Yerres, c. 1132, some of the nuns of Argenteuil may have relocated there as well. Alexis Grelois points out that the necrology of Yerres lists a certain Mathildis, abbatissa Argentheoli on the 25th of April. See " 'Homme et femme il les crea': l'ordre cistercien et ses religieuses des origines au milieu du XlVe siecle." PhD diss., University of Paris, 2003 pages 202-3. 22 For the reputation of the monks of Saint-Denis see the charter of Stephen of Paris, Section 6, and that of Matthew of Albano, Section 7. For the nuns of Argenteuil see Stephen of Paris, Section 6, and Matthew of Albano, Section 5.

107 Suger's claim of jurisdiction over the monastery of Argenteuil is equally important. Bishop Stephen did not have the same juridical rights over Argenteuil that his predecessors had over Saint-Eloi. The bishop of Paris had episcopal rights over

Argenteuil, but not proprietary rights. The monastery was generously refounded circa

1003 by King Robert the Pious and his mother Queen Adelaide, following its destruction by the Normans in the ninth century. Suger's forged charter of Louis the Pious and

Lothar established the abbey of Argenteuil as a possession of Saint-Denis, donated by its founders Ermenric and Mumana, which had been alienated when Charlemagne placed his daughter Theodrada there as an abbess. After her death, the abbey was supposed to revert to Saint-Denis, though this final stipulation remained unfulfilled due to the turbulence of

Louis the Pious' reign.

The language of Suger's forgery echoes that of Charles the Bald's donation of

Saint-Eloi to Bishop Englewine. Argenteuil is recalled to pertain in iure ac dominatione to Saint-Denis; almost exactly the same phrase used to describe the relationship between

See Chapter 2, Note 25. The distinction here is between/Ms etproprietas and jus episcopate. 24 Guerard 1: 95-96; William M. Newman. Catalogue des Actes de Robert IIRoi de France. (Paris, 1937) 22-23; Rethore in Argenteuil et son passe (Saint-Gratien, 1968) notes that the town was pillaged and burned in 882, though his source is unknown. (32). 25 See Waldman 255-257. For a transcription of the charter of Louis and Lothair see Waldman 266-272. "Nos vero audita illius salubra ac religiosa peticione predictum venerabilem virum Hilduinum quia presens aderat si quid de hac re compertum haberet interrogavimus. Qui statim donationem cuiusdam d[eu]m timentis ac religiosi hominis nomine Ermenrici ac coniugis sue Mummane qui prefatum monasterium in suo proprio construxerant, et id per testamenti paginam ad beati Dyonisii martyris Christi monasterium sollempni donatione contulerant, nee non et preceptum confirmationis Hlotharii quondam regis quod super eandem donationem conscribere iusserat, nobis ad relegendum ostendit. Quibus inspectis complacuit nobis peticioni memorate dilecti sororis nostre Theodrade annuere, et sicut petebat per nostram auctoriatem sepedictum monasterium Argentogilum ad potestatem Sancti Dyonisii preciosissimi Christi martyris revocare. Quapropter hanc nostre auctoritatis confirmationem fieri precipimus per quam omnimodis decernimus atque iubemus ut iam dictum monasterium Argentogilum post ipsius dilecte sororis nostre ab hac vita discessum ad monasterium et potestatem sepedicti beatissimi Christi martyris Dyonisii ad quam primitus ob dei amorem et ipsorum sanctorum reverentiam piamque intercessionem a supradictis dei fidelibus traditum vel condonatum fuisse noscitur absque ullius persone contradictione aut nostra vel successorum nostrorum interrogatione recipiatur, et in iure ac dominatione ipsius monasterii cum omni integritate vel apendiciis suis quicquid ibidem presenti tempore cernitur pertinere revocetur..." (ibid. 268- 9).

108 the Bishop of Paris and Saint-Eloi. Suger claims that Saint-Denis has lordship and jurisdiction over Argenteuil, and Bishop Stephen and the other attendees of the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres recognize that claim. Stephen and Matthew of Albano each assert likewise that Suger showed evidence that Argenteuil ad ius ecclesie sue pertinere deberet?1 Both approve the transfer, Stephen doing so in such as way as to preserve his episcopal jurisdiction over Argenteuil, although he does not specify it: ut ibidem monachos suos qui deo religiose deservirent substitueret, salvo in omnibus iure parisiensis ecclesie concessimus.

Thus from Suger's point of view, Argenteuil had been donated to Saint-Denis long before its refounding and needed to be returned. Suger needed Louis VI to recognize his abbey's claim to Argenteuil, especially since, following the refoundation, the monastery had become a royal possession. Yet despite his newly acknowledged jurisdiction over Argenteuil, permission to replace the nuns with monks from Saint-Denis comes from Bishop Stephen, not the king. Thus we see episcopal and proprietary jurisdiction working together to accomplish the expulsion of the nuns and the subsequent

'reform' of Argenteuil.

Waldman 269. "et in iure ac dominatione ipsius monasterii cum omni integritate uel apendiciis suis quicquid presenti tempore cernitur pertinere reuocetur..." Charles the Bald's charter concerning Saint-Eloi reads "atque de nostro jure in jus ac dominationem dominae meae genitricis Dei mei Mariae, solemni more transferimus" (de Lasteyrie 66 n°49: 67-68). 27 See the confirmation of Bishop Stephen, Section 5 above. 28 Ibid. Section 7 above. Episcopal jurisdiction over Argenteuil becomes a point of contention between the bishop of Paris and Saint-Denis in the thirteenth century. See Paris, Archives Nationales LL 1156 and LL 1158; Felibien 164; and Lesort 25-7. 29 The confirmation charter of Louis VI and Philip does not even mention the expulsion. It confirms Saint- Denis' jurisdiction over Argenteuil.

109 Reputation, Jurisdiction and the Paraclete

Scholarly justification for the expulsion at Argenteuil tends to centre around two arguments: the political ramifications of the expulsion and the behavior of the nuns, particularly Heloise, ArgenteuiPs most celebrated nun. As Argenteuil's most famous resident, Heloise has frequently borne the brunt of responsibility for the nuns' expulsion in the work of scholars. Thomas G. Waldman has suggested that the conduct of Abelard and Heloise may have given Argenteuil its purported reputation of disrepute.

Abelard himself recalls in a letter (Letter IV) to Heloise how passionately and sinfully they had made love in the refectory at Argenteuil, a place dedicated to the Virgin. Both Abelard and Heloise were well known, and the knowledge that this celebrated liaison had taken place at Argenteuil would have done nothing to help the reputation of the house or its inhabitants.31

While it is true that Abelard and Heloise's affair and marriage was common knowledge c.

1118, logically it is highly unlikely that knowledge of this particular incident (i.e. making love in the refectory), which is mentioned in a private letter, would have spread beyond

Abelard and Heloise themselves prior to the expulsion in 1129. While allowing men in the cloister as visitors may have been a contributing factor in the expulsion, Abelard and

Heloise's conduct there during their marriage is not likely to have been known beyond the two of them. Gossip most likely lingered, as their affair and its aftermath were well

Recent studies on Heloise's accomplishments as abbess of the Paraclete include Mary Martin McLaughlin in "Heloise the Abbess: The Expansion of the Paraclete" in Listening to Heloise: The Voice of a Twelfth-Century Woman, ed. Bonnie Wheeler (New York: St. Martin Press, 2000) 1-17; Fiona J. Griffiths, "Men's duty to provide for women's needs': Abelard, Heloise, and their negotiation of the cur a monilalium" in Journal of Medieval History 30 (2004) 1-24; and Venarde 120-125. Also see Guy Lobrichon, Heloise: I'amour et le savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 2005) and Mary Martin McLaughlin, Heloise and the Paraclete: A Twelfth-Century Quest forthcoming from Palgrave Macmillian. 31 Waldman 247. 32 In From Virile Woman to Woman Christ: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995) Barbara Newman points out as a part of her argument debunking the theory that Abelard wrote Heloise's letters that the letter collection in which this incident is described was not published until the mid-thirteenth century: "It has been conclusively shown that, although the story of Abelard and Heloise was well known to their contemporaries and inspired diverse responses among them, the letters themselves remained unknown until the mid-thirteenth century." (55).

110 known, but although her inner turmoil may have been great, we have no evidence that her outward behavior was anything but scrupulously correct after she formally took the veil.33 Even Peter the Venerable's celebrated letter in which he mentions her youthful reputation is equally if not more likely to be referring to her life before she formally entered Argenteuil.34 Heloise is not mentioned in any of the material related to the nuns' expulsion, and Abelard's Historia Calamitatum, apparently written in 1132 or soon after, did not circulate until several years after she and the nuns who followed her were already in possession of the Paraclete. The letter in which Abelard mentions their now famous liaison is part of a series written in response to the Historia Calamitatum, so even if the correspondence had quickly become public, which it did not, it still took place long after the expulsion from Argenteuil.

Heloise became prioress of Argenteuil c. 1123 (Betty Radice, trans. The Letters of Abelard and Heloise [Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974] 23). Regarding Heloise's reputation during these years Newman further asserts "On the supposition that the letters are authentic, does their non-publication in Heloise's lifetime constitute a problem? I think not. In her second letter, Heloise urgently pleads witii Abelard not to praise her, attributing her untarnished reputation to 'hypocricy' and claiming that this 'pretence' has deceived many, including Abelard himself. In a celebrated passage of the Historia, Abelard indeed says that 'bishops loved [Heloise] as a daughter, abbots as a sister, the laity as a mother; while all alike admired her piety and wisdom, and her unequalled gentleness and patience in every situation.' If Heloise had earned and maintained such a reputation, to which Peter the Venerable also bears witness, over so many years and at the cost of such anguish as she describes, she would certainly not have been fool enough to destroy it by publishing her intimate confessions to the world. Scrupulous honesty before her own conscience and before Abelard, whom she now viewed as her spiritual father, was one thing; but the wanton destruction of her own reputation, which would have endangered the Paraclete and all its priories, would have been quite anodier." (From Virile Woman to Woman Christ, 55) 34 Giles Constable, ed. The Letters of Peter the Venerable (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967) 1: 303, 307-308. 35 It seems prudent here to give a brief time-line of Abelard and Heloise's affair according to M.T. Clanchy, Abelard: A Medieval Life (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1997). "c. 1117 Abelard lodges in the house of Fulbert, canon of Notre-Dame in Paris. Abelard seduces Heloise, Fulbert's niece; c. 1118 Abelard abducts Heloise to his home at Le Pallet, where she bears them a son, Astralabe. Heloise and Abelard are married in Paris in the presence of Fulbert and witnesses. Heloise swears mat she is not married. Abelard sends Heloise to the convent of Argenteuil and vests her as a nun, apart from the veil. Abelard is castrated by Fulbert's kinsmen. Abelard orders Heloise to take the veil at Argenteuil. Abelard becomes a monk of St. Denis." (120) Heloise becomes prioress at Argenteuil c. 1123. The nuns of Argenteuil, including Heloise, are expelled in 1129. Abelard gives the Paraclete to Heloise and her followers (340). Around 1132 Abelard writes the Historia Calamitatum (1). The exchange of letters between Abelard and Heloise follows the publication of the Historia Calamitatum. 36 Note 32 above.

Ill Constance J. Mews has suggested that Abbot Suger may have been troubled by

Heloise' s scholarly reputation. He mentions in particular two poems that may be attributed to Heloise: a poem written by a nun of Argenteuil attached to the mortuary roll for Vital of Savigny (d. September 16, 1122), "a celebrated preacher and religious reformer with a reputation for spurning wealth and attracting 'fallen women' to the communities he founded" and a poetic lament, Laudis honor, which "complains of a decline of interest in classical culture at the expense of religious ideals that distrust secular learning." The second poem is of particular interest because it suggests that, according to some, religious women should not "compose verses, nor... ask who

Aristotle might be."39

R. H. Bautier has speculated that Heloise may have been politically linked with the Garlande family on her father's side through the Montmorency-Bantelu or Beaumont families.40 Certainly the expulsion of the nuns from Argenteuil coincides with the period between the downfall of Stephen of Garlande in 1127 and his reconciliation with the king in April of 1129.41 The position of the Montmorency family as advocates of Argenteuil and their ongoing disagreements with the abbots of Saint-Denis, whether or not Heloise was connected to the family, may also have played some part in the expulsion of the nuns from Argenteuil.42

Whether Heloise herself was a factor in the expulsion cannot be proven. Yet the nuns of Argenteuil clearly had a reputation which, although it may have been exaggerated

7 See Mews 146-8. Also see Marc Stewart and David Wulstan, eds. The Poetic and Musical Legacy of Abelard and Heloise (Ottawa, Canada: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2003). 38 Mews 146-148. 39 Ibid. 147. 40 Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 76-77. Guy Lobrichon explores the historiography of this particular theory in Heloise: I 'amour et le savoir 111 -129. 41 Bautier, Saint-Victor 41. Also see below pp. 125-7. 42 See Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 76; Waldman 264; and Luchaire, Annates nos. 16, 97.

112 by the attendees of the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres, clearly was not spotless according to the morals of the reformers. It is possible to surmise a few things about life at Argenteuil prior to the nuns' expulsion from the correspondence between Abelard and

Heloise. The abbey was accustomed to taking in and educating the daughters of noble families, and sheltering noblewomen who had fallen into difficulty. Men were allowed to visit within the cloister, although presumably they would have needed a valid reason to do so.44 Heloise's letter describing the difficulties encountered by women following the

Benedictine Rule particularly emphasizes the evils of men and women dining together. 5

Thus what little we can learn from the letters of Abelard and Heloise indicates that even within their cloister, the nuns of Argenteuil were not completely cut off from secular influences. Though we have no evidence that they wandered about outside of the cloister, it is clear that the world was frequently allowed to enter within.

The experience of being expelled clearly had a lasting effect on Heloise and the nuns who followed her to the Paraclete. Much of her correspondence with Abelard concerns the appropriate behavior of nuns and reflects her desire to avoid future scandal.

This is particularly evident in Heloise's letter to Abelard regarding the religious life.

Heloise makes two separate requests: that Abelard lay out for them the origin and history of female monasticism and that he provide them with a new rule, one that is suitable for

Abelard mentions in his Historia Calamitatum that Heloise had been raised and educated at Argenteuil as a young girl and that she took refuge there following the birth of their child. (Radice 74) 44 Such as a husband visiting his wife; in Letter 4 Abelard recalls his now infamous visit to his wife while she was living among the nuns of Argenteuil before taking the veil, in which they 'fornicated' in the refectory. (Radice 146). 45 J.T. Muckle has produced a critical edition of this text, "The Letter of Heloise on Religious Life and Abelard's First Reply" in Mediaeval Studies 17(1955) 240-253; it has been translated by Betty Radice, "Letter 5: Heloise to Abelard" in The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, 159-179. (Muckle 242-3; Radice 160)

113 nuns. Heloise's first request suggests that she and her sisters were looking for new examples on which to pattern their lives. Presumably their former ideas about the female monastic life had proved to be insufficient in the wake of their expulsion from Argenteuil and they needed a new perspective as to what their calling and purpose as nuns ought to be. What better way to solve such a puzzle than to examine the history of nuns? Her second request, that Abelard provide a rule suitable for nuns, implies a deep underlying concern with the avoidance of scandal; a concern surely made much more personal by the course of events at Argenteuil in 1129.

Heloise argues that the Rule of St. Benedict was not written for women, and because it was not written specifically for them, women are unable fully to obey it; on the contrary, in some instances it prescribes rules that are unsuitable for women. By following a rule that is unsuitable, nuns are exposed to situations that can result in scandal. Heloise singles out the practice of hospitality as it is outlined in the Rule of St.

Benedict as an observance unsuitable for women. While it is not dangerous for an abbot to share his table with pilgrims and guests such a practice could be spiritually dangerous for an abbess.

Which is more fitting for our religious life: for an abbess never to offer hospitality to men, or for her to eat with men she has allowed in? It is all too easy for the souls of men and women to be destroyed if they live together in one place, and especially at table, where gluttony and drunkenness are rife, and wine which leads to lechery is drunk with enjoyment... And even if they admit to their table only women to whom they have given hospitality, is there no lurking danger there? Surely nothing is so conducive to a woman's seduction as a woman's flattery, nor does a woman pass on the foulness of a corrupted mind so readily to any but another woman; which is why St. Jerome particularly exhorts women of a sacred calling to avoid contact with women of the world.49

Muckle 242; Radice 159-160. Muckle 242, 243; Radice 160,162. Muckle 242-3; Translation Radice 160-161.

114 Heloise enumerates the problems caused by allowing men and women as guests, as well as the problems caused by excluding them. She does not wish to offend men by excluding them, because the needs of her monastery require their favor. It is impossible for the women of the Paraclete to follow the rule of St. Benedict in this regard, but if they break with one part of the rule, have they not broken with the whole?50

In her speculations concerning what provisions St. Benedict might have made in a rule written specifically for women, Heloise continuously emphasizes two virtues as being of particular importance: continence and abstinence.51 She argues that the weakness of women ought to be taken into account; it should be sufficient for nuns to live in continence and without possessions. Dispensations ought to be made so that they can focus on what is truly needful - praising God through the divine offices - and not be burdened by rules and vows which are all too easy for them to break.

On several points Heloise intentionally emphasizes the importance of avoiding scandal. In discussing issues such as the eating of meat she notes that:

If concession were made without scandal on neutral points, it would be enough to forbid only what is sinful. Thus the same dispensations could be made for food as for clothing, so that provision could be made of what can be purchased more cheaply, and, in everything, necessity not superfluity could be our consideration.53

Using the example of Christ and his apostles, she claims that though it was even more necessary to avoid scandal at that time, Christ allowed his apostles to eat any kind of food, so that they would not offend their hosts by refusing to eat with them. Another point on which Heloise seeks to avoid the chance of scandal concerns the reading of the

50 Muckle 243; Radice 160-161. 51 Muckle 244; Radice 164. 52 Muckle 246; Radice 166. 53 Muckle 248; Translation Radice 170.

115 Gospel at the Night office. "It seems to us hazardous if priests and deacons, who should perform the reading, are allowed among us at such hours, when we should be especially segregated from the approach and sight of men in order to devote ourselves more sincerely to God and to be safer from temptation."54

Despite requesting a Rule from Abelard, we have no evidence that the Rule that he produced was ever fully used at the Paraclete. Instead, the early customs and usage of the Paraclete were preserved in a brief document referred to as Institutiones nostrae.55

Presumably written by Heloise c.l 147, these were influenced by Abelard's Rule as well as by the early Cistercian statutes, but they deviate frequently from both.56 Heloise's inherent practicality is demonstratively present in the Institutiones, and although its interpretation is only speculative, the emphasis she places on certain monastic practices and the lee-way she allows in others, may suggest what facets of monastic life she considered most important in the behavior of a nun, and conversely, what former practices ought to be avoided.

The Paraclete's Institutiones nostrae contains several statutes that reflect general concerns of twelfth century reformers while granting a certain amount of leniency in other respects. The diet of the Paraclete nuns was meatless and they restricted themselves to one meal a day during the winter. They rarely ate milk, cheese or eggs, and fish was only available if it had been donated.57 Following the practices of Cistercian monasteries, they emphasized strict silence within the cloister; conversation required the

54 Muckle 253; Translation Radice 178. Chrysogonus Waddell, ed. The Paraclete Statutes, Institutiones Nostrae: Introduction, edition, commentary. Cistercian Liturgy Series, 20 (Trappist, Kentucky: Gethsemani Abbey, 1987). For further information on the use and influence of Abelard's Rule at the Paraclete see Waddell 28-40. 56 Waddell 200-202. 57 Waddell 95-97.

116 permission of the abbess.58 The avoidance of meat and the practice of silence were significant issues in the reform programmes of the early twelfth century, as well as those of earlier centuries, and the practices of the Paraclete fall neatly within those strictures.59

The Institutiones nostrae are also fairly strict in the matter of enclosure, though they do allow for a certain amount of practicality as well. Access to the world outside of the cloister was strictly limited. Nuns consecrated as virgins were never permitted to leave the cloister. Older nuns who were not consecrated virgins and lay sisters were permitted to leave the cloister in order to handle necessary business, but such ventures always required the approval of the abbess.60 The ideal stringency implied by the near absolute language of these practices suggests that perhaps these were lacking or lax in the monastic practices of Argenteuil. Other practices at the Paraclete were less stringent, although always practical. In matters of clothing the nuns wore lambskin, wool, and linen depending on what could be obtained the most cheaply.62 Because they were unable to

58 Waddell 102. 59 See Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth-Century 187; 198. 60 Waddell 102; 109-111. 61 Waddell 10-11. "In refectorio nostra cibi sine carnibus sunt: legumina et ea que nutrit hortus. Lac, ova et caseus rarius apponuntur, et pisces si dati faerint; uinum mixtum sit aqua. Duo pulmenta in prima refectione habeantur. In ceno uero herbe uel fructus uel aliquid tale si haberi poterit. Horum quoque deficientiam sine murmure portamus... Soli abbatisse et priorisse debitum exhibetur obedientie. Nulla presumit claustra monasterii egredi sine harum licentia; nulla loqui, nulla dare aliquid uel recipere, nulla retinere nisi quod permissum fuerit. De cetero nobis inuicem obedimus affectu caritatis... Statutum tenemus quod nulla uelata causa cuiuscumque necessitatis egrediatur ad forensia negocia uel ingrediatur domum cuiuslibet secularis. Ad familiaria uero negocia et ad custodiam rerum nostrarum mittimus in domos nostras probatas tarn etate quam uita et moniales et conuersas." 62 Waddell 10; 86-88. "Habitus noster uilis est et simplex, in agninis pellibus, in lineis et laneis uestibus. In hiis emendis uel faciendis non eliguntur preciosa, sed quod uilius comparari uel haberi potest. Quod cuique sufficere debeat annotandum esset, sed longe remote sumus a sufficientia." The nuns' use of what ever was cheaply obtainable in food and clothing reflects Heloise's argument in Letter 5 that "provision could be made of what can be purchased more cheaply, and, in everything, necessity not superfluity could be our consideration." (Translation Radice 170).

117 live solely from the work of their own hands due to the rigor of monastic observance, they admitted lay brothers and sisters.

A similarity between the customs of the Paraclete and those of the Cistercians has been often noted in modern scholarship.64 Constant J. Mews has asserted "the way of life followed at the Paraclete during these early years was not radically different from that of other women's communities, such as Jully and Tart, that were based on ideals of authenticity and simplicity similar to those of Cistercian monks without formally being subject to the same ordo."65 Fiona Griffiths draws even more attention to this similarity of custom and ideal by suggesting that Bernard of Clairvaux may have been a rival of

Abelard in the cura monialium of the Paraclete.66 Yet regardless of the extent of the association, the adoption or imitation of certain Cistercian customs would serve to place the nuns of the Paraclete firmly within the tradition of reformed monasticism.67

The Cartulary of the Paraclete suggests other methods that Heloise used to protect

/TO her abbey. Over the course of the thirty years that she was abbess of the Paraclete,

Heloise obtained more than thirteen papal privileges and confirmations, the first of which is dated 23 November 1131, within two years of the nuns settling there. One year after he

Waddell 11; 104-106. "Religionis erat de cultu terrarum et labore proprio uiuere si possemus. Sed quia ex debilitate non sufficimus, admittimus conuersos et conuersas, ut que per nos administrari rigor non permittit religionis per eos adimpleantur." 64 For a detailed comparison of the Paraclete's Institutiones Nostrae with the Cistercian Instituta see Chrysogonus Waddell, ed. The Paraclete Statutes, Institutiones Nostrae: Introduction, edition, commentary. Cistercian Liturgy Series, 20 (Trappist, Kentucky: Gethsemani Abbey, 1987). Also see Mews 148; McLaughlin "Heloise the Abbess" 6-7, 10; Griffiths 19. 65 Mews 148. 66 Griffiths 19. 67 We should note that a renewed emphasis on silence, the sanctity of the cloister, and the daily office is characteristic of reformed monasticism during the first half of the twelfth century, as is the imitation of some Cistercian practises. The First Chapter of Benedictine Abbots held at Reims in October of 1131 used Cistercian practises as a model. Even Abbot Suger's reforms at Saint-Denis, although not precisely 'Cistercian,' garnered praise from Bernard of Clairvaux. M. L'Abbe Lalore, ed. Cartulaire de Vabbaye du Paraclet. Collection des Principaux Cartulaires du Diocese de Troyes, tome II (Paris, 1878).

118 had confirmed the expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil, Pope Innocent II confirmed "his beloved daughters in Christ, Heloise, prioress, and the other sisters in the oratory of the

Holy Spirit" in the goods of their new monastery, receiving them under the protection of the apostolic see and forbidding any man to disturb or carry off the goods of the new monastery. In return for this privilege the nuns agreed to pay a tithe of six nummos to the

Lateran palace.69

Heloise obtained a second papal confirmation from the same pope, Innocent II, on

June 17, 1135. In addition to the protection obtained in the first confirmation, the second confirmation granted surety against excessive interference from their diocesan bishop:

"we further state that you are not to be forced to leave your monastery on account of receiving blessing and consecration; nor should the bishop, or any other person, on behalf of the election of the abbess or any other occasion, presume to burden or trouble you."

Heloise obtained additional confirmations over the course of her abbacy: in total she obtained four confirmations of Innocent II, as well as further confirmations by Pope

Lucius II, Eugene III, Anastasius IV, Adrian IV and Alexander III.71

In light of the expulsion from Argenteuil, Heloise's alacrity in obtaining papal

confirmation, approval and protection of the new community at the Paraclete takes on a

Lalore 1-2. "Innocentius, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis in Xpristo filiabus Heloysse, priorisse, ceterisque sororibus in Oratorio Sancte Trinitatis,... Proinde, dilecte in Domino filie, vestris justis postulationibus assensum prebentes, monasterium Sancte Trinitatis,... sub Apostolice Sedis protectione suscipimus,... statuentes ut quascunque possessiones, quecunque bona impresentiarum juste et legitime possidetis, aut in futurum concessione pontificium, liberalitate regum vel principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis justis modis, prestante Domino, poteritis adipisci, firma vobis in perpetuum et illibata permaneant... Nulli ergo hominum fas sit prefatum monasterium temere perturbare, aut ejus possessiones auferre, vel ablatas retinere, minuere, aut aliquibus vexationibus fatigare, sed hec omnia integra conserventur, vestris usibus perpetuo profutura. Ad indicium autem percepte hujus a Romana ecclesia libertatis, sex nummos quotannis Lateranensi palatio persolvetis..." 70 Lalore 3. "Ad hec aditientes statuimus, ne propter benedictionem et consecrationem percipiendam de monasterio exire cogamini; nee pro electione abbatisse, aut alia qualibet occasione episcopus, vel alia quelibet persona, ullum vobis gravamen vel molestiam inferre presumat." 71 Lalore 6-23.

119 new significance, as does her resourcefulness in gaining protection against interference by the bishop of Troyes. We have no record of Argenteuil having such protection; the only documents that have survived are royal grants from the Merovingian period and the refoundation charter of King Robert. The nuns of Argenteuil were dependant on royal favor and the good will of the bishop of Paris, whose episcopal jurisdiction they were under. When confronted by an opponent such as Abbot Suger, who was highly favored by the king and supported by the reform-minded bishop of Paris, they faced a difficult situation.

The foundation of the Paraclete probably offered Heloise and the nuns of

Argenteuil a chance to reform their way of life - to correct the abuses and neglect, both material and spiritual, which led to their expulsion. Heloise sought to guard the reputation of the Paraclete through an in-depth examination of the Benedictine Rule, the difficulties it presented for women, and the eventual adoption of a number of Cistercian customs, the most celebrated order of the twelfth-century. She further sought to protect her new monastery from the interference of others, both lay and ecclesiastic. Through numerous papal and royal confirmations, expressing approval for the nuns' way of life, Heloise safe-guarded the jurisdiction of the Paraclete and ensured that the nuns there could not be expelled due to the sort of confusion which resulted in the expulsion of the nuns of

Argenteuil.

120 The Reformers

The expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil was accomplished through the efforts of three ecclesiastics who were well-known in the twelfth century for their activity in the area of reform. Bishop Stephen of Paris tangled with King Louis VI over the reform of the bishop's cathedral chapter, Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis was praised by Bernard of

Clairvaux for the reforms he enacted at Saint-Denis, and Cardinal-Bishop Matthew of

Albano was entrusted with the reform of monasteries throughout France through his duties as a papal legate. In an effort to better understand the motivation of the men behind the reform of Argenteuil, we shall now examine their backgrounds and reforming activities individually.

Bishop Stephen of Paris and Reform, 1124-1144

Stephen of Senlis, who was consecrated bishop of Paris in the autumn of 1124, has gained the reputation of a reformer and is best known for his purported attempt to reform the cathedral chapter of Notre-Dame, Paris, and his feud with his archdeacon,

Stephen of Garlande.72 R.H. Bautier has discussed Stephen's episcopate in its political and ecclesiastical context in Paris au temps d'Abelard, and Lindy Grant has offered further comments, particularly on Stephen of Senlis' role in the fall of Stephen of

Garlande and his clash with King Louis VI following the murder of Prior Thomas of

St.Victor, in Abbot Suger of St-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century

7 For Stephen of Garlande see Jean Dufour, "Etienne de Garlande" in Bulletin de la societe de I'Histoire de Paris et de I 'He de France 122-4(1995-7) 39-53.

121 France. In the following paragraphs we will examine three related aspects of Stephen's episcopate: his zeal for the defense of his office, his sympathy for the 'new' monasticism, and his interaction with the nuns of his diocese.

Stephen quickly showed himself to be a bishop who was knowledgeable in canon law and eager to uphold the duties and rights of his office. This led to several conflicts with his cathedral chapter, which was also zealous in the defense of its own customary rights. R. H. Bautier distinguishes the early conflicts that Stephen of Senlis experienced with his cathedral chapter, dividing them into three episodes: the first conflict with

Master Gualo, head of the cathedral school, the second with Archdeacon Thibaud, and the third with Archdeacon Stephen of Garlande.74 These troubles are attested to in a series of letters begun in 1126.75 Each of these three incidents demonstrates Stephen's knowledge of, and zeal to defend the rights and prerogatives of his office.

The immediate issue at hand in the first of these encounters appears to have been control of the cathedral schools, which in a latter settlement, c. 1127, were moved from the cathedral close to a place near the episcopal curia. As Bautier interprets the incident:

"autrement dit, les ecoles passaient du controle du chapitre a celui de l'eveque."77 As intriguing as the dispute between the master of the cathedral school and the bishop is, however, it is Stephen's assertion and defense of his rights as bishop which is of utmost

Bautier, Paris au temps du Abelard 65-77 and Grant 124-134, Bautier, Saint-Victor 37-45; ibid. Paris au temps d'Abelard 66-71. 75 RHGF 15: 328-338. 76 Guerard 1: 339. "Discreta etenim providentia tarn venerabilis Stephani, Parisiensis episcopi, quam conventus Parisiensis ecclesie, evitando molestiam et inquietationem claustro inferri, statuendo concessit, ut neque scolares extranei in domibus claustri ulterius hospitarentur, neque in ilia parte claustri qu? vulgo Tresanti§ nominatur deinceps legerent neque scole haberentur; sed amore et gratia domni Stephani presulis, infra ambitum claustri, quidam locus adherens episcopali curie, per quam introitum et exitum scolares habebant, ex communi assensu episcopi et capituli electus et coopertus est, in quo scole ecclesie deinceps tenerentur et regerentur" 77 Bautier, Paris au temps d 'Abelard 67.

122 importance to our discussion. The dispute over control of the cathedral school highlights

Bishop Stephen's knowledge of canon law and the zeal with which he was accustomed to defend his episcopal rights.

Attempting to manipulate events in his own favor, Gualo had written to

Archbishop Henry of Sens, in the hope that the latter would assert his jurisdiction over his suffragan, the bishop of Paris, and try the case in his own court.78 Gualo appears to have been successful in his appeal, for the letter which Stephen writes to Henry argues that according to the ancient custom of the Church, Henry cannot try the case without his,

Stephen's, approval. In defense of this point, Stephen quotes from an encyclical letter of

Pope Nicholas I, which he attributes to Calixtus I, and a decretal ascribed to Pope Lucius

I, which is preserved in the collection of Hincmar of Laon. Stephen further asserts that he does not want to introduce unheard of novelties to the churches under his care or threaten their rights, but that he does aim to preserve the ancient rights of his office.81

Finally, he notes that the metropolitan's interference is not necessary because the case has already been referred to the Apostolic See. Thus we see that Stephen's primary concern in this letter is the defense of his episcopal right.

RHGF 15: 329. Stephen's letter to Henry makes it clear that Gualo had previously stated his own version of events to the archbishop. Stephen writes: "Unde non satis mirari possumus, quod verba Gjualonis] fallacia et R. nobis inobedientis suscipitis, cum causam istam a nobis ipsis et religiosis viris audieritis, et manifestam eius culpam, si placet, plenius ipse cognoveritis." 79 RHGF 15: 329. "Nunquam enim reverenda patrum sanxit auctoritas, nusquam hoc servare consuevit antiquitas, ut aliarum ecclesiarum causa alicui metropolitano liceat terminare, vel sine consensu illius episcopi cui cura commissa est, judicia judicare." 80 RHGF 15: 329. The encyclical letter of Pope Nicholas I is printed in PL 124: 1053; the decretal ascribed to Lucius I in PL 3: 977, in Benedict the Deacon, PL 97: 843 and Hincmar of Laon, PL 124: 994. 81 RHGF 15: 329. "His igitur et aliis auctoritatibus muniti, nolumus nee debemus ad praesens nostrae et fratrum nostrorum ecclesiis inauditam novitatem inducere, et earum jura antiquitus statuta permutare... sed antiquum jus pro parvitate nostra volumus conservare." 82 RHGF 15: 329. "Pro illius itaque irrationabili et non canonica invitatione (quam nullius ponderis esse, quando et ubi opportuerit, manifeste demonstrabimus) ante vestram, quam valde diligere et honorare volumus, praesentiam ad praesens ire visum fuit nobis non esse opus, cum per nos tarn sibi quam scholaribus suis plenariam justitiam obtulerimus, et ad ultimum in praesentia domini Papae, ad quem hujus

123 Stephen's second conflict was with one of his archdeacons, Thibaud Notier, and concerned the limitations of power inherent in the duties of an archdeacon. One of the canons of the church Notre-Dame in Paris had been traveling through Thibaud's archdeaconry when a thief set upon him. Thibaud immediately placed his archdeaconry under interdict and excommunicated the thief. He neglected to consult Bishop Stephen even though the bishop was in the area at the time. When the bishop heard of this, he

'reluctantly' relaxed the interdict and loosed the bonds of anathema placed on the thief.

Thibaud thought that he had been wronged and wanted the matter to be immediately corrected by the bishop, but Stephen felt that Thibaud had overstepped the bounds of his office and encroached upon the rights of the bishop of Paris.

The issues between Archdeacon Thibaud and Bishop Stephen were initially resolved in 1127, although the murder of Thomas of Saint-Victor in 1133 brought about renewed interest in the quarrel.84 In 1127, Bishops Geoffrey of Chartres and Burchard of

Meaux accompanied Stephen to Rome and were present with him in the Lateran Palace when the disagreement was brought to Pope Honorius. After hearing the details of the case, the pope appointed a panel of three cardinal bishops to settle it. These men,

Matthew of Albano, John of Saint-Chrysogone and Peter of Saint-Calixte, adjourned to

causae finis maxime spectat, invitati fiierimus. Mandatum etenim sedis apostolicae habuimus, cujus auctoritate tam Algrinum quam omnes res suas sibi retinet et munit." 83 RHGF 15: 330-31. "Abbatum et Clericorum Paris. Ad Honorium Papam. Dominus Stephanus Parisiensis episcopus vocavit nos ad causam suam Parisius. Contendebat enim cum eo Theobaldus Notarius archidiaconus suus, jus episcopi sui usurpans sibi. Quidam canonicus Parisiensis iter agens in archidiaconatu suo, res suas amisit, quas ei quidam praedo rapuit, persona quidem canonici neque laesa neque capta. Archidiaconus vera die altera archidiaconatum suum interdixit, et praedonem excommunicare coepit, episcopo suo in eodem archidiaconatu existente, et inconsulto. Episcopus vero archidiaconi sui aegre ferens praesumptionem et contemptum, laxavit interdictum, solvit ligatum, absque ulla vocatione anathematis vinculo innodatum. Hoc forisfactum emendari sibi ab episcopo voluit archidiaconus, abbatibus et clericis qui ad causam venerant super hoc admirantibus; cum potius archidiaconi festinata interdicti praesumptio et injusta excommunicatio puniri deberet ab episcopo." 84 For the murder of Prior Thomas of Saint-Victor see below pp. 130-31.

124 Matthew of Albano's monastery at Pallidium to conclude the business. The agreement which they produced outlines the intersection of the rights and duties of archdeacons with those of the bishop. The archdeacon cannot appoint priests to churches, but the bishop may do so through him. The cum animarum of the priests belongs to the bishop; the archdeacon is the tool by which the bishop acts. An archdeacon cannot to dismiss a priest from office, assign a penance or excommunicate a cleric, except under the command of the bishop. Thus Stephen's concern with preserving the rights of his office leads, in this conflict, to a clarification of the relationship and duties of bishop and archdeacon.

Following the resolution of his quarrel with Archdeacon Thibaud, Bishop Stephen found himself involved in a third quarrel with another archdeacon, Stephen of Garlande, in the latter's capacity as dean of Saint-Genevieve.87 Following a dispute between Saint-

Genevieve and Saint-Victor, in which the former attacked the lands of Saint-Germain- des-Pres, Bishop Stephen had the archdeacon's property seized and his lands placed

RHGF 15: 331. "Ego Gaufridus episcopus et Burchardus Meldensis episcopus Romae fiiimus in palatio Lateranensi, ubi erant dominus Papa et cardinales quamplurimi. In eorum siquidem praesentia Stephanus Parisiensis episcopus, nobis astantibus, super Theobaldo Parisiensis ecclesiae archidiacono querelam deposuit, et quod in multis praemissa abusus sit potestate ostendit. Sed dominus Papa Honorius multis negotiis fatigatus, audito clamore, audita praesumptione, quosdam, videlicet Matthaeum Albanensem episcopum, et Joannem Cremensem, Petrum Leonis, cardinales eligit, et eis causam terminandam commisit, ita tamen quod nihil contra canones facerent. Ipsi vero apud Palladium conveniunt, et illos et nos cum illis vocaverunt, ..." 86 Guerard, 1: 28-29. "Hec est concordia quam nos, Matheus, episcopus Albanensis, et Johannes, de titulo Sancti Grisogoni, et Petrus, de titulo Calixti, cardinales, inter dominum Stephanum, Parisiensem episcopum, et Theobaldum, notarium, archidiaconum ejusdem ecclesie, ex mandate domini pape [Honorii] composuimus. Non liceat archidiacono in ecclesiis presbiterum ponere. Episcopi autem erit ecclesias ordinare, per archidiaconum tantum, sicut per ministrum suum; ita ut episcopus sacerdoti curam commitat animarum; per archidiaconum vero ecclesiam et res assignet ecclesie. Archidiacono sacerdotem ab officio suspendere nullatenus liceat; neque penitentias dare, sed neque reconciliare nisi ex licentia debebit episcopi. Excommunicare autem aliquem clericum aut absolvere archidiacono [non] liceat, nisi per mandatum episcopi. Episcopus vero, quotiens expedierit, parrochianos suos conveniet per archidiaconum et ad justitiam invitabit; quod si contempserint et justitia dictaverit, excommunicare licebit episcopo; factam vero excommunicationem archidiaconus observabit... De scolis vero, unde inter episcopum et canonicos Parisienses emersit discordia, dominus Teobaldus contra voluntatem episcopi nullatenus veniet. Si vero pacem hanc non observaverit archidiaconus, et si semel, secundo aut tertio ammonitus erratum suum non emendaverit, aut justitiam facere contempserit, tunc licebit episcopo, sicut prius, debitum omne suum requirere...." Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 68.

125 under a sentence of interdict. When Stephen of Garlande appealed to his kinsman,

Archbishop Henry of Sens, to intercede with the bishop of Paris on his behalf claiming that he had been oppressed by the bishop's representative, the archbishop arranged for the two to meet at Provins during the vigil of the Lord's Ascension.

Bishop Stephen flatly refused to come. Ever aware of the necessity of upholding the dignity of his office, he argued that were he to obey, it would detract from the honor and dignity of the church of Paris.90 He accused his archdeacon of deliberately evading justice:

Indeed, as soon as we came to Paris we heard the clamor of the abbot regarding the sacrilege, fires, murders, and other capital crimes that the lord archdeacon Stephen committed against the lands of Saint-Germain, [crimes committed] unjustly by a cleric, more unjustly by a deacon, but most unjustly by an archdeacon and dean; we summoned the lord Stephen, we named a day and since that day seemed too close to him, we offered an adjournment, we offered him a secure place and secure conduct, namely that of the king, queen, lord Ralph and ourselves; and is proceeding in this manner really denying justice to him?91

Ibid. "A la suite d'un litige entire Sainte-Genevieve et Saint-Victor et d'un coup de main - semble-t-il - sur une terre de Saint-Germain-des-Pres, Garlande a vu ses possessions soumises par l'eveque a l'interdit, et il en a appele de lui a l'archeveque de Sens, Henri Sanglier." 89 RHGF 15:332. Henry of Sens wrote to Bishop Stephen: "Idem namque vester archidiaconus super hoc conquerendus clamat, quod, licet abbati S. Victoris, vicario vestro, rectitudinem offerret, et per eum justitiam exsequi paratus esset, licet etiam seipsum cum omnibus suis sub protectione domini Papae praetenderet, idem abbas super terram ejus interdicti sententiam posuit, unde praefatus archidiaconus se praegravari dicit. Addit etiam in his se praegravatum esse, quod a vobis justitiam requisivit, et habere non potuit, de rebus ecclesiae Parisiensis et rebus hominum suorum violenter ablatis; quamvis, sicut dictum est, sub defensione domini Papae et custodia ipse Stephanus sit constitutus... Unde vobis et ipsi diem in vigilia imminentis Ascensionis Domini, et Pruvinum, quia locus tutus est, locum constituimus;..." The Archbishop of Sens, Henry Sanglier, arranged for a meeting on the vigil of Ascension day, the Thursday following Rogation Sunday which is the fifth Sunday after Easter (May 12,1127). RHGF 15: 333. In answer to Archbishop Henry of Sens' letter, Bishop Stephen wrote: "Et quia in nullo, ut auditis, quantum ad hoc spectat, excessimus, unde curiam nostram exire debeamus; si placet benignitati vestrae, submonitionem vestram et praeceptum relaxate, quia contra honorem et dignitatem Parisiensis ecclesiae nee volumus nee debemus obedire." 91 RHGF 15: 333. "Nos siquidem statim ut Parisius venimus, super sacrilegio, incendiis, homicidiis, et aliis criminalibus capitulis domini S. archidiaconi, in terra S. Germani, injuste a clerico, injustius a diacono, injustissime ab archidiacono et decano factis, clamorem abbatis audivimus; dominum Stephanum submonuimus, diem dedimus, et quia propinquissimus ei videbatur, induciavimus; securum locum, securum conductum, Regis videlicet et Reginae, et domini Radulphi Comitis, et nostrum ei obtulimus: et fortasse hoc modo cum eo agere, est ei justitiam denegare?"

126 Stephen of Garlande soon fell out of favor with the king as well, joining forces with the king's enemies in open rebellion.92

In these three incidents, against Master Gualo, Archdeacon Thibaud, and

Archdeacon Stephen, we see Stephen of Senlis upholding the right of a bishop to administer justice in his diocese. Yet Stephen of Senlis, like Stephen of Garlande, would soon fall out of favor with the king and be forced by circumstance to flee Paris. The accusations brought against him in this event, as well as his reactions, demonstrate

Bishop Stephen's affinity for the 'new' monasticism of the twelfth century.

During the same period in which the above disputes took place, c. 1126-7, Bishop

Stephen was also at odds with the rest of his cathedral chapter. He may even have attempted to substitute regular canons, most likely from Saint-Victor, for the secular canons of his cathedral chapter.93 Certainly he was accused of such an idea, even if nothing came of it. The canons of Notre-Dame, in fact, were so alarmed by the possibility that the dean of the chapter took the matter to the king, who issued a charter in 1127 defending the property and customs of the cathedral chapter.94 The king declared that he

Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 68-69; Saint-Victor 39-40. Also see Cusimano 83, 192 n.3.; and Grant 124-129. Bautier notes that the disgrace of Stephen of Garlande began between August 10,1127 and May 10, 1128 {Saint-Victor 40 n.40) 93 Historians frequently credit Stephen of Senlis with a failed attempt to replace the secular canons of his cathedral chapter with regular canons from the nearby abbey of Saint-Victor. R.H. Bautier suggests that Stephen was attempting to build on his success in obtaining the church of Saint-Sauveur for the canons of Saint-Victor. "L'eveque Etienne veut pousser plus loin encore ses pions. II commence par profiter d'un voyage a Sens, avec le prieur de Saint-Victor Thomas pour obtenir du roi que le chapitre metropolitan! de Sens cede a Saint-Victor l'eglise de Saint-Sauveur, lieu de sepulture des chanoines, afin d'y etablir des chanoines reguliers : c'etait l'exact pendant de ce qu'il avait precedemment obtenu a Paris en l'eglise Saint- Jean. K Abusant de la situation, il se propose s'installer des chanoines reguliers dans des prebendes de Notre-Dame de Paris. C'est, cette fois, le conflit ouvert avec le doyen et l'ensemble du chapitre que le roi vient en personne soutenir, avec la reine et leur fils Philippe {Saint-Victor 40)." Lindy Grant follows this interpretation when she asserts "In the summer of 1128, Louis fell out with Stephen of Senlis, who wished to introduce Victorines as canons at Notre-Dame (132)." Also see Odette Pontal, Les conciles de la France cap etienne jusqu'en 1215 (Paris: I.R.H.T., 1995) 316. 94 Grant and Bautier place the events of this charter, and Stephen of Garlande's fall from royal favor, in 1128 although the charter itself is dated 1127.Tension between the king and bishop must have escalated as a result of Stephen's suggestion to introduce Victorines at Notre-Dame, leading to Stephen of Senlis'

127 would never tolerate anyone taking away the ancient rank and order of the church of

Paris. He added that he would not allow regular canons to be introduced there in any manner by instigation or counsel, Adjunximus etiam quia, quod canonici regulares prebendam aut personatum aliquem aut honor em in eadem e^cclesia unquam habeant, vel in earn modo quolibet inducantur, nullo unquam instinctu, nullo consilio patiemur. 5 No one was to threaten the customs or take away the property of the canons, with the exception of the property of Stephen of Garlande who had at this point already fallen out of favor with King Louis VI.96 Neither the regular canons of Saint-Victor nor Bishop

Stephen are mentioned by name in this charter, but Stephen is the only one other than the king or possibly the pope who would have had authority sufficient to threaten the cathedral chapter. He was embroiled conflicts with the canons of Notre-Dame in Paris over issues of jurisdiction and reform, and he was a great admirer and supporter of the regular canons of Saint-Victor of Paris.97

Stephen seems to have responded to King Louis' decree by placing the diocese of

Paris under a sentence of interdict which Louis then countered by seizing the bishop's goods and regalia. At odds with the king, Stephen was forced to flee Paris in fear of his quarrel with King Louis, which is documented in the letters of Bernard of Clairvaux. Stephen, who had already demonstrated his acute awareness and willingness to uphold the rights and duties of the episcopal office, must have greatly resented the king's royal meddling in what he would have considered a purely ecclesiastical matter. (Grant 132; Bautier, Saint-Victor 40 n.42). 95 Guerard 1:267-268. 96 Guerard 1: 267-268. "Ego igitur Lugdovicus, in regem Francorum Dei misericordia sublimatus, et Adelaidis regina, uxor nostra, notum fieri volumus cunctis fidelibus... quod fidelibus nostris Bernero, decano, et personis et capitulo Beat? Mari? Parisiensis ^cclesi? universo, fide et Sacramento nostro,... confirmavimus, quod Parisiensem Qcclesiam ab antiquo statu et ordine removed, vel antiquas illius dignitates aut consuetudines in aliquo minui aut mutari nullo modo tollerabimus. Adjunximus etiam quia, quod canonici regulares prebendam aut personatum aliquem aut honorem in eadem ?cclesia unquam habeant, vel in earn modo quolibet inducantur, nullo unquam instinctu, nullo consilio patiemur. In fide preterea et sacramento nostro posuimus, quia nunquam a nobis tolerabitur quod Parisiensibus personis et canonicis, excepto Stephano Garlandensi, possessio aut consuetudo aliqua, quam ipsi nostro vel pr^decessorum nostrorum temporibus possederint aut in presenti possideant, ab aliquo minuatur aut auferatur..." See also Grant 132; and Bautier, Saint-Victor 40. 97 See Note 93 above.

128 life and took refuge at the 'new monastery' Citeaux. Bernard of Clairvaux wrote several letters to Pope Honorius on Stephen's behalf. Apparently just as Stephen's party felt that they were approaching a reconciliation with the king on their own terms, Honorius had sent letters lifting the interdict from the royal domain and thus removing the bargaining power of Stephen's faction."

Stephen was, and is still, easily accused of seeking to replace the canons of Notre-

Dame with canons from Saint-Victor. The fact that Stephen sought asylum with the

Cistercian order when forced to flee Paris demonstrates his partiality for the 'new' monasticism. Moreover, his charters show him to be a particular supporter of the canons of St. Victor of Paris. One of his earliest acts as bishop of Paris was to donate the income for one year of any of the prebends of Notre-Dame, Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois, Saint-

98 Bautier, Saint-Victor 40-41; RHGF 15: 333-334; Bernard de Clairvaux, Lettres tome 2 (Lettres 42-91). Ed. J. Leclercq and H. Rochais, Sources Chretiennes no 458 (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 2001) 142-153; Bruno Scott James, The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London: Burns Oates, 1953) 76-78. There seems to be some disagreement between scholars as to the date of these letters of Bernard, and therefore as to the date of the conflict between Bishop Stephen and Louis VI. Mabillon and Guerard suggest 1127 while James and Leclercq date the letters to 1129. The conflict certainly began in 1127 and it must have been resolved before Suger's acquisition of Argenteuil at the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres and the King's confirmation of the transaction at the Council of Reims on April 14,1129. 99 Leclercq and Rochais 2: 142-153; James 76-78. Matters between Stephen and his cathedral chapter, if not the king, were patched up soon after by Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis, Abbot Gilduin of Saint-Victor, Prior Thomas of Saint-Victor and a certain lord Robert. The charter protects the personal property of the canons from unwarranted seizure by the bishop. The first part of the document deals with the appropriate method for the correction of delinquent canons. If a canon does not pay his debt of service to the church or is delinquent in any way that is in need of correction, the canon is to be called to account before the cathedral chapter. If, after three warnings, the canon is still derelict in his duty and does not have a canonical excuse, then his goods are to be seized, as was the case with Stephen of Garlande, and returned at the pleasure of the bishop, when the guilty canon has been reconciled to him. See Guerard 1: 338-339. "Statutum quippe est, ex assensu et coniventia domni Stephani episcopi et capituli, si canonicus servitium ecclesie. sue. debitum non persolverit, vel in aliquo alio quod sit dignum emendatione deliquerit, vocatus semel, vel bis, vel ter, ad arbitrium capituli delictum emendaverit, condonabitur ei. Si vero ter vocatus per capitulum, ad justitiam non veniens, canonicam excusationem non pretenderit, turn demum canonica ejus saisita a capitulo, redditus illius canonice ad arbitrium episcopi tradentur, donee reus canonicus ille, emendando excessum, episcopo reconcilietur... Firmatum quoque et ab omnibus ibidem concessum est, ut omnes canonicorum possessiones ad capitulum pertinentes et in omnibus et per omnia et semper ad arbitrium voluntatis canonicorum inconsulto episcopo disponantur, et in eisdem possessionibus, sive in ecclesiis, sive in hospitibus et servis, sive in domibus, sive in vineis et terris, et in ceteris, tallie et rogationes et cetera auxilia, quotienscunque opus fuerit, libere et absolute, et sine impedimento alicujus persone, a communi capitulo ubique accipiantur."

129 Cloud and Saint-Martin de Champeaux whose incumbents died or transferred to a religious house to Saint-Victor.100 In 1133, this gift was transmuted into a permanent donation of one prebend in each church as a part of an agreement between Bishop

Stephen and the canons of Notre-Dame.101 The Abbot and Prior of Saint-Victor were also frequent companions of Stephen in his episcopal duties, most notably in his attempted reform of the abbey of Chelles.102

In 1133, roughly three years after the subjection of Argenteuil to Saint-Denis,

Bishop Stephen of Paris traveled to the female abbey of Chelles accompanied by a number of religious men, including the abbot and prior of Saint-Victor, with the intention of correcting the abbey and setting it in order. Yet Stephen's reform or attempted reform at Chelles has been overshadowed by the events of their return journey to Paris. On the way back from Chelles the bishop's party was attacked at Gournay-sur-Marne by the nephews of Archdeacon Thibaud, who were vassals of Stephen of Garlande, and Thomas, the prior of Saint-Victor, was killed. Thomas had been involved in the agreement between Bishop Stephen and his chapter, and Bernard of Clairvaux, in a letter to Pope

1UU Tardif 219-20 n° 395; Bautier, Paris au temps d'Abelard 66. 101 Bautier, Saint-Victor 42; Paris, Archives Nationales L 888B no.2 102 Stephen also accompanied Prior Thomas on a journey to Sens (Bautier, Saint-Victor 40) and he frequently designated the abbot and/or prior of Saint-Victor to oversee matters of reform and correction, such as the election of the abbess of Yerres. See pp. 133-4 below. 103 Stephen describes the purpose and outcome of their journey in a letter to Bishop Geoffrey of Chartres, although he does not mention Thomas by name. RHGF 15:336. "Ego enim ipsius praecipue admonitione, sicut ei semper de his cura esse solebat, rogatu et assensu Regis, per eum quoque ipsum persuasi, ad abbatiam monialium quae est Chelis, emendandam et ordinandam perrexeram, assumptis mecum viris religiosis, abbate scilicet S. Victoris et S. Maglorii, et subpriore S. Martini, aliisque compluribus monachis, canonicis et clericis. Cumque pro viribus negotio peracto reverterer, juxta domini Stephani castrum quod Gornaium dicitur, subito ab ejus hominibus, scilicet nepotibus Theobaldi archidiaconi, insidias in via mihi praestruentibus, assultum passus sum. Cumque nos inermes, utpote die Dominico, et pacem ferentes incederemus; subito evaginatis gladiis irruunt super nos, et nee Deo, nee diei sacrae, nee mihi, nee his qui mecum erant religiosis viris, honorem dantes, inter manus nostras innocentem trucidaverunt, mihique mortem comminanti sunt, nisi abscederem a conspectu eorum celeriter." He identifies Thomas as the victim of the attack in a letter to Pope Innocent II: "Vir religiosus, prior S. Victoris magister Thomas, in obsequio caritatis, in itinere quod indixerat pietas, in opere sancto, in sanctorum comitatu, in Dominico die, certe in sinu meo et inter manus meas crudeliter ab impiis pro justitia excerbratus est, factus obediens usque ad mortem." (RHGF 15:336) See also Bautier, Saint-Victor 41; and Grant 133.

130 Innocent, accused Archdeacon Thibaud of plotting the murder in revenge for being forbidden to charge fees in his ecclesiastical courts.104

The attack was obviously politically motivated, but its connection to the attempted reform at Chelles is uncertain. Lindy Grant has suggested that Stephen intended to replace the nuns by installing regular canons from the abbey of St. Victor there; while Robert Bautier argues that it was another move in the ongoing contest between Stephen and his archdeacon Stephen of Garlande, who had regained some, although not all, of his former royal favor.105 Either of these are possible, but there is a third scenario that should be considered. In his letter to Geoffrey of Chartres, papal legate, describing the murder of Prior Thomas, Stephen claims that he had asked and received the assent of the king for the reform of the abbey of Chelles.106 Chelles, like

Argenteuil, was a royal monastery and was under royal protection. The nuns of Chelles even possessed a recent charter from King Louis, dated 1127, that confirmed their rights, including the right of free election.107 Stephen had episcopal jurisdiction over Chelles, but his request that the king give him permission to reform the abbey suggests that even with episcopal jurisdiction over the abbey, he still needed the cooperation of the king, who traditionally held proprietary right over royal abbeys, in order to introduce reform of any type. Yet like Faremoutiers, Chelles remained an abbey of nuns. It is possible that

Stephen's plans to reform the abbey were interrupted by the murder of Prior Thomas, but it is equally likely that the nuns of Chelles cooperated with the reforms that Stephen

James 233. Grant 21; Bautier, Saint-Victor 43 n. 53. RHGF 15: 336, see note 103 above. Mabillon, Annates 6: 603-604.

131 sought to introduce. We should note that the presence of Victorines in Stephen's retinue does not necessarily mean that Stephen sought to hand the monastery over to that order.

There is one foundation for religious women that Stephen actively supported; furthermore, the manner in which he supported this foundation again shows his approval and affinity for both the Victorine and Cistercian ordo. In 1138 Stephen issued a foundation charter for a house of nuns at the church of Saint Mary of Yerres in order "to preserve the order of religion in that church." He claimed that through his labor and zeal he built the church of St. Mary of Yerres up from its foundation and placed nuns there. The necrology of Yerres names Eustachia of Corbeil, the wife of Jean d'Estampes as the founder of the monastery and states that it was founded in 1132.109 An undated charter of Bishop Stephen details the gifts of Eustachia of Corbeil, witnessed by Bernard, one of his archdeacons and Alard, a canon of St. Victor. She gave four arpennos of land on which the church of Yerres was constructed; two parts of a tithe at Locum-sanctum; a third part of a tithe at Braiam; land at Raviaco, near the wood Ardano; Plessiacum; the rent of five solidos assigned from her house at Yerres, to be paid annually at the feast of

St. Remy; half a tithe at Villam-abbatis with patronage of that church; and her possessions at Cantum-lupi.no To these gifts a bull of Pope Eugene III shows that

PL 173: 1427. "Noverint igitur universi, quod ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae Ederensis nostra labore, nostra studio, Dei gratia nos in omnibus praecedente, a fimdamentis exstruximus, et sanctimoniales feminas in ea ponentes, religionis ordinem in eadem ecclesia perpetuo conservari decrevimus." Yerres has recently been discussed in Alexis Grelois, " 'Homme et femme il les crea': l'ordre cistercien et ses religieuses des origines au milieu du XlVe siecle." PhD diss., University of Paris, 2003. 109 GC 7: 602. "Ill calendas Februarii obiit Eustachia venerabilis matrona, quae fundavit ecclesiam Ederensem anno Domini 1132. & omnia fere aedificia monasterii suis propriis sumtibus aedificavit." 110 Mabillon, Annales 6: 627 "Ego Stephanus Dei gratia Parisiensis episcopus... manu mea factum ad posterorum notitiam transmittere volui, & litteris mei nominis sigllo impressis, legalium quoque testium, sub quorum praesentia factum est, subscriptis nominibus corroboravi. Notum sit ergo... quod Eustachia de Corbolio... quatuor arpennos terrae dedit sanctimonialibus ecclesiae beatae Mariae Hederensis, ubi abbatia constructa est. Praeterea dedit eidem ecclesiae apud Locum-sanctum, duas partes decimae & apud Braiam, tertiam partem decimarum. Donavit quoque supradictae ecclesiae terram de Raviaco, quae est a nemore Ardano, sicut via Muneria dirigitur. Dedit etiam Plessiacum quod emit de proprio; & super domum suam

132 Stephen himself, prior to his death, added the tithes of Gebnaliaco, Silviniaco,

Craumelle, Athiis, Calendie, Concisso and two parts of the tithe at Darancio; the

churches and tithes of Everiaco, and Altaribus; and tithes of wine at Cons and

Centeniaco.

Stephen's foundation charter establishes customs for the nuns to follow, which places them firmly in the reformed monastic tradition. He states that due to the nature of

the female sex, which in the same manner as many of his contemporaries he describes as

fragile and unstable, he intends to place safeguards that will prevent the nuns from going

astray. He acknowledges that the best institutions are those which follow a version of the

Cistercian customs, and so with the council of Hugh, the abbot of Pontigny, brother

William, and also at the desire of Hildiarde, the abbess of the new foundation, and her

community, Stephen intends to combine the customs of the Cistercians with the

observances of other orders. The nuns are to hold to these customs perpetually, and no

one is to presume to change or do away with them.11 He also establishes guidelines for

the election of the abbess. While not a free election, neither is it an election that depends

de Edera quinque solidos censuales assignavit, quos heredes sui tenentur reddere annuatim eidem ecclesiae ad festum sancti Remigii. Donavit quoque apud Villam-abbatis medietatem decimae cum patronatu ecclesiae; & ad opus infirmariae, eidem ecclesiae donavit quidquid habebat apud Cantum-lupi. Hujus rei testes fuerunt Bernardus archidiaconus, & Alardus canonicus sancti Victoris." 111 Mabillon, Annales 6: 627-628."Ex dono bonae memoriae Stephani Parisiensis episcopi ecclesiam de Villa-abbatis cum decima, decimam de Gebnaliaco, decimam de Silviniaco, & ecclesiam de Everiaco & decimam, decimam de Craumelle, decimam de Athiis, decimam de Calendie, decimam de Concisso, decimam vini de Cons, decimam vini de Centeniaco, ecclesiam de Hedera & tertiam partem decimae, ecclesiam de Altaribus & decimam, decimam de Braio, ecclesiam de Loco-sancto cum decima, duas partes decimae de Darancio, partem nemoris apud Monsiacum monasterium de Gif cum omnibus suis appeditiis. Idem quoque episcopus praefatum monasterium de Hedera ab omni exactione liberum esse concessit." 112 PL 173: 1428. "Sed quia femineum sexum fragilem, atque adeo labilem esse cognovimus, idcirco praedictas sanctimoniales, actioris propositi disciplina, tam per nos quam per religiosos viros ligare curavimus; habent enim institutiones optimas ex maxima parte de ordine monachorum Cisterciensium subscriptas partim etiam de observantiis aliarum religionum collectas, quod consilio venerabilis viri, domini scilicet Hugonis Pontiniacensis abbatis, necnon industria fratris nostri Willelmi, consilio etiam et voluntate charissimae filiae Hildiardis, ejusdem ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae venerabilis abbatissae, conventusque totius, factum est, volumus et auctoritate episcopali praecipimus, ut praedictae sanctimoniales praedictas institutiones, sicut determinatae vel scriptae sunt in libris, quos consuetudines vocamus, in perpetuum teneant, nee unquam in aliquo, eas minuere vel mutare praesumant."

133 on the will of secular powers. At the abbess' death, the nuns are first to notify the bishop of Paris of their will and needs. Then they are to gather in their chapter the bishop, the abbot of Saint-Victor and the abbot of Saint Mary de Valle. Once these are gathered together an abbess will be chosen. If the abbots are unavailable, then a prior, with the three most religious nuns, may be substituted in the presence of the bishop. In such essential matters, the nuns are to rely on the guidance of and judgment of religious men rather than their own.

Stephen did more than establish customs for the monastery. He also sought and obtained papal protection for the nuns. In 1141 Innocent II issued a bull at the request of

Bishop Stephen for the monastery of Yerres. He states that he has taken the aforesaid monastery under his protection and that of the blessed Peter and established that whatever goods and possessions the monastery holds canonically or will hold in the future are not to be harassed or threatened by anyone, whether cleric or layperson.114 Yerres continued to have the support of Bishop Stephen and his family. His niece Clemence, daughter of

Guillaume le Loup, was elected as the second abbess of Yerres in 1157.

The actions of Stephen of Senlis, during his tenure as bishop of Paris, create the impression of a man strongly influenced by the ideals of reform currently in vogue at the beginning of the twelfth century. His awareness of the dignity and importance of his see

Ibid. "Obeunte abbatissa, aliam quae substituenda erat, hoc modo eligendam censemus: in primis Parisiensi episcopo voluntatem et necessitatem suam insinuabunt, deinde religiosos viros, abbatem Sancti Victoris, et abbatem Sanctae Mariae de Valle in suo capitulo, praesente episcopo convocabunt, his autem in unum convocatis, de electione abbatissae tractabunt, et sine contradictione quamcunque voluerint, dignamque judicaverint, eligent; si vero abbates habere nequiverint, prior cum tribus religiossimis sanctimonialibus inpraesentia episcopi substituentur..." 114 PL 179: 542. "Eapropter, dilectae in Domino filiae, venerabilis fratris nostri Stephani Parisiensis episcopi precibus inclinati, praefatum monasterium sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, et praesentis scripti privilegio communimus, statuentes ut quascunque possessiones, quaecunque bona idem monasterium inpraesentiarum juste et canonice possidet, aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis justis modis, Deo propitio, poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque succedentibus et illibata permaneant." 115 Bournazel 45 and appendix.

134 and his unwillingness to compromise the church of Paris, are complemented by his zeal for ecclesiastical reform, which is reflected in his attempts to reform various monastic communities and, possibly, his cathedral chapter. His steadfast support for monastic and canonical reform is demonstrated in his attempts to use the canons of St. Victor as instruments of reform and his financial support of the Victorines, sometimes at the expense of other religious houses, as well as in his preference for the usage of Cistercian customs in the female religious houses of his diocese.

Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis and reform

Saint-Denis did not always have the stellar reputation ascribed to it by Stephen of

Senlis and Matthew of Albano. One of Suger's first tasks as abbot was to bring the state of his abbey up to date with the most recent ideals of reform. Abelard, in his Historia

Calamitatum, particularly criticized the customs of Saint-Denis under Suger's predecessor, Abbot Adam. He called the abbey "worldly and depraved" and referred to

Adam as "an abbot whose pre-eminent position was matched by his evil living and notorious reputation." Bernard of Clairvaux, in a letter addressed to Abbot Suger c.l 127, relates that he had formerly heard "the cloister of the monastery was often crowded with soldiers, that business was done there, that it echoed to the sound of men wrangling, and that sometimes women were to be found there."118 He compliments

Suger,

But now everything is very different. God is invoked there, continence is cultivated, discipline maintained, spiritual reading encouraged, for the

116 For secondary works on Abbot Suger see Chapter 1, Note 127. ll7Radice77. 118 James 112.

135 silence is now unbroken, and the hush from all the din of secular affairs invites the mind to heavenly thought. Furthermore the labor of continence, the rigor of discipline, is relieved by the sweet tones of hymns and psalms. Shame for the past encourages the austerity of this new way of life... The house of God is no longer open to seculars; the merely curious find no admittance to the holy places. There is no longer any idle gossiping, and the usual chatter of boys and girls is no longer heard there."11¥

Suger mentions in the Deeds of Louis the Fat, that Galo, bishop of Paris, had been harassing the church of Saint-Denis with a number of complaints.120 These may have concerned the worldly state of the abbey, though Galo may also have been trying to assert the episcopal rights of the bishop of Paris.

The reforms implemented by Suger at the abbey of Saint-Denis seem simple enough. The silence of the cloister was restored, secular affairs were no longer transacted there, the laity was now discouraged from entering freely. Continence, discipline and

spiritual reading were newly encouraged.121 Suger was pleased with the transformation of the place and lists it among his achievements in the Deeds of Louis the Fat, that God

"peacefully brought about this reform of holy religion... without scandal and without any

disturbance among the brothers, something to which they were quite unaccustomed."122

Suger records his ornamentation of the church of Saint-Denis and the augmentation of its resources under his care in great detail, but most of what is known about his reform of

Saint-Denis comes from the letters of Bernard of Clairvaux. Bernard refers to the reform

of religion at Saint-Denis, while Suger tends to record physical improvements to the

abbey, some of which may have aided reform, but in themselves did not constitute it.

uy James 112-113. 120 Suger of Saint-Denis, The Deeds of Louis the Fat, Trans. Richard C. Cusimano and John Moorhead (Washington, D.C., 1992)47. 121 See Note 119 above. 122 The Deeds of Louis the Fat 125.

136 Suger's augmentation and ornamentation of the church itself, recorded in the second part of his De administratione, has been much discussed by art historians. His other building projects are less well documented, and only mentioned in passing in his various charters. The Testamentum of Abbot Suger, dated 17 June 1137, briefly describes some of his other accomplishments: the building of a large and charitable guest house, the repair and renovation of the monks' dormitory and refectory, and the augmentation of the property of the treasurer.124

Abbot Suger is credited with reforming several religious houses, besides his own and Argenteuil; although with the exception of these two, the others were all reformed in the last decade of his life, towards the end of his tenure as abbot.125 Three of these, Saint-

Peter of Chaumont-en-Vexin, Saint-Corneille at Compiegne, and Saint-Genevieve initially involved the gradual replacement of secular canons with monks, although in the case of Saint-Genevieve regular canons from the monastery of Saint-Victor were later substituted instead.

Between 1146 and 1147, Saint-Denis obtained the abbey and prebends of the church of Saint Peter at the castle of Chaumont from Hugh, the archbishop of Rouen, and

King Louis VII. At the deaths of the individual canons, their prebends were to gradually revert to the abbey of Saint-Denis; in the meantime, Abbot Suger placed twelve monks

See for instance Erwin Panofsky, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St. Denis and Its Art Treasures; William W. Clark, "Suger's Church at Saint-Denis: The State of Research" in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis 105-130; and Elizabeth A.R. Brown, Saint-Denis: la basilique. See Chapter 1, Note 127. 124 A. Lecoy de la Marche, Oeuvres completes de Suger (Paris, 1867) 336. "Rogamus autem suppliciter ne frater ille, sive nos viderit, sive minime, expensas istas aegre ferat, cum in magna parte officii ejus multas exsolventes expensas solliciti fuerimus; videlicet in novi et magni aedificii ecclesiae augmentatione, in aedificatione magnae et caritativae domus hospitum, in reparatione et renovatione dormitorii et refectorii, et in augmentatione obedientiae thesauri, et in multis aliis tarn ecclesiae quam officinarum sumptuosis operibus, quas enumerare supersedimus, ne inanis gloriae aut alicujus arrogantiae titulo, quo animae meae opus non est, imputetur." 125 Suger died January 13, 1151. The following reforms have also been discussed by Giles Constable, "Suger's Monastic Administration" in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis 17-32, 21; and Grant 166-169, 193.

137 and a prior there.126 In 1148, Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis took on the similar task of

197 reforming the canons of the collegiate church of Saint-Genevieve of Paris. He took up this task, and the task of reforming several other churches, at the request of Pope Eugene

III during Louis VIFs absence on crusade. Pope Eugene celebrated Easter at Saint-

Denis in 1147, and presumably at this time he discussed the state of certain collegiate 190 churches with King Louis VII. In a letter dated 29 April 1148, Pope Eugene III instructed Suger that he had discussed with King Louis the placement of religious brethren in the church of Saint-Genevieve, but had not had the time to implement the changes himself; therefore, he was entrusting this task to Suger. He authorized Abbot

Suger to establish the prior of Abbeville as abbot there with eight brothers from the church of Saint-Martin-des-Champs. This was to be done so that those who were less than honorable might be provoked towards a more pious life through their example.130

The prebends of the dean, the recently deceased Stephen of Garlande, and several former canons who had retained their prebends despite their elevation to higher offices, were to be used to support the monks while the prebends of the remaining canons would revert to the monks at their incumbents' death.131

126 Constable, "Suger's Monastic Administration" 21. 127 Stephen of Garlande, mentioned above, was dean of Saint-Genevieve of Paris. The bishop of Paris at this time was Thibaud (c.l 144-1157). (Guerard 4: 214) 128 Michael Horn has studied the reforms at Saint-Genevieve and Saint-Corneille at Compiegne in Studien zur Geschichte Papst Eugens III 114-120. 129 Pope Eugene III celebrated Easter at Saint-Denis in 1147 (Grant 157-8) de Lasteyrie 311. "Inde est, sicut tua novit dilectio, quod cum carissimo filio nostro Ludovico, illustri Francorum rege, contulimus ut in ecclesia Sancte Genovefe religiosos fratres ad Dei servitium poneremus. Quod, brevitate temporis prohibente, secundum ipsius et nostrum propositum nequivimus effectui mancipare. Verum, quia vices regias in Galliarum partibus dinosceris exercere, et quia de tua plurimum discretione confidimus, per presentia tibi scripta mandamus quatinus priorem Abbatisville in abbatem liberum et absolutum ibi statuere, et octo fratres ecclesie Sancti Martini de Campis ejus societati studeas deputare, ut, exemplo bone conversationis eorum, qui minus honeste sapiunt ad divinum officium provocentur." 131 Ibid. "Sustentationi quorum beneficium decanatus et prebendas venerabilis fratris nostri Silvanectensis episcopi, Gregorii diaconi cardinalis, et Autissiodorensis thesaurarii, filiorum nostrorum, auctoritate

138 Pope Eugene also sent a letter of explanation to the canons of Saint-Genevieve.

He justified the exchange of monks for canons by explaining that he was seeking to establish religio in all of the churches under the jus of Saint Peter and ordered that the canons receive the monks honorably and avoid causing trouble. The exchange did not proceed as smoothly as the pope might have wished. Suger responded to Pope Eugene in

August of 1148. Although according to the original plan, the canons were to be replaced by monks, about three or four days before the proposed monks were to be inducted to the church, a faction of the canons that included the cantor sent a message to Suger suggesting that regular canons be substituted for the monks. Suger, gathering up those who were assisting him in this task, including the Abbots of Ferrieres, St.-Germain, St-

Maur-les-Fosses, and St.-Magloire, went to St.-Genevieve and discussed this suggestion in the canons' chapter.

The canons were divided on this issue and could not agree on which of the two plans should be followed, and some, whom Suger describes as holding back obstinately, were unwilling to give in to the demands of the pope or to the compromise of sorts suggested by members of their own chapter. Eventually the canons agreed to receive the regular canons peacefully, and some of them asked for the canons of St. Victor. Suger, after a great deal of convincing on his part, according to the rhetoric of his letter, obtained from the abbot of St. Victor twelve canons with the prior of St. Victor as their abbot. On the feast of St. Bartholomew, he solemnly inducted them into the church of Saint-

apostolica deputamus. Ad ipsorum quoque usum omnia beneficia decedentium canonicorum assignari volumus et jubemus." 1 RHGF 15: 450 "...omnibus mundi ecclesiis paterna sollicitudine providere compellimur, et in ecclesiis quae B. Petri juris existunt, religionem statuere cupimus et optamus... Ideoque universitati vestrae per praesentia scripta mandamus quatinus eos honeste recipiatis, et salvis praebendis vestris nullam eis molestiam aut injuriam inferatis."

139 Genevieve and handed over the cloister, chapter, and refectory to them. Suger ends this letter by begging the pope to protect the new community against the importuning of the envious and implies that he expects the displaced canons to cause trouble.134 A second letter to Pope Eugene III describes the actions of those rebellious canons: How they robbed the treasury of fourteen marks of gold and the relics of St.-Genevieve, and how their servants broke into the church by night, disturbing the regular canons at matins.

Lecoy de la Marche 247-249. "Quamvis enim occasione querulorum canonicorum ad vos proficiscentium, eo quod curia romana consuevit aliquando (quod turpe non est) cum re mutare consilium, discrete distulissemus, nulla tamen contradicentium nobilium aut ignobilium clericorum seu laicorum oppositione tepescere, aut in aliquo super hoc ipso remissius habere decreveramus: cum subito, proxima die fere tertia aut quarta qua designatum abbatem et monachos in ecclesia eadem ponere proposueramus, ecce praefati canonici, videlicet cantor et alii, a facie vestra redeuntes, mutatam pro bono pacis sententiam in canonicorum regularium positione nobis reddiderunt. Nos... assumptis nobiscum venerabilibus et sapientibus viris, videlicet abbate Sancti Germani, Sancti Petri Fossatensis, Sancti Maglorii, Sancti Petri de Ferrariis, et aliis de melioribus personis assistentium vicinorum, ad eundem Sanctae Genovesae locum acceleravimus; et in capitulo eorum, quid super primo capitulo, secundum tenorem literarum quas nobis detulerunt, prosequi vellent, consulte convenimus. Qui, ut erant diversi, diversa sentientes, cum aut utram aut neutram concorditer prosequi nollent sententiam, multa et morosa reprehensione, quod etiam postulata, quod etiam misericorditer concessa refutarent, insistebamus; donee qui sanioris erant consilii et filii lucis, canonicos regulares se suscepturos pacifice promiserunt. Nos autem super hoc ipso exhilarati (quoniam quidam de melioribus abbatem sibi constitui et canonicos de Sancto Victore postulabant),... ad eos divertimus, virumque venerabilem abbatem Sancti Victoris,... ut his opem ferret, et ajutor Divinitatis evelleret et destrueret, aedificaret et plantaret, in nomine Domini suppliciter efflagitabamus. Qui, ut emeritus pater et ejusdem loci providus procurator, cum hoc ipsum instanter recusaret, ut priorem suum, virum venerabilem et religiosum, abbatem fieri postulare non comperit, obortis lacrymis cum fletu et angustia cordis, senium defecrumque suum opponens, ejusdem prioris consilium et auxilium, si eo careret, deplorans, fere per totam diem recusando, et quod nunquam fieret detestando, usque ad proximam Nonam detinuit. Tandem vero victus... opportune adjurabamus... eundem venerabilem priorem cum duodecim fratribus viris religiosis et honestis nobis contradidit, quos in festo sancti Bartholomaei ad eandem ecclesiam solemniter cum clero et populo civitatis induximus;... Finita vero ejusdem officii missa, claustrum, capitulum, et refectorium eis deliberavimus; dieque sequente, regalium ex parte domini regis, cujus vices agimus, potestatem contulimus, fidelitatem virorum ad eos pertinentium et juramenta securitatum eis fieri fecimus." 134 Lecoy de la Marche 250-251. "De caetero, sancti Apostolatus vestri genibus provoluti spiritu, obnixe, subnixe supplicamus, opus hoc manuum vestrarum manutenere et protegere, gladium sancti Petri contra omnem aemulorum importunitatem cominus evaginare, appellationum quoque molestias, quibus quietem eorum jugiter indiscrete perturbarent, misericorditer, si placet, prohibere, eandem ecclesiam Deo innovatam, tanquam novam plantam, donee radicata fuerit, crebra propagatione extendere. Quibus omnibus maximum poterit praestare suffragium, si, quemadmodum incoeptum est, in eadem ecclesia plenitudinem officii, secundum observationem ordinis sui usque ad unum iota et unum apicem conservari feceritis; ne dissonantia officii, legendi et cantandi diversitas in scandalum regularium et irregularium emergat;... ut quiete ibidem omnipotenti Deo, ad laudem et honorem sancti Apostolatus vestri et personae vestrae, sempiterna remuneratione dignum Deo famulatum exhibere valeant." 135 Lecoy de la Marche 253. "Verum quia causa Ecclesiae causa Dei est, Petro et Petri vicario per Petrum commissa, confidimus in Domino Jesu, quia ipse qui coepit perficiet, nee poterunt viri offensores Dei et sui proditores adversus religionem in curia capitali religionis praevalere. Qui quam indiscrete et irreverenter

140 Although the reform of Saint-Genevieve must have caused Suger many a headache, he was encouraged in his efforts by his illustrious friend, Bernard of Clairvaux.

Bernard wrote two letters to Suger urging him to bring the work that he had begun to a happy conclusion. In these letters he offers congratulations for the reform that he has accomplished. Saint-Genevieve has been "restored to order and discipline," but Bernard warns Suger against becoming lax in his duties to the new foundation that he has established in the place of the old; "more care is needed for those houses in which the observances of religion are known to leave more to be desired." Bernard refers to the replacement of the secular canons by regular ones from the abbey of Saint-Victor as a

"restoration of the beauty and observances of St.Genevieve." It is the fulfillment of

Suger's duty as a regent of the king and of God, who, Bernard says, chose Suger for this particular task.138

In 1150, Abbot Suger was again entrusted by Pope Eugene III with the task of reforming another church of secular canons, that of St. Corneille at Compiegne. This time contra praeceptum vestrum se habuerint, vestrae Paternitati significare dignum duximus. Thesauros quos nobis praecepistis assignare abbati et canonicis regularibus, audiente archiepiscopo Remensi et episcopo Suessionensi, et aliis quamplurimis religiosis personis, ex parte vestra, ostendentes literas praeceptionis vestrae, exegimus. Qui iniquitate involuti, nequitia excaecati, nee thesauros furtim sublatos, videlicet quatuordecim marcas auri, ut aiunt, de feretro sanctae Genovefae, nee reliquias ejusdem, videlicet casulam sancti Petri (pro quo eos regia potestate, nisi eis pro reverentia vestrae Celsitudinis parceremus, tanquam fares aut raptores tenuissemus) nullo modo reddere voluerunt. His igitur et hujusmodi injuriis Deo et Sanctis ejus et apostolicae reverntiae derogantes, pro contemptu, pro inobedientia, pro sacrilegio in ultionem ecclesiasticam decidentes, quem meruerunt ex rigore justitiae recipere talionem, eos in proximo sentire suppliciter efflagitamus. Illuc enim superbiendo ascenderunt, unde eos justo judicio prosternere, et servos Dei in pace conservare facillime potestis. Saepius enim multa convicia, minas terribiles eis intulerant; garciones suos eandem Sanctae Genovesae ecclesiam noctu intrare, et ostia eorum frangi fecerant, contra canonicos Matutinas incipientes conclamare, ne alter alteram audiret impulerant: donee nos, super his injuriis ab eisdem canonicis regularibus vocati, illuc accesleravimus; oculorum excaecationem et membrorum detruncationem helluonibus hujusmodi, si quid simile deinceps committerent, terribiliter promisimus; servientes de nocte, si qui interciperentur, crebro transmisimus; et sic per Dei gratiam, zelo obedientiae et regiae majestatis terrore, eos in pace tanquam Dei excelsi servos libbentissime confovemus, et in hoc solo Dei et sanctae religionis amore, quamdiu vobis placuerit, constanter perseverabimus." 136 James 474. 137 James 475. 138 Ibid.

141 he was to be aided by bishop Baldwin of Noyon. Despite the challenges that he faced with the canons of St.- Genevieve, Suger was optimistic and encouraging. He wrote to

Baldwin in a letter that "he is confident in the compassion of (God) because, he who has begun a good work will finish it with a strong hand and a stretched out arm" and reminds him of the gospel reading, "If anyone says anything to you, tell him that the Lord needs these, and he will send them right away."139 If apostolic authority had committed the state of religion in the church of Compiegne to them, then it was the work of God. Suger describes the church as a fortress of the devil; it is their job to eradicate completely this stronghold and to erect one of God in its place.140 If it is possible for it to be done without great scandal, Suger wants Baldwin to bless the new abbot at the feast of Saint Cornelius because that is when the canons of the church are accustomed to gather together in one place.141

Suger was perhaps unrealistically optimistic in his hope that there would be no scandals attached to this reform. In his letters Suger, who was so proud of having reformed his own abbey without a scandal, always seems rather bewildered that the canons were unwilling to accept the proposed changes in their churches peacefully. The canons of St. Corneille at Compiegne, like those of St. Genevieve, protested against the

139 Lecoy de la Marche 270. "Super eo negotio quod vestrae celsitudini et nostrae parvitati apostolica commisit auctoritas de statuenda religione in ecclesia Compendiensi, omnipotenti Deo immensas gratiarum actiones referamus,... de misericordia ejus confidentes, quia qui coepit opus bonum, ipse perficiet in manu forti et brachio extento. Habemus enim ad tuitionem negotii nostri evangelici responsi auctoritatem: Si quid vobis aliquid dixerit, dicite quia dominus iis opus habet, et confestim dimittet eos." 140 Ibid. "Audientes igitur et scientes, injuncto nobis negotio viriliter insistamus, et castra diaboli, quae, peccatis hominum exigentibus, in praefato loco constructa erant, funditus evertamus; castraque Dei omnipotentis ibidem erigamus, et erecta cum omni diligentia foveamus et manuteneamus." 141 Lecoy de la Marche 271. "Sane benedictione electi dilectioni vestrae significamus quatinus, si sine magno scandalo fieri potest (solent enim canonici in festo sancti Cornelii magis quam in toto anno convenire), in ipsa festivitate ante altare praefati martyris eum benedicatis." The feast of St. Cornelius is September 16th.

142 Pope's orders using violence, a seemingly futile recourse since the Pope and the King were in agreement in this matter.

Suger reported to Pope Eugene III that the "fortress of iniquity has been cast down and a fortress of piety and holy religion has been raised there." Nevertheless,

Suger was unwilling to hide "the annoyances and scandals which the worst canons brought about there to the lord bishop of Noyon and [himself] even, in the presence of the lord king.143 He blamed these problems on the Dean of the chapter of canons, the treasurer Philip, who was king Louis' brother, and a certain Gerald de Portu.144 Suger related that on the day on which he had called the canons together to hear the Pope's mandate, they ignored his summons, so he publicly announced the Pope's intentions to the other clerics and the townspeople who were assembled there. He announced that monks were to serve there under strict religious observance and, according to the pleasure of the Pope, would possess the prebends of the canons.145 Knowledge of this pronouncement must have swiftly been relayed to the canons because, led by Philip, the king's brother, they, along with other armed layfolk, broke into the church, barricaded it, and attempted to steal its major relics - the crown of thorns and the Lord's burial cloth.

They seized the books and priestly vestments so that the monks would be unable to celebrate mass and cut the ropes of the bells so that the monks would be unable to ring

Lecoy de la Marche 272. "Subversa sunt... castra iniquitatis; erecta sunt ibidem castra pietatis et sanctae religionis..." 143 Ibid. "Summatim tamen sanctae discretioni vestrae celare nolumus molestias et opprobria quae pessimi canonici etiam in praesentia domini regis intulerunt domino Noviomensi episcopo et nobis;" 144 There are two letters that describe the theft of the relics of Saint-Corneille described below. Suger's letter to the pope implicates the dean of the chapter and Gerald de Portu; his letter to Ralph of Vermandois implicates Philip, Louis' brother. These are printed in Lecoy de la Marche 271-273 and 275-277. 145 Lecoy de la Marche 273. "Prima quidem die vocati ad auditionem mandati vestri, ipsi canonici venire contempserunt. Cum autem se eos absentare et praeceptum vestrum nolle audire manifeste videremus, clericis aliis et populo multis millibus congregato, mandatum vestrum de statuenda religione in eadem ecclesia coram exponi fecimus, monachos ibidem deinceps sub religione deservituros significavimus. Praebendas canonicorum eos in pace possidere in beneplacito vestro, donee vobis quid inde fieret ordinare placeret, assistente domino rege, promisimus."

143 them. The townsmen who were present were astounded by the audacity of the canons and stopped them.146

The accounts of the reforms of Saint-Genevieve and Saint-Corneille at

Compiegne have one curious incident in common, in both cases the dismissed canons attempted to steal away the important relics of each church. Saintly patronage, the raison d'etre of any religious community, offered validation and protection to the newly reformed communities. Had these thefts succeeded, they not only would have deprived the churches of the physical presence of their patrons but also could potentially have cast doubt on the legitimacy of the new communities' possession of the church.147 Around the same time as the reforms of Saint-Genevieve and Saint-Corneille at Compiegne, the discovery of relics was used to add legitimacy to the reform of the church of Saint-

Euverte in the diocese of Orleans. Aided by Abbot Suger, the Victorine canons located the relics of their church's saint in a coffin buried behind the altar. As Thomas Head

Lecoy de laMarche, 273. "Ad Eugenium III Papam... Ipsi vero canonici, ausu sacrilego irruentes in eandem ecclesiam, sanctissimas reliquias spineae coronae Domini et sanctae sindonis, et thesauros ejusdem ecclesiae, insuper et libros ac sacerdotalia indumenta, ne haberent monachi unde Deo servirent, arripuerunt: nobis ex parte vestra reclamantibus propter eorum inobedientiam, altius solito cantaverunt, donee et dominus rex et omnes qui aderant, tarn clerici quam laici, eorum admirati insaniam, represserunt. Cum autem sequenti die mandati vestri plenitudinem audissent, in iniquitate sua et inobedientiae audacia permanserunt." Lecoy de la Marche 275-276. "Ad Radulfum comitem Viromandensem... Nunc autem quod a nobis pro injuncta obedientia determinatum fuerat, irreverenter violatum esse constat; et quod dominus rex de eadem re vobiscum et cum domina regina contulit, aut nihil aut parum profuit. Sequenti enim [die] statim cum exissemus, domnus Philippus, frater regis, cum sacrilega et armata tam laicorum quam clericorum manu veniens, monasterium violenter irrupit, et pyxidem in qua non modica reliquiarum portio continebatur rapiens asportavit. Nee hac temeritate contentus, sine mora iterum cum suis complicibus reversus, ecclesiae januas super se clausit, et reverendam Salvatoris nostri coronam cum pretiosa et famosa ejusdem Domini nostri sidone rapere conabatur. Sed burgenses, audito tanto scelere, tam pro venerandis reliquiis quibus locus ille to to terrarum orbe famosus existit, quam etiam pro fidelitate quam abbati et fratribus jam fecerant, cum armis viriliter accelerantes, comperto etiam quod sacrilegi illi, ne fratres campanas pulsare possent, funes praecidissent, et eis post illatas contumelias mortem minarentur, quoniam portas ecclesiae obseratas intrinsecus invenerunt, quomodo potuerunt ecclesiam ingressi sunt; et nisi regiae majestati super fratre suo deferendum judicassent, eos qui cum eo inventi sunt, zelo accensi, turpiter punissent. Retentis itaque reliquiis et conservatis fratribus nostris, repulso eodem Philippo, suos quoque vix se a vindicta cohibentes fugaverunt." 147 For the importance of relics and saintly patronage to a religious community see Thomas Head, Hagiography and the Cult of Saints: The Diocese of Orleans, 800-1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). For the theft of relics see Patrick J. Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978).

144 concludes "The unreformed canons of Saint-Euverte ignored the relics of their 'father'; the new generation of regular canons, bringing reform from Saint-Victor, took pains to rediscover his relics and celebrate his patronage."148

Little evidence remains that can give a clear indication of what Suger's relationship with female religious houses other than Argenteuil may have been. Unlike the bishops discussed previously, who tended to support one or another of the new monastic orders, Abbot Suger was primarily concerned with augmenting the resources of his own abbey. Yet Suger did write a letter to Pope Eugene III in 1149 interceding on behalf of the nuns of Fontevrault, whose foundation he had observed as a student at a nearby monastery. He describes the nuns as sisters living in holy religion, acceptable to

God, who are being harassed by Gilbert, the bishop of Poitiers, who is refusing to bless their abbess unless they make a vow of obedience to him. Suger reminds the Pope that these nuns are under his protection and that he should not want them to submit to another bishop.149 Suger further stresses that:

Your Discretion knows that it is not advantageous for their souls that they should leave the cloister of their monastery to mix with the world; neither on this occasion or any other... for you know that the aforementioned bishop is accustomed to disturb those subject to him.150

Suger is clearly adverse to the idea of the nuns being forced to leave the cloister of their monastery for any reason.

148 Head 95-96 and 289. 149 Lecoy de la Marche 263. "Pro sororibus apud Fontem Ebraldi in sancta et Deo acceptabili religione degentibus, quas episcopus Pictavensis, subjectionem ab eis requirens, earumque abbatissam benedicere nolens, defatigat, sancti Apostolatus vestri celsitudinem qua possumus prece pulsamus, ut, sicut vestrae incumbit discretioni imbecillitatem debilium confovendo sustinere, quid unicuique expediat providere, fragilitati sexus condescendatis, et quia vestra auctoritate innituntur, eas sub vestra protectione retineatis, nee alteri subjici velitis, et ab defatigatione eas in pace esse faciatis." 150 Lecoy de la Marche 263-264. "Novit enim vestra discretio quod animabus earum non expedit claustra monasterii sui exire, nee hac occasione vel alia saeculo se jungere. Nostis enim, si vestrae placet Paternitati, quod praefatus episcopus subjectos suos consuevit inquietare."

145 Abbot Suger's actions as a reformer demonstrate the tensions inherent in the reform of existing religious houses in the twelfth century. Reform could be difficult to accomplish quietly, and when it was so accomplished, as at Saint-Denis, it was a matter worthy of pride. The reforms at Saint-Genevieve and Saint-Corneille at Compiegne demonstrate that even with royal and papal support, reform via expulsion could be fraught with difficulty. Yet Suger's sincerity in accomplishing his reforms at Saint-Denis,

Saint-Genevieve and Saint-Corneille at Compiegne suggest also that although his methods in acquiring Argenteuil may be suspect as well as some part of his motivation, his desire for the reform of that place was not.

Matthew ofAlbano, Papal Legate

Historians have commonly described Matthew ofAlbano as a 'die-hard' defender of Cluniac monasticism.151 This reputation is primarily the result of the letter which

Matthew wrote in response to the Acta of the First Benedictine Chapter in 1131. This letter, which we will consider briefly here and in more detail in the next chapter, demonstrates that Matthew was not particularly sympathetic to older Benedictine houses which sought to reform themselves according to the model of Citeaux. Yet, as our examination of his decisions as papal legate will demonstrate, Matthew was still very much a reformer.

151 Adriaan H. Bredero. Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1996) 219, 230. Also see Knowles 67; Grant 132. 152 See Note 168, below; also Chapter 4, pp. 175-9.

146 Matthew, cardinal bishop of Albano, was born c.1085 to a noble family in the region of Laon.153 He studied under the celebrated master Anselm of Laon before entering the ranks of the clergy of Laon and was a close friend of the treasurer of the church of Reims, Raoul le Vert, who in 1106 ascended to the archiepiscopal see of

Reims, where Matthew soon after became a cathedral canon.1 As a canon at Reims,

Matthew would have frequently associated with other men who later rose to positions of importance in the church, including Bartholomew, who in 1113 ascended to the episcopal see of Laon; master Alberic, who became bishop of Bourges; Drogo, later abbot of Saint-

Jean of Laon and then cardinal bishop of Ostia; Geoffrey, later bishop of Chalons; and

William, abbot of Saint-Thierry.155 Matthew resigned his benefice in the church of Reims c.l 110 when he entered the religious life at the Cluniac priory of Saint-Martin-des-

Champs, where he was named prior in 1117.15

Peter the Venerable meticulously described Matthew's fervor for the monastic life in the second book of his De Miraculis:

Uniting and devoting himself to God in that place with frequent reading, assiduous meditation, and most fervent prayer, he atoned for the few sins of his former life, and in those days he stored up treasures of pious study in heaven through daily growth of virtue. He did not leave any part of theory untouched, but thoroughly taming his body with fasts, vigils, and rough hair shirts, through silence and psalms and the afore-mentioned studies, he strove wholly to change from the old into a new man, and so to

Peter the Venerable wrote a biography of Matthew of Albano in book two of his De Miraculis Libri Duo. Ed. Dyonisia Bouthillier, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis, 83 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1988). See also Ursmer Berliere, "Le cardinal Matthieu d'Albano (c.l085-1135)" in Revue Benedictine 18 (1901) 113-140; 216-303. 154 Berliere 114. 155 Berliere 115. Berliere does not include Bartholomew of Laon in his list of notables present at Reims between 1106 and 1110, but Bartholomew was educated in the church of Reims and later became a canon there before he was elected to the bishopric of Laon in 1113. He would definitely have known and associated with Matthew of Albano and the other notables mentioned. See Alain Saint-Denis, Apogee d'une cite: Laon et le Laonnois auxXIIe etXIIIe siecles (Nancy: Presses universitaires de Nancy, 1994) 112. 156 Berliere 116-117.

147 make a nearly complete transition from the former man of the world into the newness of Christ.157

He further describes how Matthew would celebrate mass daily, his devotion to the Rule of St. Benedict, and his zeal for justice. All of which caused Berliere to refer to Matthew as "a living example of Cluniac discipline."158

Matthew came to the notice of Pope Honorius II after his defense of Peter de

Montboisier during the Cluniac schism, settled in 1126, and sometime after 20 October of that year, he was appointed cardinal bishop of Albano.159 From the beginning of his tenure as a cardinal bishop, Matthew was involved in matters of monastic and clerical reform. In 1127 Pope Honorius sent Matthew to the abbey of Monte-Cassino to conduct a new abbatial election after the pope had deposed the former abbot. In the same year, as we have already discussed, he intervened in the quarrel between the bishop of Paris,

Stephen of Senlis, and one of his archdeacons, Thibaud.160

At the end of 1127 Matthew was sent to France as a papal legate. His first known act as papal legate was to convene the Council of Troyes, 13 January 1128, which approved the creation of the Knights Templar.161 From there he returned to Italy where he was present on March 31 at a judgment concerning the dependency of a church in dispute

Peter the Venerable, De Miraculis Libri Duo 110. "Ibi frequenti lectione, assidua meditatione, ferventissima oratione, Deo se commendans et uniens, si qui fuerant preterite uite neuos fortasse non multos expiabat, et piorum studiorum in celis thesauros quotidianis uirtutum incrementis in dies recondebat. Non relinquebat partem aliquam theorie intactam, set ieiuniis, uigiliis, ciliciisque asperis corpus edomans, silentio, psalmodia, et his que dicta sunt studiis, de ueteri in nouum hominem totus mutari, et sic a uetustate mundi in nouitatem Christi plenum propemodum transitum facere satagebat." 158 Peter the Venerable, De Miraculis Libri Duo 110-113; Berliere 117. 159 Berliere 121-124. Bredero "Bernard's Interference in the Crisis in Cluny (1122-1126)" in Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History 218-227. 160 Berliere 124-125. NB. On page 124 Berliere confuses Stephen of Garlande, the royal chancellor and another archdeacon of Paris with Stephen of Senlis, bishop of Paris. Stephen of Garlande was never bishop of Paris although occasionally historians of the late nineteenth century have designated him as such in error. 161 Berliere 125-126.

148 between the abbot of Saint-Mihiel-sur-Meuse and the abbess Hawide of Juvigny.162 At some point between April and May, he returned to France in his capacity as legate at the beginning of a journey primarily concerned with matters of monastic reform. He received a letter from Pope Honorius II dated 4 May 1128 requesting that he sort out a quarrel between the monks of Luxeuil and Dijon regarding the restitution of two priories, which had originally been ordered by Paschal II. On June 25, he was present at Chartres, where as legate, he provided papal approval to Bishop Geoffry IPs cessation of the collegial church of Saint-Martin-au-Val to the monks of Marmoutiers.163 A few months later, on

August 1, 1128 Matthew convened a council at Reims, at which he approved the expulsion of the nuns of St. Jean of Laon.164 The council had actually been called for a variety of reasons, primarily to settle differences between Count William of Flanders and

Thierry d'Alsace. The case of the monks of Luxeuil and Dijon was also settled at this time.165

In October of 1128 Matthew was in Rouen where he met with King Henry of

England and various bishops in council and published a number of decretals concerning ecclesiastical discipline. Again, on 2 February 1129 he convened a synod at Chalons-sur-

Marne to examine the differences between Bishop Henry de Verdun and his clergy. From

Chalons he headed towards Paris where he convened a synod in early April, before the fourteenth of the month, at the abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pres. It was during this council that the monastery of Argenteuil was declared legally to belong to the abbey of

Saint-Denis. On April 14 Louis VI confirmed the acts of the synod of Saint-Germain-

1UXU. Ibid. See Chapter Four. Berliere 127-128; Pontal 302-303.

149 des-Pres, in Reims, at the coronation of his son Philip. Matthew was also present at the dismissal of Abbot Walter of Lobbes on charges of irregularity.166 During Innocent IFs papacy, Matthew was sent to keep the French informed concerning the papal reform programme.167

Matthew's decisions during his tenure as a papal legate in France clearly demonstrate his devotion to monastic and clerical reform. He was involved directly and peripherally in a number of reform initiatives including at least three expulsions and one case of irregularity. Moreover, Matthew's interest in monastic reform in France was a personal one, most likely due to the years he spent at the Cluniac priory of Saint-Martin- des-Champs. The nature of his concern is expressed vividly in the letter he wrote to the abbots involved in the Benedictine Chapter of 1131 held at Reims.168 Matthew expressed sincere alarm at the changes that he had heard were being made by the abbots of the

Benedictine Chapter, changes that were modeled on the practices of the Cistercian order.169 Beginning his letter by praising the abbots' efforts at reform, including the reforms effected in the abbey of Saint-Jean of Laon, Matthew is concerned that the abbots have taken their zeal for reform too far. He has heard that they have implemented a policy of perpetual silence in the cloister, that they have curtailed the number of psalms

165 Berliere 129-132. See Chapter 4 pp. 171-4. 167 Robinson, The Papacy 158-9. 168 The Benedictine Chapter of 1131 was a meeting of various independent Benedictine Abbots primarily from the archdiocese of Reims. Modeled on the Cistercian practise of holding a yearly general chapter, these abbots gathered in an attempt to impose a certain measure of reform in their monasteries. These chapter meetings were held yearly from 1131 to 1135. See Stanislaus Ceglar, "William of Saint Thierry and his Leading Role at the First Chapters of the Benedictine Abbots (Reims 1131, Soissons 1132)" in William, Abbot of St. Thierry : a colloquium at the Abbey of St. Thierry (1976). Trans. Jerry Carfantan. Cistercian Studies Series 94 (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1987)34-112; 34-40. Also see E. Rozanne Elder, "Communities of Reform in the Province of Reims: The Benedictine 'Chapter General' of 1131" in The Making of Christian Communities in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Mark Williams (London: Anthem Press, 2005) 117-129. 1 Knowles, David. Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Controversy between St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable (London: Oxford University Press, 1955) 24. See Chapter 4, pp. 177-80 for an examination of the Benedictine Chapter and Matthew's objections.

150 in the divine office, and that manual labor will take the place of prayer. Although

Matthew is defending the customs of Cluny in his letter, he is also defending his understanding of the Rule of Saint Benedict, which he frequently refers to. From

Matthew's viewpoint, both divine scripture and the Rule of Saint Benedict reject this new policy of perpetual silence in the cloister.171

There seems to be no question that Matthew of Albano was sincerely concerned with the question of monastic reform during his legateship in France and his participation in the reform of Argenteuil must be considered within this context. Even his letter objecting to the Cistercian style reforms of the Benedictine Chapter suggests, among other concerns, that Matthew worries that the Benedictine Abbots have taken their zeal for reform to such an extent that they will be unable to fulfill their goals.

Our review of the reforming efforts of these three men: Stephen of Senlis, Suger of Saint-Denis and Matthew of Albano, leaves us with a single overwhelming impression.

Whatever their methods or results, these three men were sincere in their desire to see the religious life reformed within their area of influence. Stephen struggled with his cathedral chapter and supported reformed communities, Suger sought the reform of his own monastery and Matthew worked for reform throughout France. Further, the reform of

Argenteuil does not seem to have resulted from outright misogyny. Stephen and Suger were supportive of those female religious communities which seemed to strive for ideals

170 Ceglar 66-79. See also Knowles 24-26. 171 Ceglar 72. "Enimvero quia, prout divina gratia largita est, satis est declaratum qualiter cum divinarum auctoritate scripturarum beati Benedicti regula concordet, simulque omnes voce consona vestrum perpetuum silentium reprobant et condemnant, nunc quoque ad illas vestras antiquas consuetudines, Cluniacenses dico, transeamus, quas vos tamquam meliores excogitaturi et adinventuri, veluti non bonas refutastis et abiecistis, et, ut audivimus, libellum eis repudii dedistis; sed timendum est ne ipsae vos uno pede discalcient et spuant vobis in faciem tamquam repudiatae, et ad opprobrium sempiternum domus vestra domus discalciati vocetur."

151 which they admired, though Stephen in particular views women religious as needing stricter supervision than men.

Conclusions

Suger's acquisition of Argenteuil may have been premeditated and based on false documents, but we cannot rule out the possibility that he was moved by a genuine desire for reform.172 Certainly the actions of Stephen of Paris and Matthew of Albano, when viewed in the context of their reform experiences throughout their ecclesiastical careers, appear untainted by any ulterior motive. It is of the utmost importance that we acknowledge that despite Suger's dishonest methods, he could not have succeeded in his

'recovery' of Argenteuil without the cooperation and support of the bishop of Paris and the king of France, each of whom had separate claims of jurisdiction over the abbey.

It ought to be further noted that although Abelard in his Historia calamitatum gives the impression that the nuns of Argenteuil had been turned out to wander and find shelter in whatever monasteries they could; Honorius II's letter places great emphasis on

Suger's responsibility to relocate the nuns.173 Nuns, even those with negative reputations, are still nuns and must be provided for accordingly in such a way that their vows are safeguarded. Moreover Stephen, in the establishment of Yerres, and Heloise, in her arguments on the Benedictine Rule, both place emphasis on the fragile nature of the female sex and suggest that because of this fragility women need to adhere to stricter

172 Also see Waldman 249-251. 173 Radice 96-97. "It happened that my abbot of Saint-Denis by some means took possession of the Abbey of Argenteuil where Heloise - now my sister in Christ rather than my wife - had taken the veil. He claimed that it belonged to his monastery by ancient right, and forcibly expelled the community of nuns, of which she was prioress, so that they were now scattered as exiles in various places."

152 customs than men. The fragility of the female sex is also referred to by Bishop Galo in the expulsion charter for Saint-Eloi.175 Like the accusations against the nuns' reputations, these references to the weakness of the female sex frequently seem formulaic; nevertheless we should not ignore the consequent implication that women were thought to need stricter supervision than men in the monastic life.

Besides giving a general impression of sincerity in all of their reforming activities and despite the accusations against the nuns, the men responsible for the reform of

Argenteuil do not generally exhibit outright hostility towards women. The confirmation charters of both Stephen of Paris and Matthew of Albano, as well as the strategies used by Heloise in the foundation of the Paraclete, suggest that the two greatest factors in the expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil were reputation and jurisdiction.

See note 87 above and Radice 160. "Through lack and need of this (a rule written specifically for women) it is the practise today for men and women alike to be received into monasteries to profess the same Rule, and the same yoke of monastic ordinance is laid on the weaker sex as on the stronger." (Radice 160). 175 See Chapter 2, p. 66. Section 3.

153 Chapter Four

Saint-Jean of Laon

The expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean of Laon is relatively well documented in both diplomatic and narrative sources. Louis VI issued a charter, which survives as a thirteenth-century copy in the cartulary of Jacques de Troyes, granting permission for the expulsion, at the council of Arras, on May 10,1128.' This is followed by a letter of the papal legate, Matthew of Albano, from the Council of Reims, August 1,1128; a charter of Bartholomew de Joux, bishop of Laon, dated 1129, which confirms the possessions of the new community of monks installed in the monastery of Saint-Jean; and a confirmation by Innocent II dated November 4, 1130.2 Finally, the third book of the De

Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, subtitled De Gestis Venerabilis Bartholomaei Episcopi et S. Norberti written by Herman of Tournai between 1140 and 1147 gives a detailed justification of the history and expulsion of the nuns of the abbey of Saint-Jean of Laon.3

The expulsion of the community at Saint-Jean has been used to demonstrate the disadvantages faced by nuns in the twelfth century. Jane Schulenburg has used the

1 Archives departmentales de l'Aisne, G 1850, fol. 252; edited in Dufour 2:59-62, n°263. 2 Matthew's letter is edited by G. Marlot, Metropolis Remensis historia 2 (1679) 301 and PL 156: 1178- 1179. Bartholomew's charter survives in editions from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and has been re-edited by A. Dufour-Malbezin in Actes des eveques de Laon des origines a 1151, Documents, Etudes et Repertoires: Publies par l'institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2001) 208-209 and PL 156: 1179-1180. Innocent's confirmation is edited in PL 179: 66-67, RHGF 15: 370, GC 10: instr. 193. A thirteenth-century copy of the De Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis can be found in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, BN ms. lat. 12593. It has been edited by Luc d'Achery, Venerabilis Guiberti, abbatis B. Mariae de Novigento, opera omnia. (Paris, 1651). This edition was reprinted in PL 156: 961-1018. The account of the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean can be found at PL 156: 1003-1005. A partial re-edition by Roger Wilmans can be found in MGH SS 12: 653-660. For the dating and authorship of the De Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis see Gerlinde Neimeyer. "Die Miracula S. Mariae Laudunensis des Abtes Hermann von Tournai. Verfasser und Entstehungzeit." Deutsches Archivfir Erforschung des Mittelalters 27(1971)135-174; 171.

154 incident to illustrate "the close relationship of indigency and 'moral lapse' to the reformers' gender-specific requirement of strict enclosure," while Penelope Johnson makes use of the situation to demonstrate the reliance of nuns on male protection.4 In each of these descriptions the expulsion of the nuns is portrayed as an arbitrary act, lacking procedure and carried out solely by the will of powerful men.5 While this may seem to be the case at first glance, when we examine the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-

Jean in the context of the reforms being made throughout the diocese of Laon and archdiocese of Reims, we will see that although the nuns may, or may not, have been at the mercy of powerful men, it was not necessarily a sudden or arbitrary decision. On the contrary, the expulsion or eviction of a community was a serious matter, and required the cooperation of'religious' men as well as detailed justification and explanation on the part of the bishop. As in the case of Argenteuil, matters of reputation, jurisdiction, and the underlying influence of the 'new' monastic or do were pivotal issues in the reform of

Saint-Jean of Laon.

The Expulsion

At the Council of Arras on May 10, 1128 King Louis VI of France issued a charter granting permission to Archbishop Renaud of Reims and Bishop Bartholomew of

Laon to substitute monks for nuns in the royal abbey of the Saints Mary and John of

4 Schulenburg, "Women's Monastic Communities" 282; Johnson 101-2. The expulsion is also mentioned in Alain Saint-Denis 122-3; Grant 191; and Elder 125. 5 Johnson asserts "nunneries were always vulnerable to the powerful princes of the church, since they made up only one-quarter of all the houses and had no representation in conciliar decisions. A convent could be disbanded or seized, and unless the nuns could find a strong enough protector to defend them, they lost their home and raison d'etre. This happened to the nuns of Saint-Jean in Laon." (101-2). Schulenburg, "Within this context, church reformers or the aristocracy could use any kind of irregular activity as an excuse or rationale for the necessary reform or dissolution of a women's community." (285).

155 Laon. The reason given for the expulsion was that the nuns "conducted themselves unworthily and irregularly." The substitution of monks, the archbishop and bishop argued, would lead to a better state of religion in that place. The full charter reads as follows:6

1. In nomine sancte et individue 1. In the name of the Holy and Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus undivided Trinity: Father, Son and Sancti. Amen. Holy Spirit. Amen.

2. Ego Ludovicus, Dei misericordia in 2. Louis, King of the Franks by God's regem Francorum sublimatus. grace.

3. Notum fieri volo cunctis fidelibus, 3. I wish to make known to all the tarn futuris quam instantibus, quod faithful, present and future, that at in conventu, quern fidelis noster the council which our fidelis Rainaldus secundus, venerabilis Renaud II, the venerable Remorum archiepiscopus, Attrebati archbishop of Reims, held at Arras cum universis suffraganeis suis et with all his suffragan bishops and abbatibus, VI idus maii, tenuit, ubi abbots, on the 6th Ides of May, et nos presentes aderamus, where we also were among those present

4. ipse et Bartholomeus, venerandus 4. he [Renaud] and Bartholomew, the Laudunensis episcopus, humiliter venerable bishop of Laon, humbly nos convenerunt, cum multa approached us, requesting with precum instancia postulantes, ut many earnest prayers that we Laudunensem Beate Marie et Beati should allow monks to be Johannis ecclesiam, que regalis substituted in the church of the abbatia est, quia sanctimoniales, Blessed Mary and John of Laon, que ibi ab antiquo fuerant, nimis which is a royal abbey, in order to indigne et enormiter se habebant, ad lead to a better state of religious meliorem religionis statum duci et life in that place, because the nuns, monachos ibidem substitui who were there from ancient times, concederemus. conducted themselves unworthily and with grave irregularity.

5. Quam profecto petitionem 5. we indeed, assuredly recognizing rationabilem et utilem the request as reasonable and cognoscentes, voluntati eorum et useful, gave our assent to their consilio assensum dedimus desire and judgment;

'Dufour2:61-62.

156 6. et in predicta ecclesia abbatem et 6. and we liberally granted that an monachos substitui et haberi in abbot and monks might be perpetuum, salvo in omnibus jure substituted in the aforementioned regio et Adelaidis regine, uxoris church and hold it in perpetuity, nostre, dotalitio, benigne quidem saving in all things the royal right concessimus, and also the dower right of Queen Adelaide, our wife;

7. ita siquidem quod subjectionem 7. [this is to be done] in such a way illam, quam cetere abbatie nostre, that the abbey will owe and exhibit que in episcopatu suo sunt, that subjection which all our Laudunensi episcopo debent et abbeys in that bishopric owe and exhibent, abbatia ilia eidem exhibit to the bishop of Laon, episcopo, sine aliquo juris regii without any loss of royal right. detrimento, debeant et exhibeat.

8. Quod ne valeat oblivione deleri, 8. We entrust this act to writing lest it scripto commendavimus et, ne be destroyed through forgetfulness, possit a posteris infirmari, sigilli and lest it be weakened by nostri auctoritate et nominis posterity, we reinforce it under the karactere subterfirmavimus. authority of our seal and karactere of our name.

9. Actum Attrebati publice, anno 9. Enacted publicly at Arras, in year incarnati Verbi M°C°XXVIII, regni 1128 of the Incarnate Word, year nostri XX°. 20 of our reign.

10. Astantibus in palatio nostro quorum 10. At our palace in the presence of nomina subtitulata sunt et signa. those whose names and seals are listed below.

11. Signum Ludovici buticularii .S. 11. Lay Witnesses Hugonis constabularii .S. Alberici camerarii, dapifero nullo.

12. Data per manum Symonis 12. Ecclesiastical Witnesses cancellarii .S. Rainaldi Remensium archiepiscopi .S. Josleni Suessionensis episcopi .S. Bartholomei Laudunensis episcopi .S. Symonis Noviomensis et Tournacensis episcopi .S. Johannis Morinensis episcopi .S. Garini Ambianensis episcopi .S. Roberti Attrebatensis episcopi .S. Clarenbaldi Silvanectensis episcopi.

157 Signum Petri Belvacensis episcopi. |

It is evident from this charter that the initiative for the expulsion lies with the

Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Laon. These two ecclesiastics approached the king and requested his permission for the exchange. Yet it is likewise clear that in order for this substitution of monks for nuns to take place, the bishop needed the king's approval.8 The king and queen had certain jurisdictional rights in the abbey of Saint-Jean which he describes as royal and dower rights,y«re regio et dotalitio; and although the charter does not spell out exactly what these rights are, the substitution of monks for nuns in this abbey does not change the nature of those rights.9 Furthermore, Louis states in this charter that all royal abbeys in the diocese of Laon are subject to the Bishop of Laon as well as to the king. Thus the king has royal jurisdiction and the bishop ecclesiastical jurisdiction over these abbeys.

The Archbishop of Reims and Bishop of Laon give two reasons why they desire to replace the nuns with monks. The first, refers to the behavior and reputation of the nuns: they conduct themselves unworthily and with grave irregularity. The second, suggests that replacing the nuns with monks will lead to a better state of religion in the monastery of Saint-Jean, ad meliorem religionis statum. 1 This raises a question which we have frequently encountered, though have not yet had opportunity to address, why monks? Were there no nuns available to suitably reform what had been a female establishment since the seventh century? Or were monks somehow considered

7 Dufour 2: 61-62; Section 4 above. 8 Ibid.; Section 5 above. 9 Ibid.; Section 6 above. The practice of granting dower rights to the wives and daughters of French kings dates back to the Carolingian period. See Wemple 171. 10 Ibid.; Section 7 above. 11 Ibid.; Section 4 above.

158 intrinsically holier than nuns? Though we lack the resources adequately to address this question, it should be noted that contemporaries raised objections on this point as well.

Herman of Tournai reports that some opponents of the reform argued that this substitution went against the intentions of the founders, since Saint Salaberga had founded the monastery specifically for nuns.12 Yet whether gender played a role or not, the king clearly states that he considered the substitution a reasonable solution to the problem, rationabilem et utilem, and unequivocally gives his permission.

Three months later, the decision of the Council of Arras regarding the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean was confirmed by Papal Legate Matthew of Albano at the

Council of Reims, August 1, 1128. Matthew echoes the language of King Louis' charter, stating that the nuns were living less than honestly and were to be replaced by an abbot and monks who would serve God in a religious manner.14 Matthew emphasizes the conciliar nature of the decision made, but does not add any further details regarding the expulsion.

Bishop Bartholomew issued a charter describing the expulsion and confirming the possessions of the new community of monks in 1129. He refers to the nuns as irreligious,

Herman of Toumai PL 156:1005. "Sed quia quosdam minus peritos ei super hoc detrahentes audivi, et dicentes non debuisse tantam mutationem fieri, nee propter peccata quarumdam sanctimonialium etiam inculpabiles expelli; totamque ecclesiam monachis tradi, maxime cum praedicta nobilis matrona sancta Salaberga cum filia sua sancta Austrude, de patrimonii sui possessionibus earn construxerint, et sanctimoniales in ea posuerint plurimorumque signorum ostensionibus earn splendicaverint." Dufour 2: 61-62; Section 5 above. 14 Marlot 2: 301. "Matthaeus Dei gratia Albanensis Episcopus, & apostolicae Sedis Legatus universis Fidelibus salutem. Quod in Conventu Attrebatensi sancto Spiritu cooperante a venerabilibus Fratribus Raynaldo Remensi Archiepiscopo, Bartholomaeo Laudunensi, Gisleno Suessionensi, ceterisque illius diocesis Episcopis & Abbatibus, aliisque religiosis personis de expulsione Monialium, in Ecclesia S. Mariae sanctique Johannis Laudunensis minus honeste viventium, & de substitutione Abbatis, & Monachorum ibidem Deo religiose servientium, constitutum est, Ludovico Rege Francorum praesente, annuente, & suo praecepto firmante, nos in Remensi Conventu, consilio & petitione venerabilium Fratrum, Remensis & Senonensis Archiepiscoporum, atque Abbatum plurimorum, aliarumque religiosarum personaram comprobavimus, & Sedis apostolicae auctoritate, & munimine in perpetuum confirmamus."

159 incorrigible and the cause of many dangerous offenses. These nuns were now replaced by religious monks. Bartholomew's charter is quoted in full below.15

1. In nomine sanctae et individuae 1. In the name of the holy and Trinitatis, Ego Bartholomaeus Dei indivisible Trinity, I, Bartholomew, gratia sanctae Laudunensis by God's grace unworthy minister of ecclesiae minister indignus. the holy Church of Laon.

2. Quia largiente Domino, in ovilis 2. Since we, although unworthy, labor dominicis cura, licet indigni, through the largess of the Lord in the laboremus, dum ex injuncti nobis care of the Lord's sheep, yet are officii occasione ad secularium according to the circumstances of the hominum negotia rapiamur, office enjoined on us are drawn into the business of secular men;

3. si pedes nostras terreni actus 3. if we are not able to fully clean and pulvere attactos, et in saeculi brace our feet, touched by the dust of lubrico titubantes ad plenum our earthly course and faltering in firmare et emundare minime the slippery world, then with the praevalemus, devotae charitatis obedience of devoted charity we obsequiis eorum suffragia would be content to deserve the promereri satagamus, qui in beata commendation of those who are Sponsae ipsius sorte censentur, qui, counted in the blessed lot of the lotis pedibus et tunica expoliata, in bride herself who with washed feet lectulo quietis internae cum Sponso and embellished tunic fully enjoys coelesti ineffabili jocunditate inexpressible pleasure in the bed of perfruuntur. inner peace with the celestial spouse.

4. Quanto enim majore labantium 4. For as much as they cast away rerum contemptu curam corporis anxiety for the body with a great abjecerunt, et deplorata pristinarum scorn for uncertain things, and enormitate culparum, compressique deploring the enormity of original ingruentium tumultibus sin and embracing the commotion of cogitationum, defecata et pura reflections, lift themselves up toward conscientia ad sola superna se celestial things alone with a pure and surrigunt, eo gratius in eis divinae cleansed conscience, just as much do Majestati exhiberi credimus we believe that obedience should be obsequium, shown to the divine majesty with regard to these;

5. si ab iis qui cum ad Rachelis 5. if their profits should be increased desiderabile consortium necdum those who, even though they are not

15 Dufour-Malbezin 208-209; PL 156: 1179-1180.

160 pertingere possunt, laboriosam cum yet able to reach the desirable Lia tolerantur servitutem ad usum company of Rachel, nevertheless vitae labilis, eorum profectus endure laborious servitude for Leah augeatur, quominus terreni stipendii for the benefit of the uncertain life defectu tentati sanctae [ad usum vitae labilis], by how much contemplationis otium interrampere less should they be compelled to compellantur. interrupt the leisure of holy contemplation with the agitating lack of an earthly wage.

6. Notum igitur esse volumus tam 6. Therefore we wish to make known to praesentibus quam futuris quia, cum the present and future that, since the divinae misericordiae respectus regard of divine mercy visited the Laudunensem abbatiam Beatae abbey of the Blessed Mary and Saint Mariae Sanctique Joannis Baptistae John the Baptist of Laon in such a visitasset, ita ut eliminato way that, after the flock of irreligious irreligiosarum feminarum grege women were eliminated who, quae vitae suae incorrigibili through the incorrigible enormity of enormitate, et locum infamaverant, their lives had not only defamed the et plurimis aut periculosae place, but also for many people were offensionis, aut perditionis causa the cause of ruin or dangerous fuerant, religiosus inibi offenses, a religious order of monks monachorum ordo institueretur; was established there;

7. de loci illius emendatione divinae 7. we, rejoicing in the divine dispositioni congratulantes, quanto arrangement concerning the potuimus favore benevolum correction of that place, have shown assensum praebuimus, atque benevolent assent by as much religiosorum virorum interventibus support as we are able; and we, aliquod et in vita imperfectioni seeking to gain protection through nostre patrocinium comparare the intervention of religious men not quaerentes et post mortem, only in our imperfect life but also perpetuam animae nostrae after death, have joyfully granted memoriam ibi firmare cupientes, these things which they have asked quae a nobis petierunt gratanter of us hoping to seal eternal memory annuimus; of our soul there;

8. et quae ex antiquo praedecessorum 8. and we also guarantee to them in nostroram dono locus ille writing the oldest possessions which vetustissima jam olim possessione [Saint-Jean] held through the long tenuerat, nostra quoque manu eis standing gift of our predecessors, lest firmavimus, ne quis forte quia haec anyone by chance should attempt to in monasterio illo ordinis mutatio introduce any sort of trickery against facta est, possessionibus eorum their goods because of the change of aliquid calumniae inferre moliatur. ordo made in that monastery.

161 9. Hanc autem nostrae sanctionis 9. We instructed that this page of our schedulam testium subscriptione et sanction should be strengthened by sigilli nostri impressione roborari the subscription of witnesses and the praecepimus. Et ne quis earn in impression of our seal, and lest posterum aliquatenus infirmare vel anyone should presume to weaken it aliquam ei calumniam inferre in anyway in the future or introduce praesumat, sub anathemate any trickery against it we prohibit it interdiximus. under anathema.

10. S. Bartholaemei episcopi, qui hoc 10. Witness list privilegium fieri jussit. S. Widonis decani. S. Letoudi archidiaconi. S. Blihardi cantoris. S. Huberti sacerdotis. S. Alberici sacerdotis. S. Benedictis sacerdotis. S. Roberti sacerdotis. S. Joannis diaconi. S. Petri diaconi. S. Joscelini diaconi. S. Rogeri diaconi. S. Arnulphi subdiaconi. S. Milonis subdiaconi. S. Ebali subdiaconi. S. Roberti subdiaconi.

11. Actum Lauduni, anno dominicae 11. Dating Clause Incarnationis MCXXIX, indictione VIII, epacta IX, concurrente I, anno regni domini Ludovici XXI, filiique ejus Philippi anno I, episcopatus autem domini Bartholomaei anno XVII. 12.1, Ralph, chancellor of St. Mary's 12. Ego Radulphus Sanctae Mariae have reviewed (this). cancellarius relegi.

The first half of Bartholomew's charter presents a common medieval argument, that those who live in the world cannot attain salvation through their own merits and thus need the purity and prayers of monastic communities. The second half of the charter describes the expulsion. Bartholomew sets up a dichotomy between the irreligiosae nuns and the religiosus or do of monks. Like Galo of Paris and the nuns of Saint-Eloi, he describes the nuns of Saint-Jean as incorrigible. Finally, he refers to the reputation of the nuns, claiming that they have defamed the monastery.

Irreligiosa is clearly the opposite of religiosa. It is generally defined as

'irreligious' or 'impious'. 6 It derives from the term religio, the meaning of which Giles

Constable discusses in The Reformation of the Twelfth Century. According to

Constable, in the twelfth century religio essentially corresponds to monastic observance and is defined by Thomas Aquinas as "the obligation by which people bound themselves to serve God." Constable further distinguishes between our modern definition of religion and the twelfth-century religio. "Religion was a way of life, a conversatio or ordo, not a system of belief, and a religiosus was a man who led a religious life and who might also be a regularis and a claustralis if he followed a known rule, in particular that of Benedict, and lived in a monastery."19 Thus by describing the nuns of Saint-Jean as irreligiosa, Bartholomew indicates that their way of life is not holy; it is not a life bound to the service of God.

Bartholomew's statement that the nuns are irreligious is echoed in Innocent II's

confirmation of the expulsion in 1130. Innocent refuses to even grant the women of

Saint-Jean the title of sanctimoniales, instead he refers to them as "certain women leading

a dishonest and perverse life under the assumed name of nuns." He further notes that the substitution, made by the bishop of Laon and archbishop of Reims with the council of

16 Lewis and Short. A Latin Dictionary: founded on Andrew's edition ofFreund's Latin Dictionary. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879, 1980). 7 Giles Constable. The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 18 Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 7. 19 Ibid. 20 PL 179:67. "ubi quaedam mulieres sub monialium nomine pravam et inhonestam vitam ducebant" For my interpretation of the phrase "sub monialium nomine" see the entry for nomen, -inis, definition A, n°3 in Lewis and Short.

163 the king as well as the bishops of Soissons, Noyon, Beauvais, and Arras, was done to establish and reform religious life in the monastery of Saint-Jean, pro statuenda et

91 reformanda religione. Herman of Tournai, in his De Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, written many years later and arguing in favor of the expulsion, compares the two communities. He refers to the nuns as the unfruitful tree that is cut down and another tree planted in its place and asserts that Bartholomew, as the instigator of the expulsion, ought to be praised because he acted not from his own judgment, but that of the pope and of 99 other religious men. According to Herman, the monks now at Saint-Jean were more pleasing to its saintly founders because of their holy way of life and their abbot's success in building up the possessions of the church, negligently allowed to diminish by the nuns. He particularly praises the monks for continually offering up the divine office, 94 their silence, piety, devoted and frequent celebration of mass, and hospitality.

21 PL 179:67. "venerabiles siquidem fratres nostri Rainaldus Remorum archiepiscopus, et Bartholomaeus Laudunensis episcopus consilio fratrum notrorum Gosleni Suessionensis, Simonis Noviomensis, Petri Belvacensis, Roberti Atrebatensis episcoporum, interventu etiam clarissimi filii nostri Ludovici regis Francorum, in praenominato B. Mariae sanctique Joannis monasterio,..., monachos religiosos utique viros substituerunt,... Quod ergo ab eis pro statuenda et reformanda religione de praefato monasterio factum est". 22Herman of Toumai PL 156: 1006. "Alio etiam loco Dominus parabolam proponit de arbore fici, ad quam tribus annis continuis, veniens, et fructum non inveniens jussit earn succidi; sed, intercedente cultore vineae, quarti etiam anni dilationem concessit, simili modo domnus Bartholomaeus episcopus, sanctimoniales illas et per semetipsum, et per religiosos viros primo, et secundo, tertio quoque, et quarto, nee non quinto, et sexto anno de correctione admonens, et nihil se proficere videns, secundum praeceptum Dominicum utique debuit infructuosam arborem succidere, et vineam Dominicam aliis agricolis committere «Qui reddant ei fructum temporibus suis» Quod ipsum dum non solo sensu suo, sed et consilio pape religiosorumque virorum fecit, utique non reprehensione, sed laude dignum fuit. Nee timendum est eum propter hoc sanctarum feminarum Sallabergae et Austrudis, quae eamdem ecclesiam construentes sanctimonialium ordini deputarunt, iram incurrisse; imo potius credendum est earum precibus talem voluntatem ei divinitus advenisse, talesque abbates a Deo fore destinatos, qui et ejus servitio, et ipsius ecclesiae relevationi jugiter insistere studeant." See also Luke 13:6-9. 23 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 1006. "In nullo sidquidem regni Francorum cenobio, quod ejus duntaxat sit institutionis, majorem religionem, vel charitativam hospitalitatem, quam in ipso videmus hodie, fervere; nisi quod ipse abbas Balduinus in requirendis et retrahendis Ecclesiae possessionibus, quas sanctimoniales negligenter detrahi permiserant, valde occupatus, quotidiano labore fatigatus, nihil magis conqueritur quam se non posse jugiter conventui fratrum interesse, vel ipsis hospitibus humanitatis officium prout vellet impendere... Quid alii sentiant ignoro; ego corde credo, et credens ore fidenter pronuntio, sanctas easdem [Salaberga and Austrude] magis talium monachorum, quam sanctimonialium, quae ibi toto tempore domni

164 Bartholomew's argument that the nuns were either incapable or unwilling to reform themselves also deserves attention.25 Herman of Tournai asserts twice in the De

Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis that Bartholomew had frequently warned the nuns to correct their way of life and that the nuns had agreed to do so, but never followed through on their promise.26 We have seen this same accusation in our account of Saint-Eloi and it may be that this is another topoi of expulsion as reform: the incurability of the expelled community; yet it is equally possible that this indicates that a bishop was expected to make several attempts to correct a community before resorting to expulsion as a method of reform.

Finally there is the matter of reputation. Bartholomew's charter asserts that the nuns had defamed the monastery through their actions: vitae suae incorrigibili enormitate, et locum infamaverant. Certainly the nuns had an unfavorable reputation afterwards among those known to be interested in reform. Bernard of Clairvaux, in a letter to Cardinal Haimeric defending his participation in recent reforms, referred to

Saint-Jean as a "brothel of Venus".28 Likewise, Matthew of Albano obliquely refers to the expulsion in his letter to the abbots involved in the first Chapter of Benedictine abbots, noting that they "established and stabilized firm and unalterable pillars in the

Bartholomaei manebant, divinis officiis delectari, et tam pro illorum quam pro ejusdem episcopi salute Domini misericordiam deprecari." 24 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 1006. "Dum ergo ipsae sanctae [Salaberga and Austrude], quarum corpora in eadem servantur ecclesia, jugiter die ac nocte vident ibi tam devote divinum officium fieri; silentium, et religionem ferventer servari; sacrificium corporis et sanguinis Dominici, non sicut prius, sed centuplo devotius et frequentius celebrari; religiosos hospites quotidie supervenientes cum charitatis dulcedine suscipi, nonne credendum est eas tam dulci Dei servitio delectari;..." 25 Section 6 above, "quae vitae suae incorrigibili enormitate" 26 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 1004 "Unde multum contristatus idem pontifex, videbat enim eas frequenter a se commonitas emendationem quidem verbo promittere, sed facto non implere; consilio et auctoritate domini papae Innocentii, dominique Rainaldi Remorum archiepiscopi, Ludovici quoque regis Francorum, ad quem eadem Ecclesia proprie pertinere dicebatur, omnes pariter illas sanctimoniales ex ilia ejecit." Also see PL 156: 1006. Note 22 above. 27 Section 6 above. 28 James 79.

165 ruined fabric of the monastic order in those districts where it has grown cold." Herman of Tournai, writing ten or fifteen years later, also supports Bartholomew's claims, arguing that the ancient religion of the nuns had grown cool, the exterior possessions of the monastery were diminished, and unfavorable things were being said about them, nonnulla sinistrae famae.

Herman may not be the most reliable source for information about the nuns of

Saint-Jean, as he is clearly biased in Bishop Bartholomew's favor, but at least one charter from the period preceding the expulsion suggests that the nuns' reputation was perhaps not all that it ought to be. In 1123 the nuns of Saint-Jean sought to recover alienated land in the diocese of Toul. Bishop Ricuin recognized their claim, but he attributed the alienation to the absence, foolishness, and laziness of the nuns.31 There is also evidence of what may have been an attempted reform, or possibly simple villainy, in the latter half of the eleventh century. A letter of Pope Alexander II to Archbishop Gervase of Reims indicates that for some reason, between 1061 and 1067, the abbess of Saint-Jean was removed, without canonical hearing and the judgment of her bishop, from the rule of her monastery; Alexander demanded that Bishop Elinand restore her.32

Ceglar 66. "Et non solum vestra propria loca, verum etiam aliena quaedam sanctitatis vestrae radiis irradiavit, et in ruinosa monastici ordinis fabrica in frigidis illis regionibus, tamquam firmas et immobiles columnas super bonum fundametum, quod est Christus, fundavit et stabilivit." 30 Herman of Tournai PL 156:1004 "In diebus vero praefati domni Bartholomaei episcopi, antiqua religio non parum in eodem monasterio refriguerat, exteriores quoque possessiones paulatim diminutae erant; sed et nonnulla sinistrae famae de eisdem virginibus dicebantur." 31 Mabillon, Annales 6: 599 n°16. "sed multo jam tempore per absentiam sanctimonialium et imbecillitatem atque inertiam earum a comitibus Campaniae injusta pervasione ab ipsa abbatia alienatus, atque indigenis terrae in beneficium traditus;" 32 PL 146: 1319 "Proclamatio delata est sanctae apostolicae sedi, quod abbatissa Laudunensis, monasterii scilicet Sancti Joannis, sine canonica audientia et judicio episcopi sui a regimine suo ejiciatur. Quod nimirum quia canonicis institutionibus omnino videtur esse contrarium, admonuimus confratrem nostrum Elinandum Laudunensem episcopum ut haec causam diligenter discutiat atque canonice definiat; ita tamen, ut eadem abbatissa, priusquam discussio fiat, regimini suo, sicut sacri canones praecipiunt, restituatur."

166 We have very little other potential evidence for the nuns' laxity, whether moral or institutional. Instead, what evidence we have primarily points to difficulties in managing the possessions of their monastery. Whether this contributed to their sinistra fama is open to interpretation, though it must be stressed that the nuns' twelfth-century contemporaries placed particular emphasis on preserving and adding to the possessions of one's church.33

Herman of Tournai certainly links the two together in his list of the nuns' offenses.34

Moreover, the nuns of Saint-Jean seem to have suffered significantly from the political situation in their city from 1110-1113. In the Easter 1112 uprising of the commune of

Laon, the abbey church was damaged in a fire and several months later, the abbess of

Saint-Jean was murdered by one of the abbey's serfs.35 Then, in 1113, Thomas of Marie, the lord of Coucy, seized two prosperous estates from the nuns of Saint-Jean.36 These estates were eventually restored to the nuns, but not until after the Council of Beauvais in

November of 1114, when King Louis was convinced to take the field against Thomas and his allies. 7 The abbey was also experiencing advocacy problems during this period.38 It is impossible to say for certain to what extent such events influenced the nuns' reputation; yet if they did have influence, we can hardly suppose it to be positive.

The reputation of Saint-Jean may have been questionable, if not overwhelmingly negative, but we learn from Herman's account that there were those who opposed the

33 For the attitude of bishops towards the reclamation of episcopal property see Chapter 1, pp. 49-50. Moreover, Herman argues that the new abbot of Saint-Jean should be praised specifically because he restores the abbey's possessions. See Note 23 above. 34 See Note 30 above. 35 Guibert of Nogent. Self and Society in Medieval France: The memoirs of Abbot Guibert ofNogent, ed. John F. Benton. Medieval Academy Reprints for Teaching (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984) 179, 207. Abbess Raisinde was murdered on August 6, 1112. 36 Suger of Saint-Denis, The Deeds of Louis the Fat 106. 37 Ibid. 107-108. 38 Guibert ofNogent 158-160. Gerard of Quierzy, the advocate of Saint-Jean, was murdered by the men of Bishop Gaudry of Laon on January 7, 1110; he was succeeded by Roger of Montaigu.

167 expulsion of the nuns as too harsh a punishment. According to Herman, he had heard these minus peritos detractors argue that because the monastery had originally been founded for nuns, they should not have been replaced by monks. Moreover, the entire convent was not guilty and should not have been expelled on account of the sins of a few. Herman's defense of the expulsion, written circa 1140 to 1147, shows that even though these events had taken place years ago, they still occasioned a great deal of

40 controversy.

Herman of Tournai mentions two other groups of nuns in the De Miraculis S.

Mariae Laudunensis: the Premonstratensian nuns attached to Norbert of Xanten's foundations and the Cistercian-inspired nuns at Montreuil-en-Thierache. Although he makes no direct comparisons, Herman's descriptions of these women's monastic practices contrasts sharply with his portrayal of the nuns of Saint-Jean.

Herman describes the behavior of the Premonstratensian nuns as stricter and narrower than that of the male canons.41 Whereas the canons are able to leave the cloister for business or necessary work and might become entangled again in worldly things, the women under Norbert's care are always enclosed. They never go outside, nor do they speak to outsiders, except through a window in the church; even then their conversation is not private, but must take place with two women inside and two men outside as secure

168 witnesses. As soon as they have taken up this life, their hair is cut off just above their ears in order to discourage pride and carnal desire and, unlike some nuns who wear silk, they are only permitted to wear woolen garments.43

A few chapters before Herman relates the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean, he describes the foundation of Montreuil-en-Thierache, which he attributes to

Bartholomew's patronage.44 Whereas Saint-Jean is deplorable and beyond correction,

Montreuil-en-Thierache is everything a female monastery ought to be. Herman claimed that in no other part of the world had a female abbey of this sort existed.45 These women, headed by their abbess Guiburge, voluntarily took up the observances of the Cistercian order, which, Herman argues, many men and youths feared to attempt. They cast aside their linen garments and furs and used only woolen garments. Not only did they spin and weave, which was well known as women's work, but they also would dig in the fields, uprooting tree stumps and clearing away thorns and briars. They labored with their hands and sought food for themselves silently, imitating the life of the Cistercian monks in every way.46

Herman of Tournai PL 156: 996 "Illi autem tarn pro necessariis operibus quam pro aliis negotiis post conversationem ad publicam progredientes, ecclesiasticis frequenter, aut etiam saecularibus responsis, vel legationibus implicantur et multoties quos in priori vita novimus, aut rusticos fuisse, aut pauperes, in religionis habitu quasi fastuose cernimus equitantes; feminis autem mox ut conversae fuerint perpetua deinceps lex manet, semper intra domus ambitum clausas retinere, nusquam ulterius progredi, nulli viro, non modo extraneo, sed nee germano, aut propinquo loqui, nisi ad fenestram in ecclesia, duobus viris conversis cum viro exterius, et duabus feminis cum ilia interius residentibus, et quidquid dicitur audientibus." 43 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 996 "In ipso etiam conversions initio mox ut suscipiuntur, ad resecandam omnem superbiam et carnalem voluptatem, etiam capilli earum usque ad aures tunduntur, utque magis Christo coelesti sponso placeant, pro ejus amore in fragili et illecebrosa carne omnino deturpentur. Nulli deinceps pretiosam vestem nisi ex lana vel ovinis pellibus licet habere, nulli velum sericum more quarumdam sanctimonialium, sed vilissimum panniculum nigrum super caput portare." 44 For Montreuil-en-Thierache, see Grelois 229-31, 567-625. Ibid. PL 156: 1001 "abbatissamque ibi religiosissimam puellam, nomine Guiburgem, ordinavit;... In nulla enim orbis parte antea vel lectum in codicibus, vel auditum fuit auribus, hujuscemodi religionis abbatiam feminarum exstitisse." Ibid. PL 156: 1001-1002 "et non solum saeculum, sed ipsum quoque sexum vincere gestientes, ordinem Cistellensem, quern multi virorum et robustorum juvenum aggredi metuunt, violenter, imo libenter,

169 It is clear that Herman admires and approves of the strictness of the

Premonstratensian and Cistercian nuns. Simplicity in dress, silence, enclosure and manual labor are lauded as virtues and signs of monastic vocation. These qualities are likewise missing in the nuns of Saint-Jean. The fervor of the women of Premontre "who hurry to this monastery as though running to mortify their delicate flesh" as well as the physical labor of the nuns of Montreuil-en-Thierache is a far cry from the "longstanding religion grown cool" of the nuns of Saint-Jean.47 Whether such a contrast contributed to the sinistra fama of Saint-Jean is of course open to interpretation, yet these implicit comparisons of long-established Benedictine nuns with new communities of

Premonstratensian and Cistercian nuns ought to be taken into account in a period known for its shifting ideals of sanctity.48

Thus jurisdiction, irreligion, incorrigibility and reputation all played significant roles in the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean of Laon. Due to their proprietary right,

spontanee assumpserunt; depositisque omnibus lineis indumentis, atque pelliciis, solis tunicis laneis utuntur, et non solum nendo, vel texendo, quod femineum opus esse constat, sed etiam in agris fodiendo, et cum secure et ligone silvam succisam exstirpando, spinas et vepres evellendo, manibus propriis assidue laborantes, cum silentio victum sibi quaerunt; vitamque Clarevallensium monachorum per omnia imitantes..." For female Cistercians in the twelfth century see Grelois "Chapitre IV: Un ordo pour les femmes" in 'Homme etfemme il les crea' 259-343. Grelois argues that from 1110 to 1130 women sought to imitate the Cistercian lifestyle and were encouraged to do so by Cistercian and episcopal authorities. Bishops especially considered them a favorable model in opposition to the old style of women's monasticism which the episcopate saw as decadent and corrupt. Nevertheless, these male authorities judged it impossible for women to fully observe Cistercian customs and still maintain their enclosure, so the nuns were forced to rely economically on the possession of rents, tithes, and churches. "Cette divergence entre les pratiques economiques imposees aux moniales et les principes de l'ordre explique l'embarras des contemporains a assigner une categorie precise a des moniales qui ne se distinguaient des autres que par la couleur de leur habit, les particularites de leurs ordines liturgiques (au demeurant assez divers entre eux) et une cloture plus stride. A contrario, ce n'est pas par hasard que Montreuil fut le premier monastere feminin explicitement qualifie de cistercien ou de claravallien, d'abord par Hermann de Tournai entre 1140 et 1147, puis par Odon de Soissons vers 1170, puisque ses religieuses et ses convers mettaient tant d'entrain a imiter les moines blancs et qu'ils possedaient si peu de rentes et nul revenu ecclesiastique." (340-1). 7 See Herman of Tournai PL 156: 996-7. "quotidie videmus feminas non modo rusticas, vel pauperes, sed potius nobilissimas et ditissimas,... ita conversionis gratia spretis mundi voluptatibus, ad illius institutionis monasteria festinantes, et quasi ad mortificandam teneram carnem currentes, ut plusquam decern millia feminarum in eis hodie credamus contineri." Also PL 156:1001-2 and PL 156:1004. 48 See Van Engen 269-304; Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century 23; Jestice 278-287.

170 Bishop Bartholomew sought the permission and approval of King Louis and Queen

Adalaide. He accused the nuns of impiety and incorrigibility. The matter was deliberated and approved in local and papal councils. He replaced the exiled nuns with a 'more religious' order of monks despite at least some opposition to these measures, and, according to the Gallia Christiana and other later accounts, the nuns were exiled to a dependency of the monastery of Saint-Jean called Crandelam.49

There are two episodes which took place around the same time as the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean. These incidents, the dismissal of Abbot Walter of Lobbes and the dispute between Papal Legate Matthew of Albano and the attendees of the Benedictine

Chapter of 1131, offer insight regarding aspects of reform in the archdiocese of Reims in the late 1120s and early 1130s. The account in the Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium of the reforms at Lobbes offers a detailed description of the procedure that could have been followed in accusations of irreligio, while the correspondence related to the Benedictine

Chapter of 1131 demonstrates the extent to which models of monastic perfection were changing during this period.

Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata

An incident recorded in the Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata offers a different perspective on the reforms that were being implemented in the archdiocese of

49 See GC 9:589; Mabillon 6: 149; Marlot 2: 306; Charles Taiee, L 'abbaye de Saint-Jean (602-1789): ses transformations, ses peripeties, sa decadence. (Laon: E. Leroux, 1875); Bulletin de la Societe Academique deLaon 21(1876): 201-202.

171 Reims at the time of the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean. The account offers both a general opinion of the reforms sweeping the archdiocese of Reims, which the author feels were unjustly applied to his abbey, and a detailed description of the judicial process followed in the case of irreligio.

Meanwhile, there was a great disturbance and alteration of ancient customs amongst us. By divine inspiration, as it is believed, the fervor of holy religio in some monasteries had been renewed, while in others it had grown cold; moreover, the zeal of certain religious men was roused so that in those monasteries in which this good fervor had grown cold, it was rekindled in any manner. The authority of the then bishop of Reims (Renaud II) was especially supportive of these measures. The monks of Lobbes, also, were made anxious on this account, inasmuch as they, who for some time had been distinguished in dignity, an abundance of possessions, and as is especially fitting to religious life, in the cause of liberal studies; but now they were judged, in the opinion of those who judged the surface of things, although it was not so in fact, to hold the name of honesty but to have utterly lost that of religion; but this was a false accusation. For although neither do we follow perfectly the rule, as none do, nor the customs of Cluny, as few do, yet the exempla of the ancients, by which it is established that they have pleased the Lord, were carefully held by most, passed down by the senior monks to the junior monks, both in way of life and in the diligent execution of the divine service.51

The author of the Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata argues that there was a renewed push for reform in the archdiocese of Reims circa 1128. The goal of these

See MGH SS 21: 307-333; Folcuin, et. al. Folcuini Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium; Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata. Ed. and Trans. Henri Berkans and J.-L. Wankenne. (Lobbes, Bel.: Cercle de Recherches Archeologiques, 1993). The Gesta was begun by Abbot Folcuin of Lobbes (965-990), located in the diocese of Cambrai, and continued by an anonymous monk of the same monastery up to the year 1159. Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium, ch. 18, pp. 111-112. "Magna interim apud nos turbatio et antiquarum consuetudinum commutatio facta est. Divina siquidem, ut creditor, inspiratione sanctae religionis fervore in monasteriis quibusdam vel initiato vel quasi refricato, religiosorum quorumdam studio insuper curatur, ut in quibus hie bonus fervor refriguisset modis omnibus reaccendatur. Ad quod plurimum etiam Remensis, qui tunc erat, episcopi suffragabatur auctoritas. Sollicitantur et super hoc et Lobbienses, utpote qui iam dudum sicut honore et rerum habundantia, ita et religionis et quod maxime religionem decebat liberalium studiorum nomine claruissent, nunc autem et si non ita in re esset, in opinione tamen eorum qui ex facie corda iudicant nomen quidem haberent honestatis sed religionis prorsus amisissent; verum id falso. Nam licet apud nos vel ad unguem regula, sicut a nullis, vel consuetudines Cluniacenses, sicut a paucis non observarentur, maiorum tamen exempla, in quibus eos Domino placuisse constat, cautissime a pluribus in conversatione et in divini servicii diligenti executione et tenebantur a senioribus et tenenda iunioribus tradebantur."

172 reformers was to institute a stricter adherence to the Rule in monasteries throughout the archdiocese; but, according to the author of the Gesta, they did so by forcing abbeys to remove or abandon long established customs, sometimes interfering with the rights and privileges of an abbey in order to do so.52

The account of the removal of Abbot Walter of Lobbes in 1128 in the Gesta

Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata demonstrates the judicial process followed in accusations of irreligion, the same accusation made against the nuns of Saint-Jean. In the case of Lobbes, the accusation of irreligion was made by Herlebald, an archdeacon of

Cambrai, and a friend of Abbot Alvisus of Anchin. Confronted by this charge, the abbot and monks of Lobbes decided to bring in monks from Liege to temporarily take charge of the or do of the abbey, and who could act as witnesses to the honest nature of the monks' way of life. This action seems to have quieted the abbey's detractors for a time, but their complaint was renewed at the Council of Reims in 1128. The abbot and monks of Lobbes were accused of irreligion before Archbishop Renaud of Reims and the Legate of the

Apostolic See, Matthew of Albino, resulting in an order for Abbot Walter to present himself before the legate.53

Ibid. ch. 19, p. 116. "Sed iam unde digressi sumus ut ad id revertamur, cum fervor ordinis ille tenendi, de quo supra meminimus, monasteria circumquaque posita vel potius ea maxime que in Remensi archiepiscopatu sita sunt, accendisset, Lobienses quoque religiosorum virorum instinctu episcopali auctoritate commonentur, ut relicta priscae institutionis consuetudine, in qua minus religiose vivebant sicut putabatur novas tenere leges adoriantur." 53 Ibid. ch. 19, pp. 116-117. "Erat autem Herlebaldus quidam Cameracensis archidiaconus, qui Alviso abbati tunc temporis Aquicincti, postea Atrebatensi episcopo admodum familiaris erat, et quia per se idem abbas non poterat, per eiusdem loci nostri archidiaconum, ut abbas Walterus tanquam irreligiositatis occasione ammoveretur et e suis religiosior sua ordinatione nobis imponeretur modis omnibus instigabat. Quid plura? Testes conversionis sue et si quid inter eos perperam ageretur exordinationum correctores sibi Lobbienses aliunde adducere coguntur. Id tamen potius a suis quam alienis id est Leodiensibus quam a Cameracensibus, cuius episcopii personas non adeo domesticas habuerant eatenus prius tempore decreverunt temptare. De monasteriis igitur Leodiensis civitatis, sancti Iacobi scilicet et sancti Laurentii, boni testimonii fratres assumuntur, qui ab abbate Waltero tempore aliquanto super custodiam ordinis constituuntur. Sicut durum est semper novam gentibus inculcare legem, taedio affecti eo quod inveteratam consuetudinem immutare sicut voluerunt non valuerunt, Leodienses a nobis breve post tempus recesserunt

173 Abbot Walter attempted to dissemble, pretending that he would come; but when he did not present himself as ordered, he was suspended from office. After a period of negotiation, he surrendered his office at the council of Reims in the presence of the archbishop and other religious persons. Abbot Walter retired to a dependency of the abbey called Hon, which was set aside for his support, and the monks of Lobbes were urged to choose another abbot through the counsel of the other abbots present. The monks resented the attempts of the other abbots to interfere with their freedom of election and refused to allow the other abbots to impose an abbot of their choice upon the abbey.

After avoiding the issue as long as possible and under a great deal of pressure from the bishop of Cambrai and the archbishop of Reims, whose authority the monks resented since they claimed to possess royal and papal privileges declaring that they were under the jurisdiction of the see of Liege, the senior members of the monastery met in secret in the oratory of Saint-Andre and elected one of their own monks, Liezon, as abbot. Seizing the initiative with their election, the monks sent one of their own, Gerard, to confront the bishop of Cambrai and accuse him of infringing upon the liberty of their church. Then, in order to solidify their own choice for abbot, the monks sent their abbot-elect to Rome to present and have confirmed their former privileges.54

et nobis dignum compertae apud nos honestatis testimonium perhibuerunt. Sed non in longum eorum zelus quievit; qui ut creditor nihil aliud in sua tarn sollicita erga nos emulatione intendebant, nisi qualiter prius quidem caput languidum tollerent, postea egro diu corpori ut opinabantur medelam curationis apponerent. Accusatur abbas, accusantur et monachi de crimine irreligiositatis apud Remensem archiepiscopum, et ne quid minus fleret apud apostolicae sedis quendam qui tunc aderat legatum; afferuntur litterae, ut se legato abbas exhibeat." 5 Ibid. ch. 19, pp. 117-121. "Vocatus ipse tanquam huiusmodi in causis exercitatus, venire dissimulat; non venienti legatus pro contemptu sententiam intemptat. Suspensus abbas ab officio pusillanimitate fractus, abbatibus, qui eiusmodi rei erant incentores, se credidit et dare suum honorem alienis acquiescit, et ut in talibus assolet, post multos itus et reditus eorum tandem consilio Remis in presentia archiepiscopi et personarum abbatiam reddidit. Ipse de cetera apud villam ecclesiae Horn dictam divertit. Ibidem de redditibus eiusdem villae qui ei ad necessaria victus deputati sunt se sustentavit. Abbates quod quesierant se invenisse arbitrantes, urgent episcopum Cameracensem, urget episcopus Lobienses, ut abbatum illorum consilio abbatem eligant. Nostrates vero tanquam Iudei non contendentes Samaritanis, ymmo qui

174 The account of the dismissal of Abbot Walter of Lobbes bears a number of similarities to the events leading up to the expulsion of the nuns of Saint-Jean. Herman of

Tournai recounts that for a period of about six years prior to the expulsion, Bishop

Bartholomew had warned the nuns that they needed to correct their customs, but he had not seen significant improvements in their way of life.55 The monks of Lobbes were also warned in advance that they needed to bring their customs in line with current interpretations of the Rule of St. Benedict, but although they brought in monks from outside to correct their abbey and testify regarding their way of life, those monks left nequaquam electionis sue libertatem sinerent infirmari, comminationes huiusmodi et cohortationes omnimodis postponunt. Qua de re non parum confusi qui aliud tractaverant, temptaverant nostrum nobis reddere abbatem, quia suum dare non poterant. Ut qui iam eorum consilio esset consentaneus per eum possent quod vellent adversus nostras; sed id frustra, nee immerito, utpote qui illorum potius voluntate quam necessitate se eis subiecerat, non reveritus suae ecclesiae praerogativam et natalium quibus excellebat generositatem. Annus ille vel potius biennium illud sic transiit. Mittit ad nos episcopus Cameracensis diocesis sue personas, abbates videlicet Sancti Gisleni et Sancti Dionisii, ut sub eorum testimonio et presentia vel aliquam de religiosis diocesis Remensis personis eligeremus, vel absque dilatione, allatis ad hoc ipsum litteris, divinorum interdictionem sustineremus. Sed nihil apud nos difficilius huiusmodi assensu; et magnae res insolentiae visa est, qui antehac aliquoties in ecclesias alias promovissent suos, nunc de alienis sibi ecclesiis mendicarent extraneos, et maxime cum pre manibus apostolice auctoritatis et imperatoriae maiestatis perantiqua essent privilegia, quae de suis se debere eligere, nee Remensium nee Cameracensium, sed Leodiensium potius ordinationi subiacere eos edocerent. Dum igitur abbates illi ad nos destinati, ne nuncii novitate nostras offenderent, verbum pro tempore post prandium differrent, nostri quod futurum erat suum gravamen suspicati, in tali articulo quod possunt faciunt, et inter prandendum paucis id scientibus, seniorum tantum et saniorum consilio, accitis etiam qui necessarii visi sunt de clericis, in oratorio beati Andree colloquium stringunt. Eligitur ibidem domnus Liezso cuius supra meminimus. Et cum se aliud agere adversariorum nuncii cogitassent, iis qui eos miserant, nos de nostris elegisse absque eorum presentia vel testimonio, confusi renuntiant; prius tamen quam abirent interdictionis divinorum quam attulerant dedere sententiam. Aderat ibi quidam ex nostris Gerardus nomine, qui Machabei illius simile aliquid habens, melius quelibet incurrere pericula arbitrabatur, quam videre, ymmo sustinere iniuriam, sicut estimabat gentis sue et sanctorum. Eodem igitur zelo accensus et pro libertate ecclesie semet ipsum impendere paratus, Cameracum tendens, Cameracenses aggreditur, ostensaque libertate ecclesiae ex privileges, que pre manibus habebat, abbates vel alios, quicumque ex adverso erant, Romane contrarios curie, apostolicae auctoritatis reos coarguit, et tarn eos quam consentientem eis episcopum super oppressione iniusta nostrae ecclesiae ad apostolicae sedis iusticiam appellat. Comparatis necessariis itineri et negotio copiis, elector cum electo Romam propere tendens prospere pervenit.... Perveniunt igitur et quod quaerebant inveniunt nostri illi viatores. Ostensis siquidem perantiquae auctoritatis privileges et pluribus probandis adhibitis instrumentis, Veritas nostrorum recepta et approbata est. Et nisi propter cavendam suffraganeorum iniuriam, in eo res erat, ut ab ipso summo pontifice noster electus nobis ordinari deberet. Dantur igitur apostolicae auctoritatis mandata et ut electum dominus Leodiensis, ad quem hoc spectabat, investiret, et investitum absque typo dominus Cameracensis consecraret. Et quidem nulla apud dominum Leodiensem investiendi occasio quesita est. Sed quod absque divino nutu actum esse credendum non est, dum idem electus noster iam investitus ad nos revertitur, dum reducem ad se adduci, ut benedictionem, quam ilium a sede apostolica obtinuisse audierat, conferral, episcopus Cameracensis expectat, et ipse et qui ad ipsum ille benedictionis sue litteras dederat, universe carnis viam ingressi sunt. 55 See Note 26 above.

175 "affected by weariness because they were unable to change long standing custom as they wished." The Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium Continuata makes it clear that the monks of

Lobbes passively resisted the changes that the monks of Liege thought should be implemented in their abbey, under the assumption that the action they had taken by allowing other monks in to correct their abbey would be enough to silence their critics. It is likely that the nuns of Saint-Jean would have treated the warnings of their bishop in the same manner, trusting in the antiquity of their customs, and perhaps implementing a few changes in the hope that these would be deemed sufficient. Like the monks of Lobbes, the nuns of Saint-Jean were also accused of irreligion, first at the Council of Arras in

1128, and a few months later at the Council of Reims, the same council at which the monks of Lobbes were condemned. The most obvious difference in the proceedings is that where in the case of the nuns the entire convent was found guilty, exiled, and replaced by "religious" monks, in the case of the monks, only the abbot was dismissed and exiled to a dependent estate. The monks of Lobbes were eventually able to turn the situation around and the incident ended with rights and privileges of the monastery of

Lobbes receiving papal confirmation. Conversely, the nuns of Saint-Jean disappear from the historical stage with their reputation in tatters and the severity of their crime is inflated to the extent that after a few years they are considered barely worthy to be called

57 nuns.

Gesta Abbatum Lobbiensium, ch. 19, p. 117. "Sicut durum est semper novam gentibus inculcare legem, taedio affecti eo quod inveteratam consuetudinem immutare sicut voluerunt non valuerunt, Leodienses a nobis breve post tempus recesserunt et nobis dignum compertae apud nos honestatis testimonium perhibuerunt." 57 See the description of the nuns by Pope Innocent II, Note 20, above.

176 The First Chapters of the Benedictine Abbots: Reims, October 1131 and Soissons, 1132

A second perspective of the reforms sweeping the archdiocese of Reims can be found in the correspondence between the abbots of the First Benedictine Chapter and

Papal Legate Matthew of Albano.5 This correspondence is particularly interesting for our purposes because both Abbot Drogo of Saint-Jean of Laon, the abbot of the new community of monks in that place, and Abbot Leonius of Lobbes, the successor of

Liezon, who died in February of 1130, were present at these meetings.

The first Benedictine Chapter took place with the approval of Archbishop Renaud of Reims and Pope Innocent II during or immediately after the Council of Reims, convened by the pope from October 18-29, 1131.60 The Acta of the Chapter describe how the abbeys organized themselves into a societas, with specific provisions for their dead.

They also decided to put limitations on the number of psalms and antiphons chanted during the office, fasting from the Ides of September until Easter, abstinence from meat, and silence at the abbot's table and in the cloister.61 These measures garnered criticism

58 See Chapter 3, Note 168. 59 The correspondence between Matthew of Albano and the Benedictine abbots was originally edited by U. Berliere, Documents inedits pour servir a I 'histoire ecclesiastique de la Belgique 1 (Maredsous, 1894) 91- 110. It is also printed and glossed in Ceglar 51-82. Bernard of Clairvaux was invited to attend the second chapter meeting at Soissons in 1132. Although unable to attend, he sent a letter of encouragement which has been printed in Leclercq and Rochais 2: 500-507 and translated into English by James 139-141. Also see the Letter of Pope Innocent II, PL 179: 253. Also see the Chronicle of Lobbes, cont. MGH SS 21: 324- 5. 60 For the Council of Reims see Pontal 311-314. For the approval of Renaud of Reims and Innocent II see MGH SS 21: 324 and PL 179: 253. 61 Ceglar 51-57. "ACTA PRIMI CAPITULI PROVINCIALIS ORDINIS S. BENEDICTI REMIS A.D. 1131 HABITI. Haec est societas inter abbates Remis constituta: Vt pro fratribus defunctis qui sunt de ilia societate quater in anno, id est, in Quatuor Temporibus, unum officum fiat in conuentu cum collecta Deus ueniae largitor, et praebenda una in refectorio, et ab unoquoque sacerdote tres missae per annum persoluantur, quando eis uisum fuerit, cum eadem collecta. Alii non sacerdotes psalterium unum persoluant, conuersi Pater noster centies quinquagies uel Miserere mei Deus, et absolutio eorum communiter in praedictis terminis fiat. Institutum est etiam inter eos capitulum de diligentia psallendi: ut morose et cum deuota distinctione regulares horae dicantur. Vt autem tempus ad haec sufficiat, psalmi familiares aliquatenus breuientur, scilicet ut post nocturnos ex toto remaneant illi quatuor qui dici solent...

177 from Cardinal Matthew of Albano, which prompted the participating abbots to draft a reply defending their actions.

Matthew's letter and the abbots' reply illustrate the importance of consuetudo, custom, and its impact on the perceived religiosity of an abbey during the early years of the twelfth century. Cardinal Matthew opens his letter with praise for the reforming efforts of the Abbots within their monasteries, but he then suggests that perhaps the

Abbots have been too zealous in their reforms.63 He criticizes their attempts to impose what he calls "perpetual" silence and fasting in their cloisters as well as their attempts to simplify certain aspects of the daily office. He argues that these changes have no basis in either Scripture or the Rule of Benedict, and accuses the abbots of introducing novelties into their monasteries; yet the true purpose of his argument is to defend the practices of Cluny.

Matthew returns again and again to the Customs of Cluny, which he asserts are supported by Scripture as well as the Rule. Following his discourse on "perpetual silence" he writes,

To be sure since, as divine grace allows, it is enough to show how the Rule of Saint Benedict agrees with the authority of divine scripture, and together they reprove and condemn your perpetual silence with one voice, now also let us turn to these your ancient customs, Cluniac, which you have refuted and tossed aside as though not good, as if you think you will

Ieiunium secundum regulam beati Benedicti ab idibus septembris usque in Pascha in omni die teneatur praeter dominicam. A carnibus omnes abstineant iuxta edictum regulae prater omnino debiles et aegrotos. Abbates in cameris absque necessitate congrua non comedant. Ad mensam eorum in suis locis silentium teneatur, nisi congrua necessitas impedierit; et eis possibile fiierit, lectionem habeant. In claustro uero silentium a toto conuentu teneatur. Liceat abbati, si necessitas uel ratio ingruerit, fratrem suum ad quemlibet abbatum mittere, tantum ei in uestitu prouideat. Si uero paupertas exegerit, abbas ad quem frater ille missus fuerit, uestitum ei praebeat." 62 Stanislaus Ceglar argues that William of Saint-Thierry composed this Reply of the Abbots to Cardinal Matthew (35). 63 Ceglar 65-67. "Quoniam quidem in claustris vestris, quae prius tamquam delubra voluptatum exstiterant, in quibus habitabat ericius, ululae morabantur, sirenae cantabant, saltabant pilosi, nunc illis expulsis viriliterque eliminatis, gloriosa Christi ovilia delectabiliaque praesepia reparastis,..." (67). 64 Ceglar 68, 75, 77, 79.

178 consider and find better ones,... Therefore let us see if the authority of scripture and the Rule of Saint Benedict support these. Which customs, no doubt, made you noble and glorious and exalted your name to the heavens, for they destroyed a bad name and worse from your monasteries and introduced a good and distinguished name.65

Matthew, as the former Prior of Saint-Martin-des-Champs, a Cluniac monastery, consistently associates the good reputation of a monastery with the customs of Cluny.

Matthew even goes so far as to call the changes which the abbots have made to the gospel reading impious, a charge which the collective abbots find particularly offensive.66

The Benedictine abbots, on the other hand, demonstrate a changed attitude towards Cluny and its customs. They no longer automatically associate those customs with a monastery of good reputation. The abbots' reply is in many respects a carefully constructed discussion regarding rule and custom. After asserting that they have sworn to observe the Rule of Saint Benedict rather than the customs of Cluny, they eventually conclude, "we are not convinced that the customs of Cluny destroy a bad name and worse from our cloisters and introduce a good and distinguished name." They even ask

Ceglar 72-73. "Enimvero quia, prout divina gratia largita est, satis est declaratum qualiter cum divinarum auctoritate scripturarum beati Benedicti regula concordet, simulque omnes voce consona vestrum perpetuum silentium reprobant et condemnant, nunc quoque ad illas vestras antiquas consuetudines, Cluniacenses dico, transeamus, quas vos, tamquam meliores excogitaturi et adinventuri, veluti non bonas refutastis et abiecistis, et, ut audivimus, libellum eis repudii dedistis; sed timendum est ne ipsae vos uno pede discalcient et spuant vobis in faciem tamquam repudiatae, et ad opprobrium sempiternum domus vestra domus discalciati vocetur. Videamus igitur si divinarum auctoritas scripturarum et beati Benedicti regula eis patrocinentur. Quae nimirum consuetudines vos nobiles et gloriosos fecerunt et nomina vestra usque ad sidera extulerunt, a monasteriis etiam vestris nomen malum et pessimum deleverunt, nomenque bonum et praeclarum indiderunt." 66 Ceglar 79, 104. Matthew writes "Praeterea audivimus quiddam non minus absurdum neque minus incredibile et impium fere — quia cultus divinitatis pietas appellatur, detrahere vero vel minorare divinae maiestatis cultum et reverentiam impium nihilominus intelligitur." (79). The Abbots' reply "Impietatis arguimur, quod Evangelium nocte non semper sacerdotalibus induti vestibus in sacrario legimus; nos econtra pietatem, et humilitatis in Deum et sanctum Evangelium arbitramur reverentiam.... Et in hoc regula nullum nobis imponit edictum, immo nullam super hoc facit mentionem, quo scilicet habitu, quo loco legatur Evangelium, nisi tantum ut ab Abbate vel Priore legatur cum timore et honore stantibus omnibus." (104). 67 Ceglar 89, 94. "Profitemur quia nos non in consuetudines Cluniacenses iurasse, sed in legem et regulam sancti Benedicti." (89). "Improperatur deinde nobis quod Cluniacenses consuetudines malum et pessimum in claustris deleverunt nomenque bonum et praeclarum indiderunt." (94).

179 Matthew to judge between their monasteries and his former monastery of Saint-Martin- des-Champs.68

As a result of Matthew's objections to the reforms which these Benedictine abbots were attempting to impose in their monasteries, as well as his condemnation of Abbot

Pons during the Cluniac schism (1122-1126), some scholars have labeled Matthew of

Albano a die-hard defender of Cluniac customs.69 Yet during the first quarter of the twelfth century the supremacy of these customs was challenged again and again, first during the Cluniac schism, then by this group of abbots whose abbeys had, at one time, been reformed according to the model of Cluny. Although never stated outright in the correspondence itself, this exchange between the Benedictine abbots of Reims and

Matthew of Albano demonstrates that reformers in Reims and its surrounding dioceses were turning away from Cluny and its customs towards a new model for reform,

Citeaux.70

Bartholomew of Laon, 1113-115l(d. June 26, 1158)

While some may have criticized this more recent model of reform, there can be little question that Bartholomew de Joux, also called de Jur or de Vir, bishop of Laon from 1113 to 1151, and one of the primary instigators of the reform of Saint-Jean, was a

•71 great supporter of such new movements. His association with and support of Norbert of

68 Ibid. 98. 69 Bredero 219, 230. Also see Knowles 67. 70 Knowles 67; Bredero 223. 71 Bartholomew is consistantly referred to as a reformer, both because of his connections with the Premonstratensian and Cistercian orders and because of the reforms he undertook within his diocese, including the controversial expulsion of the nuns of St. Jean of Laon. Herman of Tournai's account of Bartholomew's life in the third book of his De Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis is a major source for

180 Xanten and the Premonstratensian order is well documented, as are his connections to the

Cistercian order. Moreover, his long tenure as bishop saw many changes in the diocese of Laon, particularly in the area of ecclesiastical reform.73

Bartholomew was canonically elected as bishop of Laon in 1113, following the death of Hugh, the former dean of the chapter of Saint-Croix d'Orleans, who had held the episcopal throne of Laon for about six months. Hugh's immediate predecessor was

Gaudry, who was murdered in the uprising of the commune of Laon in 1112 in which a great part of the city was destroyed by fire, including the bishop's palace, the houses of the cathedral canons, the cathedral, and the churches of Saint-Jean, Notre-Dame-la-

Profonde and Saint-Pierre-au-Marche.75 Bartholomew assumed responsibility for a bishopric which was in complete disarray at the time of his election, and which had been mismanaged by a series of ill-reputed bishops. Thus we should not be surprised that he dedicated the vast majority of his career to restoring and reforming the churches of his city and diocese. A closer inspection of Bartholomew's tenure as bishop will provide us with a deeper understanding of the various methods used in the twelfth century for the reform of monastic and canonical communities.

Bartholomew's reforming activities (See Note 3 above), as are the surviving charters of Bartholomew's episcopal tenure, recently collected by A. Dufour-Malbezin. As for secondary literature, there is an 1877 study of Bartholomew by Adrien M. de Florival, Etude historique sur leXlIe siecle: Barthelemy de Vir, eveque deLaon (Paris, 1877), which examines Bartholomew's career and administration. Bartholomew is also discussed fairly extensively in Alain Saint-Denis' Apogee d'une cite Laon et le Laonnois auxXIIe et Xllle siecles 112-25; and is frequently mentioned in Lindy Grant's Abbot Suger ofSt-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France. 72 Bartholomew retired in 1151 to the Cistercian monastery of Foigny, which he helped found in 1121. These changes include the reconstruction of the city's cathedral, the re-establishment of its commune in 1128 and the reorganization of its monastic houses. 74 Guibert of Nogent describes his election as "lawfully and reluctantly. Lawfully, I say, in this respect, that he took office without paying for it and did not try to have dealings in simony." (198); Herman of Tourani PL 156:967. "Electus itaque unanimi totius cleri et populi assensu ad pontificatum urbis Laudunenesis." 75 For details see Guibert of Nogent 174-179 and Herman of Tournai PL 156: 965. "Post modicum etenim tempus, Deo permittente, diabolo stimulante, domnus Gualdricus, ejusdem urbis episcopus, seditione subita a civibus concitata, in domo sua cum quibusdam ex militibus suis crudeliter occiditur, praefata Sanctae Mariae ecclesia, cum aliis propinquioribus decern fere ecclesiis, domus quoque adjacentes episcopi atque canonicorum, multorumque civum igne supposito concremantur."

181 The foundation and support of new religious houses offered multiple opportunities for introducing and strengthening reformed monasticism and Bartholomew was an avid supporter of the new monastic and canonical communities in his diocese.

Bartholomew was particularly connected with the foundation of Premontre . Herman of

Tournai relates a somewhat embellished rendition of Bartholomew's introduction to

Norbert of Xanten, the founder of the Premonstratensian order, as well as Bartholomew's influence on the early development of that order. Herman describes how Bartholomew met Norbert, introduced him to Pope Calixtus II, and aided him in locating the perfect

77 place for the establishment of Premontre . While the Vitae of Norbert, quite understandably, do not give nearly as much credit to Bartholomew for his involvement in the foundation of Premontre , charter evidence attests to his great concern and support in 78 the early years of this new order.

According to Herman, Bartholomew originally had suggested that Norbert join the church of Saint-Martin, just outside the walls of Laon, which at the time was 70 occupied by canons living under the rule of Saint Augustine. Bartholomew had issued a charter in 1118, a year or so before Norbert came to Laon, providing for these canons from land held by his prevot, Guillaume. He granted the canons houses, vineyards and serfFosr Norberat Thiernyt of Xante, Versignyn and th,e anfoundatiod Creutten ofs Premontr and altare ses ea Charlet La Heris Dereinee and, "Leat Hours originey isn d the e forest Premontre" in Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 42 (1947) 352-78; Francois Petit, Norbert et I'origine des Premontres (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1981); and Bernard Ardura, Premontres Histoire et Spiritualite. Centre Europeen de Recherches sur les Congregations et Ordres Religieux, Travaux et Recherches 7 (Universite de Saint-Etienne, 1995). 77 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 990-991. 78 Bartholomew is only mentioned briefly by Norbert's biographier in conjunction with the foundation of Premontre . PL 170: 1283. 79 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 991 "Erat tunc extra muros urbis Laudunensis quaedam Ecclesiola in honore sancti Martini constructa, in qua jam idem episcopus multoties clericos religiosos, qui Deo ibi servirent, posuerat; sed nullo ibi proficere valente, eadem Ecclesia in ipsius manu redierat. Videns ergo episcopus praefatum Norbertum religiosam et pauperem vitam velle sectari, suadere coepit ei, ut in eadem Sancti Martini Ecclesiola remaneret..."

182 of Thierache. Herman's account relates that Norbert refused Bartholomew's offer; the church of Saint-Martin was too close to the city. Bartholomew then took Norbert on a tour of his diocese, in search of the appropriate place to establish a monastery. After visiting a few places, they came to a church in honor of St. John the Baptist in a place called Pratum Monstratum or Praemonstratus, which was held by the monastery of St.

Vincent of Laon. Here Norbert decided to remain, and so Bartholomew arranged for the property to be transferred.

Dufour-Malbezin 156, n° 81. "Notum igitur esse volumus..., cum quidam fratres in ecclesia Beati Martini de suburbio Laudunensi canonicam sub regula beati Augustini vitam ducere proposuissent,... Concessimus igitur predicte Sancti Martini ecclesie terras quas Guillelmus, prepositer noster, apud villam nostram Tyriniacum possederat, videlicet duas domos, alteram ad terram atque alteram cum solario et cellario, et utramque curtim ante et retro cum torculari et vasis et utensilibus et in platea ante curtim licentiam furnum conficiendi et congregandi, vineam etiam que Longania dicitur et alteram vineam ad Alnetum vinaticium reddentem, necnon et duo prata et de prato Daonis partem illam quam prefatus Guillelmus obtinuit, et de pastura partem unam ad unum denarium census, per quam predictorum pratorum ingressus et egressus est. Insuper communia pascua hominibus ecclesie et pecoribus eorum annuimus et in omnes terras suas liberos introitus et exitus... Sane et apud Vircigniacum, villam nostram, furnum ipsius ville et domum unam et terre arabilis carrucatam unam et pratum unum, quod possedit Angelardus, ubi dicitur ad Oseriam, et de communi pastura ad arbitrium clericorum, quantam ad usum curie eorum opus erit, sepedicte ecclesie donavimus, necnon et de silva, quantum usibus eorum necessarium erit, atque in omnes terras eorum liberos exitus et ingressus annuimus. Dedimus etiam predicte ecclesie quendam hominem nostrum, Girardum nomine, cum uxore sua Berta, apud Criptas commanentem, cum domo et torcularis unius medietate et quinque vineis ac sex agellis arabilibus. Donavimus preterea beato confessori duo altaria, que Gerulfus ex dono nostra habuerat, videlicet de Lanheris et Olheriis, que ville in Theorascia silva site sunt." 81 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 991-192. "Sed Norbertus intelligens ejus conatus. Non idcirco, inquit, majores divitias Coloniae reliqui, ut minores modo quaeram Lauduni: non in urbibus volo remanere, sed potius in locis desertis, et incultis. Cui episcopus : Deserta, inquit, et inculta loca, religionique congrua in episcopatu isto quamplura vobis ostendam, et ostensa conferam... Duxit ergo eum ad locum qui dicitur Fuisniacus,... Tunc ille facta oratione : Revera, inquit, hie locus omnino religioni est congruus, sed non est mihi a Deo destinatus. Episcopus exinde duxit eum ad alium ejusdem silvae locum, qui Telonias vocatur,... Tunc episcopus Laudunum rediens duxit eum in silvam Vosagum, ostenditque ei in ipsa locum quemdam, qui Pratum Monstratum, vel Praemonstratus vocatur... Venientes itaque ad praefatum locum Praemonstratum, ingrediuntur orandi gratia quamdam ecclesiam, in honore sancti Joannis Baptistae ibidem constructam. Haec erat de jure coenobii Sancti Vincentii Laudunensis, et aliquis monachus de eodem coenobio illuc pro agendo divino officio nonnunquam derigebatur; sed quia finita missa panis ibi non inveniebatur, nisi aliunde afferretur, jam cum ipsa ecclesiola locus idem pene remanserat desertus. Cum ergo pontifex oratione finita exiens virum Dei admoneret ab oratione surgere, quoniam jam hora noctis supervenientis urgebat, nullusque remanendi locus erat, servus Dei egressus rogavit eum ut cum hominibus suis discederet, seque ibidem tota nocte sequenti viligare permitteret. Tunc praesul celeriter conscensis equis, utpote jam nocte incumbente, velociter Avisiacum venit, nee tamen Domini Norberti oblitus, rursum ei per nuntium suum panem et caetera necessaria transmisit. Facto mane ad eum reversus, quid agere vellut inquirit. Ille prae nimio gaudio exhilaratus. Hie, inquit, domine Pater, remanebo, quoniam ipsum locum istum mihi scio a Deo esse destinatum...Pontifex itaque magnifice laetificatus, nee tamen injuriam volens facere coenobio Sancti Vincentii, cujus juris idem locus erat, accersito abbate Sancti Vincentii, utiliorem

183 In a charter dated 1121, Bartholomew explains how he asked that the monks of

Saint-Vincent of Laon would grant him the land called Premontre, which they had received from his predecessor Elinand, to dispose of as he wished. In exchange for their cooperation, he granted them the altar of Berry-au-Bac and half a measure of wheat from the mill of Brancourt. Premontre was then given to Norbert and his followers. The charter further states that Norbert did not want to receive the land without assurance of the willingness of abbot Soifridus and the monks of St. Vincent.82 Bartholomew soon enriched his initial grant to Norbert and his followers with land at Huberpont, between

Halipreit and Val Rohard, to aid in the construction of their new church.83

Bartholomew used the recently established foundation of Premontre to spread reform throughout his diocese by placing a number of preexisting communities under

Norbert's jurisdiction. The first of these was the community of Augustinian canons living at the church of Saint-Martin; the same church which Norbert had previously rejected as

tunc temporis commutationem dedit ei, sicque locum ilium cum ecclesia liberum domno Norberto privilegii sui auctoritate confirmavit." Dufour-Malbezin 171, n° 93. "Ego Bartholomeus, Dei gratia Laudunensium presul. Cum aecclesia Sancti Vincentii terram in loco, qui Premonstratus dicitur, quae ad propriam mensam episcopi pertinebat, ex dono predecessoris nostri Elinandi episcopi haberet, sicut in privilegio ejusdem aecclesiae continetur, monachi locum ilium diu incoluerunt; et per multos labores nullum vel parvum fructum consequebantur. Quod ego attendens, rogavi Adalberonem abbatem et monachos, ut locum supradictum mihi libere concederent quatinus secundum voluntatem meam de eo disponere possem. Abbas autem et monachi, petitioni meae assentientes, quicquid in illo loco habebant, mihi libere et sine contradictione concesserunt. Ego vero non ingratus bonae eorum voluntati, concessi aecclesiae Sancti Vincentii altare de Bairiaco in perpetuum, salvo synodali jure, habendum. Dedi eis etiam dimidium modium frumenti ad molendinum, quod apud villam situm est quae Broicurtum dicitur. Videns autem supradictum locum, qui Premonstratus dicitur, religiosis viris utillimum, fratri Norberto et subditis et posteris ejus libere et sine contradictione in perpetuum concessi habendum. Frater vero Norbertus, sicut alienae rei minime cupidus, primitus noluit recipere, donee Soifridus, abbas Sancti Vincentii, et monachi ejus donum illud ei firmaverunt in capitulo, communi assensu." 83 Dufour-Malbezin 172-3, n° 94. "Notum fieri volumus... quod ego Bartholomeus, Laudunensis episcopus, viro reverendo et spectabilis religionis temporibus nostris Norberto et successoribus ejus in sancto proposito viventibus, dederim locum qui nostri juris erat, totum liberum ab omni exactione cujuslibet personae absolutum apud Humberti Pontem, a loco qui dicitur Haliepreit, usque ad Vallem Rohardi, cum tribus adjacentis vallibus, totum in allodium, a rivo versus Vois, sicuti valles dividunt et perportant ad aecclesiam in honorem Dei et sanctae Dei genitricis construendam..."

184 a suitable place to establish his monastery. Between 1121 and 1124 Bartholomew continued to support the Augustinian canons at the collegial church of Saint-Martin of

Laon. At a synod on November 8,1122 he confirmed two donations to the canons in his role as bishop, although there are no surviving records of personal donations to them during this time. Yet despite these gifts, the canons of Saint-Martin appear to have been in financial trouble and their attempt at living regularly had either failed, or had not conformed sufficiently to Bartholomew's standards.

In 1124 Bartholomew decided to hand the church of Saint-Martin over to the canons of Premontre . In his charter, Bartholomew explains that it is the duty of a bishop to correct those things that have been done imprudently.8 He states that during his tenure as bishop, a number of former secular clerics had dedicated themselves to living regularly in the church of Saint-Martin, but due to inexperience and neglect their exterior possessions had lessened and they were not making progress inwardly either in numbers or religion. Bartholomew decided to entrust the church and its canons to Norbert.87

84 Norbert visited several places in the diocese of Laon before deciding where to found his monastery. See Note 81 above. 85 Dufour-Malbezin 176-7, nos. 97-98. 86 Dufour-Malbezin 185-6. "Ego Bartholomeus... Quia ex injuncti officii necessitudine, cui auctore Deo deservimus, aecclesiae, quam gubernandam suscepimus, debito curae pastoralis obligamur, ne qua suorum menbrorum parte laboret, sollerter (sic) invigilare, bene cepta in melius provehere et, si qua forte inconsultius acta fuerint, Domino opitulante, pro facultatis et peritiae nostrae modulo, corrigere debemus." 87 Ibid. "Notum igitur esse volumus... quia, cum in aecclesia Beati Martini de suburbio Laudunensi, quae prius secularium clericorum fuerat, quidam fratres nostris temporibus ad regulariter vivendum se transtulissent atque aliquamdiu inibi commorantes de die in diem peccatis exigentibus imperitia ac negligentia et exteriores possessiones magis magisque detererent neque interius vel numero vel religione proficerent novissime anxii, et de loci illius dejectione sollicite ex consilii nostri decreto in hanc sententiam declinavimus, ut fratris Norberti, qui in Vosagi silva apud Premonstratum locum cum magna famulorum Dei manu sub canonica professione heremiticam vitam constituerat curae et dispositioni aecclesiam illam committeremus."

185 The canons of Saint-Martin were now to live according to the Rule of Saint

Augustine as it was interpreted by Premontre . The burden of the community's obedience was placed on the abbot of Saint-Martin.

If perchance the abbot of Saint-Martin, by the instigation of the devil, should deviate from the path of his rule and the community should remain in its state of stubbornness and hatred toward the bishop of Laon and the abbot of Premontre in the presence of the church of Laon, then he will be examined and corrected by the other abbots of the same religious practice gathered at Premontre on the application of his rule subject to their testimony. But if he should appear obstinate in his own evil, and incorrigible, refusing any amendment, he shall be deposed by the same abbots according to the practice of their religion and another, fitting [abbot] shall be proposed as a substitute in his place immediately by their common council and choice and shall be ordained by the bishop of Laon.8'

The abbot of Saint-Martin is expected to enforce his community's adherence to the customs of Premontre . If his community refuses to be reformed, it is the abbot who will face intense scrutiny from the other abbots associated with Premontre and it is he who, like Abbot Walter of Lobbes, faces the possibility of suspension from office.

Bartholomew's charter makes it clear that he considered handing the monastery over to Norbert to be an act of reform. Herman of Tournai's account on the other hand, makes no mention of the behavior of the occupants of the church of Saint-Martin, nor for that matter, the occupants themselves. He relates that Bartholomew, seeing how many had chosen to live the religious life at Premontre , asked Norbert to place a few who were

Ibid. "[Norbert] Qui, cum petitionibus nostris acquievisset, sanccitum est ut, sicut ille locus ab antiquo in manu predecessorum nostrorum extiterat, ita et nunc in nostra successorumque nostrorum remaneat fratresque, qui ad eum pro salute animarum pia devotione convenient, ordinato sibi abbate, secundum regulam beati Augustini ad tenorem Premonstrati loci canonice vivant." 89 Ibid. "Quod si forte abbas Beati Martini, instigante diabolo, a regulae suae tramite deviaverit conventusque ab episcopo Laudunensi atque a Premonstrati loci abbate in presentia Laudunensis aecclesiae in pertinatia et aversione sua permanserit, convocatis ejusdem religionis coabbatibus apud Premonstratum de regulae suae executione sub eorum testificatione discutiatur atque corripiatur. Si vero in malo suo obstinatus et sicut confutatus incorrigibilis apparuerit absque ulla retractione ab eisdem abbatibus secundum religionis suae institutionem deponatur aliusque idoneus eorum communi consilio et electione in locum ejus e vestigio subrogetur et ab episcopo Laudunensi ordinetur."

186 zealous for building and augmenting the honor of God in the church of Saint-Martin, where Norbert himself had not chosen to settle. Norbert agreed and placed some of his brothers there with a religious man named Walter as their abbot. Within twelve years their numbers had multiplied so much that they had over 500 brothers serving God there. After the abbey of Saint-Martin was handed over to the Premonstratensian canons, it began to receive numerous donations, both from the bishop and elsewhere, and there are frequent charters issued by Bishop Bartholomew confirming and reconfirming the new community's possessions.91

Herman of Tournai credits Bartholomew with founding a total of five monasteries of Premonstratensian canons and the charter evidence demonstrates that three of these cases involved the donation of preexisting houses of regular canons to Premontre .

Cuissy, like St.-Martin, also predates the arrival of Norbert of Xanten in Laon and the foundation of the Order of Premontre . In a charter issued on November 5, 1118

Bartholomew relates that one of his clerics, Luc de Roucy, proposed to take up the regular life and he began to rebuild the church of St.-Mary of Cuissy, whose altar he held, in order to observe the regular life there. Luc requested that the altar of Cuissy be freed from the custom of synods and he donated all of his possessions to the church for the use of the canons living regularly there. Herman credits the founding of Cuissy solely to

Herman of Toumai PL 156: 993. "Postmodum ergo videns episcopus in eodem loco Praemonstratensi jam non parvum numerum fratrum religiose viventium convenisse, rogavit domnum Norbertum, ut aliquos ex ipsis in supra scripta beati Martini ecclesiola, in qua ipse rogatus remanere noluerat, poneret, qui earn ad Dei honorem construere et augmentare studerent. Acquiescens ille precibus pontificiis, paucos ex fratribus suis ibi posuit abbatemque ejus virum religiosum domnum Gualterum praefecit... huic abbati Gualtero, tarn bona fortuna per divinam gratiam comes adhaesit ut infra duodecim annos plusquam quingentorum fratrum Deo servientium ibi conventus inveniretur." 91 Dufour-Malbezin nos. 117, 120, 121, 122, 138, 139, 144, 149 etc. 92 These foundations are Premontre , Saint-Martin of Laon, Saint-Mary of Cuissy, Saint-Nicholas at Clairfontaine, and Thenailles. 93 Dufour-Malbezin 158-9, n° 83. "Notum itaque volumus... quia, cum Lucas clericus, qui et decanus noster fuerat, a seculo se ad Dei servitium transferre proposuisset, atque ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae de

187 Bartholomew rather than to the initiative of the canon Luc. He notes amongst his rendition of the foundations which Bartholomew was responsible for that the bishop constructed a monastery of clerics in the place called Cuissy and placed a religious man named Luc there as abbot.94 Cuissy joined the Order of Premontre around 1122.95 As

Luc remained the abbot of Cuissy, we must assume that the community at Cuissy freely chose to submit themselves to Premontre .

The abbey of St.-Nicholas at Clairfontaine was originally a hermitage, established by the hermit Albert on land given him by Wido de Guisia. According to the charter of

Bartholomew dated 1126, Albert, recently deceased, had wanted to commit the care of his community to Norbert, who initially was uninterested in the proposal; but after

Albert's death, his community asked again, and with the aid of Bishop Bartholomew, managed to persuade Norbert.96 Last of all, Thenailles was settled by canons from the church of Saint-Martin of Laon around the year 1130.97

Bartholomew seems to have sought to bring all the houses of regular canons in his diocese under the mantle of Premontre . He himself took the initiative in reforming the

Cuissiaco, cujus altare a nobis tenebat, ad regulariter inibi conservandum reaedificare coepisset, poposcit a nobis ut altare illud a synodali consuetudine emanciparemus et omnes possessiones suas, quas ad eamdem ecclesiam in usus fratrum qui in ea, Domino adjuvante, canonice victuri sunt dederat, authoritatis nostrae privilegio confirmaremus." 94 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 1001. "Sed et aliud construxit monasterium clericorum in loco qui vocatur Cuissiacus, abbatemque ibi ordinavit domnum Lucam, virum religiosum." 95 Alain Saint-Denis 121-122. 96 Dufour-Malbezin 193, n° 113. "Notum igitur esse volumus... quia, cum in loco qui Claras Fons dicitur, bonae memoriae Albertus sub clericali habitu heremiticam vitam ducere proposuisset eique Wido de Guisia in eodem loco magnam partem terrae dedisset, ipse vero Albertus et se et subditos sibi fratres, cum loco ipso viri reverendi et spectabilis religionis nostris temporibus Norberti curae committere voluisset illeque humiliter recusasset, post decessum ipsius Alberti, petentibus fratribus qui in loco remanserant, nos multis precibus ipsum venerabilem Norbertum ut loci illius curam susciperet induximus terramque prius a Widone ei loco traditam, annuente Henrico, qui post decessum Widonis viduam ejus Machaniam uxorem habebat, ipsaque Machania concedente, habere!" 97 Alain Saint-Denis 122; Herman of Tournai PL 156:1000. "Porro locum qui Telonias vocatur, quern domnus Norbertus dixerat regioni quidem congruum sed non sibi a Deo destinatum, nolens episcopus dimittere vacuum, posuit ibi aliquos ex clericis praefatae ecclesiae Sancti Martini Laudunensis, abbatemque eis ordinavit domnum Walfridum, virum religiosum."

188 community at Saint-Martin, and installed canons from this community at Thenailles, whereas in the cases of Cuissy and Clairfontaine the communities themselves voluntarily

choose to adhere to the customs and leadership of Premontre .

Although Bishop Bartholomew of Laon had a special relationship with the

Premonstratensian order, he was also well-connected with the Cistercian order.

Bartholomew was acquainted with the most famous Cistercian of his day, Bernard of

Clairvaux, who was present at the signing of four charters issued by Bartholomew at

different places over the course of 25 years. Bartholomew made the decision to

gradually redistribute the prebends of the canons of St.-Pierre of Laon at the abbot of

Saint-Jean's urging and Bernard of Clairvaux's recommendation." Herman of Tournai

also attributes three Cistercian foundations to Bartholomew: Foigny, Vauclair, and

Epinois.100 Unlike most of the Premonstratensian foundations, which were acquired through and with preexisting groups of regular canons, the evidence for the Cistercian

foundations places is less complicated. In 1121, Bartholomew obtained the alodium of

Foigny from the monks of Saint-Michel-en-Thierache and donated it to the monastery of

98 1124-1150. SeeDufour-Malbezinnos. 105, 128,270, and 313. 99 Dufour-Malbezin 383-4, n° 270. "Eapropter ego Bartholomeus, Dei gratia Laudunensis episcopus, notum fieri volumus... quod in ecclesia Sancti Petri, que ecclesie Sancti Johannis Laudunensis est contingua, canonici ad serviendum monialibus in ecclesiasticis officiis statuti fuerunt; tandem consilio religiosarum personarum, assensu etiam Ludovici, regis Francorum, monialibus inde ejectis et monachis, Deo devote servientibus, ibidem substitutis, canonici ad serviendum monachis necessarii non fuerunt. Unde nos monialium ejectionem ecclesiamque Sancti Petri de propriis impensis et redditibus Sancti Johannis instauratam, divini insuper servicii et ordinis inquietationem propter nimiam ecclesiarum affinitatem considerantes, precibus Balduini, abbatis ecclesie Sancti Johannis, consilio etiam et exortatione Bernardi, venerabilis abbatis Clarevallis, et consensu et unanimi voluntate capituli canonicorum majoris ecclesie Laudunensis, assensum prebuimus et concessimus et indulsimus eidem abbati et successoribus suis memorateque ecclesie Sancti Johannis ut canonicis in ecclesia Sancti Petri decedentibus alii ibidem non substituantur canonici; sed prebende ipsorum in usus monachorum de cetero redigantur; atque in dispositione ac potestate et providentia abbatis omnium prebendarum proventus et tocius status ecclesie Sancti Petri et ordinatio libere et pacifice in perpetuum remaneat. Ad majorem etiam ordinis quietem et silentii tranquillitatem et pacem, dicte ecclesie concessimus et licentiam dedimus removendi et transferendi ecclesiam Sancti Petri post decessum canonicorum, ubi et quando voluerint, ne propter vicinitatem ecclesiarum et secularium personarum frequentationem, status religionis et silentium monachorum aliquo modo valeat perturbari." 100 Herman of Tournai PL 156: 1000-1001.

189 Clairvaux for the establishment of a new monastery. Vauclair was established in 1134 in the place called Courtmenblain, which Bartholomew likewise donated to Bernard of

Clairvaux for the establishment of a monastery.102 Epinois was later established as a priory of Foigny.'

Through his interaction with the growing Cistercian and Premonstratensian orders, Bartholomew firmly established new enclaves of reformed monasticism within his diocese. He himself was frequently an active participant in these foundations. In personally helping Norbert to find an appropriate place to establish his monastery and legally obtaining the land for Premontre from the monks of Saint-Vincent of Laon,

Bartholomew demonstrates the extent to which he is willing to go in order to support and encourage the foundation of new reformed monastic houses in his diocese. He was personally involved in obtaining the land for the foundation of the Cistercian house at

Foigny. He gave his support to the canons of Clairfontaine who sought to be received under the leadership of Premontre and he threatened the abbot of Saint-Martin with dismissal if he was unable to enforce the new premonstratensian customs of that same monastery.

Bartholomew's relationship with the male Benedictine houses in his diocese was very different than his relationship with the new orders of Premontre and Citeaux. He did not found new houses, but neither did he reform or impose a new interpretation of the

Dufour-Malbezin 167-8, n° 90. "Notum esse volumus... quod Fusniacus erat alodium Sancti Michaelis et, cum locus ille non multum esset utilis eidem aecclesiae, impetravimus ab Elberto, abbate, et monachis loci illius ut ilium locum nobis liberum et absolutum redderet ad faciendum quicquid inde facere vellemus. Nos autem eundem locum, assensu predicti abbatis et capituli ejus, monachis de Clara Valle liberum et absolutum reddidimus, ut ibi abbatiam constituerent et libere et quiete Deo deservirent." Also see n°96, 175-176. 102 Ibid. 253. "... en l'annee onze cent trente quatre, en la veille de 1'Ascension qui etait le 23 de may, Barthelemy, eveque de Laon, offrit... a saint Bernard ou en son absence a Geoffroy, prieur de Clairvaux, le lieu de Courmemblain pour en faire un monastere de son ordre." 103 Ibid. 354.

190 Rule on the older houses. Instead he used them to reform some of the collegial churches in the diocese. In 1138 the churches of St.-Pierre de Marie and Coucy-le-Chateau were given, respectively, to the abbeys of Fesmy and Notre-Dame de Nougent-sous-Coucy with the proviso that as the canons holding the prebends of these churches died, those prebends would revert back to the Benedictine abbeys until they held all of the prebends for each church.104 Bartholomew issued similar acts enjoining reform in 1141 in the church of Saint-Germain de Ribemont;105 in 1142, when Fesmy received the church of

Saint-Gervais de Guise;106 in 1145, when the chapel at the castle of Montaigu was given to the monks of St. Vincent of Laon;I07 and finally in 1146, in the church of Saint-Pierre ofLaon.108

The donation of St.-Pierre de Marie and Coucy-le-Chateau in 1138 took place as a result of Count Enguerrand II of Coucy's departure for Jerusalem.109 Bartholomew uses the phrase contra jus ecclesiasticum to describe Enguerrand's relations with these churches. He notes that Enguerrand held Coucy-le-Chateau against ecclesiastical right and that the clerics of St.-Pierre de Marie were accustomed to receiving their prebends

104 Ibid. 285-6, n° 185."Noverint itaque... quod ecclesiam Beati Petri de Maria, cujus praebendas clerici de manu laicali contra jus ecclesiasticum usque ad nostra tempora receperant, Ingelrannus, Thomae filius, iturus Jerusalem, tam nostram quam quorumdam religiosorum utilem sibi ammonitionem recipiens nobis libere reddidit per manum nostram libere ordinandam in melius. Nos itaque divino cultui qui hactenus in dicta ecclesia satis negligenter exhibitus erat in posterum providentes, ipsam ecclesiam et quicquid ad earn pertinere cognoscitur, domini Gerardi abbatis precibus, ecclesiae Fidemiensi, cui ipse praeerat, contulimus, hac scilicet pia interveniente conditione quod praedictus abbas religiosas monachorum personas ad Dei servitium faciendum inibi poneret et omnes redditus praebendarum, quas modo quatuor obtinent canonici, sicut ipsi canonici decedent, monachi eis succedentes ad proprios usus habebunt." For the church of Coucy- le-Chateau see page 288, n°187. "Nos igitur peticioni ejus gratanter assensum prebentes, tibi, frater Bruno, supradicti monasterii venerabilis abba, tuisque successoribus et fratribus inibi Deo servientibus, prefatam aecclesiam perpetuo possidendam concedimus, ita videlicet, ut decedentibus canonicis prebendas ipsorum habeas et pro facultate loci consequenter monachorum inibi numerum substituas." 105 Ibid. 323, n° 216. 106 Ibid. 329, n° 222. 107 Ibid. 371-2, n° 257. 108 Ibid. 383-4, n° 270. 109 Enguerrand II of Coucy is the son of the infamous Thomas de Marie, known for his depredations in the diocese ofLaon. See Guibert of Nogent 184-190 and Suger, Deeds of Louis the Fat 106-9.

191 from lay hands, also contra jus ecclesiasticum. In both cases these churches were handed over to Bartholomew for reform; Coucy-le-Chateau in particular is specifically designated by Enguerrand for the abbey of Notre-Dame de Nogent-sous-Coucy.110

As the canons possessing prebends from the churches St.-Pierre de Marie and

Coucy-le-Chateau pass away, they would be replaced by monks from Fesmy and Notre-

Dame de Nougent-sous-Coucy, respectively.111 This exact same scenario was repeated at

Saint-Gervais de Guise in 1142 and in the chapel of the castle of Montaigu in 1145. In each of these cases proprietary right in the church had been held and passed down from one generation to the next by the laity; these lay proprietors then would bestow the prebends of the church on whomever they chose. In these examples, however, the lay proprietors have surrendered the churches into the hands of the bishop, who would then donate them, with the agreement and approval of the original proprietor, to a monastery in his diocese. As the canons die, monks would slowly be introduced in their place.

For St-Pierre de Marie see Dufour-Malbezin 285-6, Note 104 above. For the church of Coucy-le- Chateau see Ibid. 288. "Omnibus siquidem notum esse volumus... quod Ingelrannus, filius Thorn?, §cclesiam in castro Codiciacensi sitam, quam hactenus contra jus ecclesiasticum tenuerat, per me et per venerabilem fratrem nostrum Goislenum, Suessionensem episcopum, crebro super hoc commonitus, tandem divina inspiratione compunctus, absolute in manu nostra reddidit, id obnixe et devote a nobis expetens, ut eandem aecclesiam monasterio Beat? Mari? de Novigento contraderemus et canonice firmaremus." 111 For St-Pierre de Marie and Coucy-le-Chateau see Note 104 above. 112 For Saint-Gervais de Guise see Dufour-Malbezin 330. "Quidam noster miles, nomine Buchardus, ecclesiam Beati Gervasii de Buisia, quam post decessum patrum praecedentium in jus suum praevenerat, quasi hereditario jure diutissime tenuit et, quod minime debuit, contra auctoritatem sanctorum canonum praebendas in ea dare praesumpsit, tandem vero... impetrare devotissime studuit ut ecclesiam illam, in manu nostra redditam, ab omni dominio et potestate sua suorumque Fidemensi monasterio perhenniter habendam tradederemus, sollicite perpendens quam periculosum sit dona spiritualia laica manu distribui; denique petitioni ipsius gratanter annuentes, frater venerabilis Gerarde et ecclesiae tuae tuisque successoribus concedimus supradictam ecclesiam Sancti Gervasii, quae in Gusia sita est,... ea videlicet ratione ut, decedentibus canonicis qui modo praebendas obtinent, monachi in eorum loco succedant et ibidem Deo deserviant." For the Chapel of Montaigu see Ibid. 372. "Eapropter ego Bartholomew, Dei gratia Laudunensis episcopus, notum facio ... quod Robertus de Monte acuto ecclesiam in eodem castro sitam, quam longo tempore contra decreta canonum jure hereditario possederat, in qua etiam prebendas donabat, tandem in hoc se errasse cognoscens, eandem ecclesiam cum appenditis suis et quicquid in ea juris habebat pro sua et patris sua anima et antecessorum suorum ecclesie beati Vincentii martiris in manu nostra reddidit, tali tenore ut loco decedentium canonicorum monachi instituerentur pro ipso et antecesesoribus et

192 Though this is a gradual form of expulsion and far more common than the immediate expulsions of the female religious at Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil and Saint-Jean earlier in the century, the basic premise is the same. These churches are officially passing from one proprietor to another, and this transfer offers the bishop further opportunities for change and reform in the community itself.

Change in proprietorship therefore, could entail either immediate or gradual change in the religious community attached to a church, however as the case of Saint-

Germain de Ribemont aptly illustrates, gradual change could be accelerated. Saint-

Germain was donated to the abbey of Saint-Nicholas de Ribemont by Godefroy of

Ribemont during the episcopate of Hugh, which lasted for a span six months during 1112.

It does not appear that any changes in personnel were made at the time of the donation, however in 1141 Bishop Bartholomew issued a charter enjoining the abbot of Saint-

Nicholas to introduce monks at Saint-Germain.

Therefore, dear William, abbot of Saint-Nicholas of Ribemont, we, willingly prevailed upon by the request and order of Master Ivo, cardinal priest and legate of the Apostolic See, and the pious and frequent appeal of trustworthy men, Raoul of Vermandois and Godefroy of Ribemont, grant, and by granting we order, that you no longer delay to introduce the monastic religion in the church of Saint-Germain of Ribemont, which came into your possession through the donation of Godefroy and our predecessor Hugh, inhabited by clerics concerning whose disordered way of life not a few complaints frequently have reached our ears since the healthier part of the chapter [of Saint-Germain] has persistently sought that we do this concerning the aforementioned church. 13 successoribus suis devote orantes. Nos vero prefatam ecclesiam ecclesie Sancti Vincentii pontificali auctoritate donavimus." 113 Dufour-Malbezin 323. "Eapropter, dilecte fili Willelme, abba Sancti Nicholai de Ribodimonte, petitione atque precepto magistri Ivonis, cardinalis presbiteri et apostolice sedis legati, et pia et frequenti autenticorum virorum, Radulfi quoque Viromandensis comitis et Godefridi de Ribodimonte interpellation libenter evicti, concedimus et concedendo precipimus ut in ecclesiam Sancti Germani de Ribodimonte, que in vestram possessionem per donationem Godefridi et predecessoris nostri Hugonis, Laudunensis episcopi, venit, quam inhabitant clerici de quorum conversatione inordinata non parva frequenter ad aures nostras perlata est querimonia, cum hoc etiam obnixe a nobis petat fieri de predicta ecclesia sanior pars capituli, monasticam religionem inducere nullatenus differatis."

193 This charter suggests that Saint-Germain was donated to Saint-Nicholas with the intention that the monastic rule would be introduced there at some point, but

Bartholomew gives multiple reasons and justifications for why he is doing so at this point in time. It appears that at least a portion of the canons of Saint-Germain desired a more regular way of life and sought that this process be speeded up by the immediate introduction of monks; the implication is that these canons would then adopt the stricter rule of monks. Their request is supported by a number of influential men including a papal legate, the Count of Vermandois, and the original donor, Godefroy of Ribemont.

The church of Saint-Pierre offers a different variation of gradual expulsion.

According to Bishop Bartholomew's charter of 1146, Saint-Pierre was founded to serve the ecclesiastical needs of the nuns of Saint-Jean of Laon.114 It is quite likely that Saint-

Jean was originally founded as a double-monastery, with the canons of Saint-Pierre under the rule of the abbess of Saint-Jean.115 Certainly the church of Saint-Pierre was physically close to Saint-Jean, as it is consistently described with the adjective contigua, as adjoining the monastery of Saint-Jean.116 Moreover, though we do not have documents predating the expulsion, Saint-Pierre is listed first amongst the possessions of Saint-Jean

117 in an episcopal confirmation charter dated November 13, 1134.

114 Ibid. 384. "Eapropter ego Bartholomeus, Dei gratia Laudunensis episcopus, notum fieri volumus... quod in ecclesia Sancti Petri, que ecclesie Sancti Johannis Laudunensis est contigua, canonici ad serviendum monialibus in ecclesiasticis officiis statuti fiierunt;" "5Wemplel61. 116 Dufour-Malbezin 259, 384. 117 Ibid. 259. "Ego Bartholomeus, sancte Laudunensis ecclesie minister indignus. Dilecto filio Drogoni, abbati monasterii Sancte Marie Sanctique Johannis Baptiste, quod in civitate Laudunensi situm est, ejusque successoribus regulariter substituendis, in perpetuum. Quoniam in diebus officii nostri, placuit Spiritui Sancto monasterium Beate Marie et Beati Johannis cui, auctore Domino, dilecte in Christo fili Drogo abbas preesse dinosceris, tui ibidem constitutione et monachorum religiosa conversatione restitui; ex debito commisse nobis dispensationis, rationabilibus tuis peticionibus assensum prebentes, benigne procuravimus universa quecumque in episcopate nostro, locus idem juste et canonice possidet, tibi tuisque successoribus,

194 The canons of Saint-Pierre appear largely unaffected by the expulsion of the nuns in 1128. It is not until 1146 that Baldwin, the abbot of Saint-Jean, requests that

Bartholomew allow the prebends of the church to revert back to the abbey on the death of the individual canons. Bartholomew agrees for several reasons: the canons are no longer needed to perform ecclesiastical duties for the nuns, the church of Saint-Pierre is supported by the resources of Saint-Jean, and, the two churches are so close that the

1 1 O canons basically cause a disturbance for the monks. This scenario differs from those discussed above in that the canons are not being replaced by monks, instead the entire church is being gradually suppressed and reincorporated into the church of Saint-Jean.

The abbot is even granted permission to remove or translate the church should he consider it necessary.119

These examples of canonical reform show Bartholomew at work in his diocese, not only encouraging the foundation of new monastic and canonical houses but also seeking to replace 'irregular' canons with 'regular' monks and canons at every opportunity. He certainly seems to have sought to promote regularity within his diocese by taking particular advantage of the role that jurisdiction and the transfer of jurisdiction could play in the reform of 'irregular' churches. The reform of the abbey of Bucilly, while not as detailed an account as some that we have considered thus far, nevertheless brings together these sometimes disparate threads of reform, jurisdiction, and replacement. Moreover, it does so in the context of the reform of nuns, not canons.

secundum Dei timorem, ibi promotis, presentis privilegii munimine conservari in quibus hec propriis nominibus visa sunt annotanda: ecclesiam Beati Petri ipsi monasterio Beati Johannis contiguam, utpote de rebus acpossessionibus ejusdemmonasterii fundatam,..." 118 Ibid. 384. 119 Ibid.

195 Bucilly

There is another local transaction which took place during the episcopate of

Bartholomew and should be considered in the context of the events at Saint-Jean. The

acquisition of Bucilly by the canons of Premontre involved the expulsion of the nuns

there and their replacement by canons, yet the accusations leveled at the nuns of Saint-

Jean are missing and the whole matter seems to have been resolved quietly.

Unfortunately for our purposes, we are lacking a great deal of information about the

expulsion itself; but what information does remain suggests a financial transaction as

much as a reform, much like Bartholomew's acquisition and donation of Premontre to

Norbert of Xanten or that of Foigny to Clairvaux.

Historians have unintentionally clouded the history of Bucilly. Twelfth-century

contemporaries thought that Bucilly had been founded as a community of nuns in the

tenth century by the counts of Vermandois, hence their proprietary right,. Such is the

account of its foundation in the Historia Walciodorensis as well as in several twelfth-

century charters concerning the abbey. Suzanne Wemple has noted that,

The proprietary church system encouraged the proliferation of small nunneries. Under this arrangement, the founder retained control over the convent's administration and landed property. Many of the seventh- century female houses, established by wealthy widows, doting parents, 191

and bishops devoted to their mothers and sisters, fall into this pattern.

Although Bucilly was established in the tenth century rather than the seventh, Wemple's

remark suggests that its foundation could be considered as part of a long established

pattern. Yet early twentieth-century specialists on the Chanson de Raoul de Cambrai

im See Dufour-Malbezin 137-8, 160-1 andMGH SS 14: 509. 121 Wemple 163.

196 questioned whether Elbertus, founder of Bucilly, was actually an earl of Vermandois.

It is on this basis, as well as that of textual inconsistencies, that two twelfth-century charters of Bucilly have been deemed forgeries.123 Whatever the case, by the twelfth century Bucilly was in the hands of the Countess of Vermandois, who claimed proprietary rights over that abbey.

In 1119 or 1120, Bartholomew received a letter from Adele, the Countess of

Vermandois, in which she notified him that she and her family were surrendering their rights in the abbey of Bucilly into his hands, so that he could in turn give the property to the Cluniac monks of Saint-Martin-des-Champs.124 The letter reads as follows:

1. B(artholomeo), Dei gratia 1. To Bartholomew, venerable bishop Laudunensium venerabili episcopo, of Laon by the grace of God, Adela, A(dela), Viromandorum comitissa, Countess of Vermandois, her ejusque maritus R(eginaldus), husband Renaud, and also her son necnon et filius R(adulfus), Raoul, send greetings. salutem. 2. Pastoralem vos habere 2. We recognize and approve that you sollicitudinem ac studium have pastoral care and concern for meliorationis, ad ecclesias vestre improvement towards the churches diocesis, cognovimus et of your diocese. approbamus. 3. Hac nos intentione ducti, et amore 3. We, led by the same intention and propagande religionis provocati, spurred on by zeal to spread the abbatiam juris nostri que dicitur religious life, we place free and quit Buciliacus, quam ad religionis in your hands the abbey of our right, statum reparari desideramus, called Bucilly that we desire to be liberam et absolutam in manu vestra restored to a state of religion

A Count of Vermandois is mentioned in the earliest version of the Chanson de Raoul de Cambrai (10 century). Dufour-Malbezin notes that if we adopt the position of those who doubt that Elbertus was Count of Vermandois, then we must assume that the monks of Bucilly confused their founder with the Count of Vermandois mentioned in the Chanson (138). For an account of the secondary literature available for this debate see Dufour-Malbezin 137 n. 95. 123 Dufour-Malbezin 137-8, 160-1. J. Depoin. Recueil de chartes et documents de Saint-Martin-des-Champs monastere parisien 2 (Paris: Jouve et Cie, editeurs, 1913) 51-52, n° 219. Depoin dates the letter between November 27, 1119, the death of Adele's first husband and November 18, 1120, the date of her death. A copy of this letter survives in the Liber Testamentorum (1129) of Saint-Martin-des-Champs.

197 ponimus, 4. ut earn cenobio Cluniacensi, ad 4. in such a way that you give it locum Sti Martini de Campis through a confirmed and unbroken specialiter pertinendam, rata et donation to the monastery of Cluny, inviolabili donatione tradatis, particularly at the place called Saint- quatinus sub proprio jure Sti Martin-des-Champs, in so far as it is Martini de Campis redigatur, et a rendered under the proprietary right Priore et fratribus ejusdem loci, of Saint-Martin-des-Champs; and a monachorum illic congregatio congregation of monks is to be regulariter disponatur. placed there, in a regular fashion, by the Prior and brothers of [Saint- Martin-des-Champs] . 5. Valete. 5. Farewell.

This letter indicates that the Countess of Vermandois intends to transfer her proprietary rights, juris nostri, over the monastery of Bucilly to Saint-Martin-des-Champs, sub proprio jure Sti Martini de Campis, but, as in the collegial churches mentioned above, she does so through the agency of the Bishop of Laon. This manner of transferring proprietary rights by means of the diocesan bishop fits neatly into the pattern of lay donations of religious property in the wake of the Gregorian reform.125 Adele's stated purpose is reform; Bucilly is to be restored to a religious state, ad religionis statum, and a congregation of monks is to be placed there. This letter makes no mention of any current inhabitants of the abbey, but charter evidence suggests that there was a community of

1 Oft nuns there up to the year 1135.

The earliest authentic, dated, charter of Bucilly is from 1135. It is a confirmation by Bartholomew, bishop of Laon, of a grant made by Clarembald de Rozoy in reparation

In The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West, Susan Wood discusses the reform legislation culminating in Pope Urban IFs mandate that laymen who wished to give gifts of church property to monks or canons must have the bishop's approval. The donation of churches and lesser monasteries to larger monasteries through the bishop's consent or agency happened frequently in the late eleventh century and Wood notes that "A stronger assertion of the bishop's authority and of the lay lord's incapacity was for the lord to surrender the church into the hands of the bishop, who gave it to the monastery;" (866-867). 126 Dupoin 59.

198 of a theft of 10 lbs some time previously. Bartholomew mentions the nuns in formulaic, but favorable language:

Nevertheless we profess to owe the congregations of nuns showing devoted service to the Lord a special exchange of compassion and support, since they have leisure for heavenly things through a delightful zeal for blessed contemplation, they completely loose their mind, free and consecrated to God, towards the love for those serving and away from the restraints of worldly cares.

The next extant, dated, charter for Bucilly is dated June 24,1148. This charter confirms the rule of St. Augustine for the Premonstratensian canons of the church of Bucilly,

"where formerly there were nuns."128

Thus at some point between 1135 and 1148 the nuns of Bucilly were supposed to be replaced by monks, although we have no evidence that this ever happened. Instead

Bucilly appears to have been given over to the canons of Premontre . Though there is little in the way of proof, our discussion of Bartholomew's reforms above suggests that a transaction took place between Saint-Martin-des-Champs and Bartholomew of Laon.

Since the nuns appear to have occupied the church at the sufferance of the Counts of

Vermandois, who held proprietary jurisdiction over the abbey, and possibly later the monks of Saint-Martin to whom that jurisdiction was transferred, their participation in that transaction would have been limited at best.

As the expulsion of the nuns at Argenteuil demonstrates, and possibly that of

Saint-Jean as well, expelled nuns were most likely not turned out to wander aimlessly.129

In the case of Bucilly, we do not know the fate of the majority of the congregation of

127 Dufour-Malbezin 266-7. "congregationibus tamen sanctimonialium devotam Domino servitutem exhibentium precipuam compassionis ac supportationis vicem debere profitemur, que, ut jocundo beate contemplationis studio celestibus vacarent, famulantibus ad amorem secularium nexibusque curarum mentem suam liberam Deoque consecratam penitus absolvunt." 128 Ibid. 416. 129 Pope Honorius II gave Abbot Suger the task of relocating the nuns of Argenteuil in suitable monasteries. The nuns of Saint-Jean appear to have been exiled to a dependancy of their monastery.

199 nuns, but we do know that of the abbess. She was pensioned off to the abbey of St. Peter of Reims and it is possible that the nuns followed her there or went to other nearby monasteries. This arrangement is briefly mentioned in a bull of Pope Eugene III, dated

April 23, 1148, three months before Bartholomew's confirmation of the new order at

Bucilly. The primary subject of the bull is a dispute between the nuns of St. Peter of

Reims and the monks of St. Nicaise, but at the very end of the letter there is a reference to

40 solidi which are owed from the church of Bucilly to St. Peter of Reims for the upkeep of abbess of Bucilly for the remainder of her life. There is also a brief mention of an

abbess of Bucilly, Ledvida, in the necrology of St. Peter of Reims for the 17th kalends of

September.131

By the end of Bartholomew's episcopate, the religious landscape of the diocese of

Laon was drastically changed. Two houses of Benedictine nuns had been handed over to male communities. Four smaller collegial churches had also been handed over to

Benedictine monks, as well as the more significant chapters of St.-Pierre and St.-Gervais

de Guise. Bartholomew did, however, leave alone the other great collegial churches in his

diocese: Notre-Dame de Laon, Saint-Jean du Bourg, and Rozoy-sur-Serre. At least

130 PL 180: 1343. "Quadraginta quoque solid. Catalaunenses, qui ab ecclesia Buciliensium, pro abbatissa ejusdem loci ex concordia inter ipsam et per Buciliensem abbatem ecclesiae vestrae, donee in ea vixerit, debentur, vobis in vita sua nihilominus confirmamus." 131 GC 9: 688. 132 There was at least one house of Benedictine nuns -which appears to have been untroubled by Bartholomew's zeal for reform. Origny-Sainte-Benoit was founded in 854 by the wife of Charles the Bald. Three charters mention the names of two abbesses of Origny, Emma and Margaret, during Bartholomew's episcopate. See Dufour-Malbezin nos. 124, 263, and 316. Also see Jean Verdon, "Recherches sur les monasteres feminins dans la France du nord aux IXe - Xle siecles" in Revue Mabillon 59 (1976): 49-96, 53. 133 Notre-Dame de Laon may not have been directly reformed by Bartholomew, but Herman of Tournai paints a very positive picture of Bartholomew's relationship with the canons there, who appear to have practised a modified version of the common life. PL 156: 1007. "Cum autem in construendis aliis monasteriis praefatus episcopus tantum stadium habuerit, facile credi potest, quod de majori ecclesia

200 eleven new religious houses were also added to the landscape: the five houses of

Premonstratensian canons, three houses of Cistercians, and the house of Cistercian nuns discussed above, as well as a house of Templars and a monastery of Chartreux.134

Archbishop Renaud II of Reims, (1124-1139)

Renaud de Martigne, Bartholomew's accomplice in the reform of Saint-Jean of

Laon, spent twenty-three years as bishop of Angers before he was transferred to the archiepiscopal see of Reims through the influence of Louis VI in 1124.135 His actions during his tenure as archbishop of Reims show a marked admiration of the Cistercian way of life and demonstrate his determination that those canons serving in the churches within his sphere of influence should live regular and not secular lives. It was with his encouragement that the first Chapter of Benedictine Abbots, modeled after the General

Chapter of the Cistercians took place in his diocese in 1131.136 Renaud is particularly associated with the Cistercian house of Igny, which he founded in 1126 and was later buried at after his death in 1139.

Numerous charters survive from Renaud's tenure as archbishop of Reims that show his concern with reform. These depict Renaud as actively and personally involved

Sanctae Mariae, in qua pontifkalis sedes posita est, maxime laboraverit, ut redditus ejus augmentarentur. Et, quamvis aliam religionem ibi ponere nequiverit, non enim facile canonici ejus antiquos mores mutare cogi poterant, tamen sic eorum priores redditus studuit ampliare, ut magna parte anni eos pariter in refectorio comedere instituerit, quotidianumque eis victum ubertim et ditissime provident, ita ut ipsi canonici testentur quod pene duplo, quam prius praebendas eorum ditaverit, sicut in privilegiis ejus, quae in eadem ecclesia continentur, potest inveniri." It should also be noted that at one time Saint-Jean du Bourg was occupied by nuns. This is attested to in a charter of Bishop Elinand issued between May 23, 1059 and July 4, 1067, edited by Dufour-Malbezin 103-105. 134 Alain Saint-Denis 120-22. 135 GC 9:82. For more on Renaud of Reims see Patrick Demouy, Genese d'une cathedrale, les archeveques de Reims et leur Eglise aux Xle et Xlle siecles (Langres: D. Gueniot, 2005) and Actes des archeveques de Reims d'Arnoul a Renaud II: 997 -1139. Textes. Universite de Nancy II, Juin 1982. 136 Ceglar 36; MGH SS 21: 324-5. 137 Demouy, Textes 520; GC 9:84.

201 in the reform of his archdiocese. Like Bartholomew of Laon, Renaud encouraged and aided in the foundation of Cistercian monks in his diocese. Similarly, he sought to redeem churches from the laity, in some cases actively seeking out and pressuring those who held hereditary rights.

At some point between August 3rd and October of 1125, Renaud issued a charter granting the altar of Tours-sur-Marne to the abbey of Cluny. The charter emphasizes

Renaud's personal involvement in obtaining the altar from lords of Pleurs.

For when I had admonished the said lords of Pleurs frequently, and persuaded them in every way, that they should withdraw from their possession of the sanctuary of God, which they had possessed unjustly for a long time, lest they incur eternal damnation by violently and unjustly usurping the patrimony of the Crucified; at last, moved by our repeated admonition and persuasion and acquiescing to our advice, they resigned the aforesaid altar (Tours-sur-Marne) in such a way that I should freely present it to the holy church of Cluny... with oblations and tithes and all other things pertaining to it and now I personally grant it to be held by the venerable brothers of the said monastery.140

Thus we see Renaud actively persuading the lords of Pleurs that they, as laity, possess the altar of Tours-sur-Marne against canon law. ' Moved by Renaud's persuasion, the lords of Pleurs agree to give up their rights over the altar and hand it over to the bishop with the understanding that Renaud will then grant that altar to the monks of Cluny. Renaud agrees to this scheme as much for the benefit to his own soul, as for that of the laity who

138 Ibid. 520. 139 Ibid. 502. 140 Ibid. 502-3. "cum enim sepissime jam dictos dominos de Plagajotri admonerem et modis omnibus illis persuaderem quod a possessione sanctuarii Dei quod diu injuste possidebant secederent, ne crucifixi patrimonium injuste et violenter usurpando, eternam incurrerent damnationem; demum nostra crebra admonitione et persuasione permoti, nostroque acquiescentes consilio, supradictum altare eo tenore resignaverunt videlicet ut illud sancte Cluniacensi ecclesie, que est quasi quoddam magnum totius orbis luminare, liberaliter impertirer, cum oblationibus et decimis, ceterisque ad se pertinentibus atque jam dicti cenobii venerabilibus fratribus personaliter tenendum concederem." 141 Earlier in the same charter Renaud remarks that the altar of Tours-sur-Marne "quod manu laicali indebita usurpatione diu fuerat occupatum". (Ibid.)

202 are surrendering their rights over this altar. He states that he has agreed and granted perpetual right over that altar to Cluny "so that I should deserve to share in all the good works which should exist in such a community."142 As in the churches given by

Bartholomew to the monasteries of his diocese, no changes in personnel are to be immediately made at this altar. The priest who currently serves the parish will continue to possess it so long as he does nothing to forfeit it through his own guilt.143 Around the same time, before October of 1125, Renaud issued a confirmation charter for the foundation of Saint-Josse-au-Bois. Affirming their practice of the rule of St. Augustine, he adds a personal note, "we congratulate you on your vows with paternal affection....," before formally placing the new foundation under metropolitan protection. He then grants them the free and canonical election of their abbot so long as they continue to live according to the Augustinian Rule.145

142 Ibid. 503. "Quorum juste et religiose petitioni prompto et devoto annuens animo, ut omnium bonorum que in tanta fuerint congregatione particeps esse mererer, memoratum altare ipsis jure perpetuo personaliter possidendum contradedi,..." 143 Ibid. 503. "hoc solum interposita pactione, jam dictis dominis de Plagajotri id humiliter postulantibus, quatenus presbyter loci illius, qui per eos tunc personatum parochiamque tenebat, quoad vivet, nisi forte, propriis exigentibus culpis ea amittere contingeret, libere et quiete possideat;" 144 Demouy, Textes 510-511. "Religiosis desideriis dignum est facilem prebere consensum ut fidelis devotio celerem sortiatur effectum; quia igitur vos filii in Christo karissimi divina preveniente gratia vitam vestram sub regulari disciplina beati Augustini exercere et communiter secundum sanctorum patrum institutionem omnipotenti Deo deservire proposuistis, nos votis vestris paterno congratulamur affectu, unde etiam postulationi vestrae juxta peticionem confratris nostri Ingeranni Ambianensis aecclesiae venerabilis episcopi benignitate debita annuimus, vite namque canonice ordinem quam professi estis, presentis privilegii auctoritate firmavimus et vos vestraque omnia metropolitane auctoritatis protectione munimus, universa enim ad vestram aecclesiam legitime pertinentia tam vobis quam et successoribus vestris imperpetuum confirmamus, videlicet terram quam Ingirannus de Monsteriolo dedit, in cujus parte aeclessia fundata est, et quatuor campos quos Ermanfridus de Cunniaco et frater suus Ingerannus idem concesserunt aecclesiae, et terram et nemus quae concessit Rorgo de Tortofonte, aeclessiam de Buiris et terram eidem pertinentem et nemus quae concesserunt Hugo de Ponte et Wiardus de Arguvio, decimas et terras quas Drogo de Silincuria tradidit, decimas et terras quas donavit Balduinus de Caio in Boloniensi patria; preterea quecumque in presentiarum eadem aecclesia juste possidet; quecumque etiam in futurum legitime adipisci poterit, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et inconcussa permaneant, salva in omnibus Ambianensis episcopi canonica reverentia." 145 Ibid. 511. "Statuimus etiam mortuo abbate suo fratribus ibidem Deo serventibus liberam et canonicam habere electionem dum propositam secundum beati Augustini regulam firmam servaverint religionem."

203 Renaud was also intimately involved in the transformation of the abbey of Saint-

Martin d'Epernay into a house of Augustinian canons c.l 128-1129. Before this point, the

abbey had been held in hereditary right by the Counts of Champagne, who among other

things, reserved for themselves the right of appointing the abbot. Renaud explains the

situation in the following words:

I Renaud... wish to make known... that the illustrious Count Thibaud, compelled, as we believe, by divine inspiration gave the church of Epernay... with its liberty into our hands, since the aforesaid Count Thibaud held the aforementioned neglected church from his forefathers, as if by hereditary right, and he gave the abbacy of that church to Galeran, the son of Andrew his seneschal; through the unchangeable will of God who changes everything as and how he wishes, the same church was changed to a better state in the following way, for in fact the aforementioned Galeran, inspired by the grace of the Holy Spirit and strengthened by the prudent counsel of Lord Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, approached the already mentioned Count and announced that he was about to renounce the world and become a monk at Clairvaux, and he asked that he (Thibaud) should allow the church of Epernay to be transformed to the order and rule of Saint Augustine through our hand; the aforementioned Count freely agreeing to his reasonable petition released to God and us the aforementioned church, free and ready to remain under the Rule of Saint- Augustine in perpetuity; and so... in common counsel with religious men, namely Bishop Joscelin of Soissons, Abbot Geoffrey of Saint-Medard, and also Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux,..., we chose with the joint assent of the canons of Epernay a fitting religious person for the rule of the church of Epernay, namely Foulques, a regular canon from the monastery of Saint- Leon de Toul, whom we requested from his abbot of blessed memory, Seherus, and chapter through our letters and a messenger of Count Thibaud, just as the order demands, and God willing, we handled our request eanonically; and the abbot-elect was invested regularly during Pentecost in the chapter of the church of Reims in our presence,... and in the presence of the canons of Epernay...; in such a way that the canons who were at that time in the church of Epernay should hold their prebends as long as they should live.146

146 Demouy, Textes 549-550. "Ego Rainaldus Dei miseratione Rhemorum archiepiscopus, pernecessarium duxi notum fieri omnibus Ecclesie catholice filiis tam presentibus quam futuris quod illustris comes Theobaldus, divina, ut credimus, inspiratione compunctus, Spamacensem ecclesiam ob remedium anime sue necnon et predecessorum suorum, Stephani videlicet patris sui et avi sui comitis Theobaldi qui in eadem ecclesia sepultus est, in manu nostra hujus modi libertate donavit, cum predictus comes Theobaldus prefatam ecclesiam a progenitoribus suis quasi hereditario jure sibi derelictam teneret et abbatiam ipsius ecclesie Gualerano domini Andree depiferi sui filio dedisset, incommutabili voluntate Dei qui mutat omnia quando vult et quomodo vult, eadem ecclesia ad meliore statum taliter mutata est, prefatus namque

204 Thus in the case of Saint-Martin de Epemay we have a collegial church, complete with

'secular' canons and an abbot, which has been passed down for generations in the family of the Counts of Champagne. The abbot is chosen by the Count and the canons, likewise presumably appointed by the Count, hold individual prebends. The abbot, Galeran de

Baudement, decides to enter the Cistercian order and asks Thibaud II of Champagne to relinquish his hereditary rights and hand the church over to Archbishop Renaud so that the Augustinian Rule could be instituted there. With the assent of the canons of Epernay and the advice of other significant religious leaders including Bernard of Clairvaux,

Archbishop Renaud chose Foulques, a regular canon from the monastery of Saint-Leon de Toul, as the new abbot of the community and canonically requests him from the abbot of Saint-Leon de Toul.

Archbishop Renaud's charter constantly emphasizes that all of these changes are being made in the presence of and with the full consent of the canons of Saint-Martin d'Epernay, who had reason to be agreeable since they were permitted to retain the

Gualeranus Spiritus sancti gratia divinitus inspiratus et domini Bernardi abbatis Clarevallis prudenti consilio roboratus, jam dictum comitem adiit, seque seculo abrenutiaturum et apud Claream Vallem monachum futurum enuntiavit, petivitque ab [eo] et quatinus ecclesiam Sparnacensem ad ordinem et regulam beati Augustini per manum nostram permutari concederet; cujus petitioni satis rationabili comes sepedictus libenter annuens, Deo et nobis ecclesiam supradictam liberam et sub regula sancti Augustini in perpetuum permansuram dimisit; nos itaque qui, authore Deo, eidem ecclesie metropolitana authoritate presidemus, communicato cum religiosis viris consilio, episcopo scilicet Suessionis Josleno et Joflxido abbate Sancti Medardi, abbate quoque Clare Vallis Bernardo, Guidoni monacho fratre abbatis et cum abbatibus canonicorum Ursione Sancti Dyonisii et Eustachio Omnium Sanctorum, personam ad regimen Sparnacensium elegimus, videlicet dominum Fulconem Tullensis monasterii canonicum regularem, quern per litteras nostras et comitis Thebaldi ab abbate suo bone memorie Sehero missum et a capitulo, sicut ordo poscebat, requisiuimus et Deo volente canonice requisitum habuimus; abbasque electus diebus sacris Pentecostes in capitulum ecclesie Rhemensis ante presentiam nostram nonnullorum abbatum, toto assistente capitulo, presentibusque Sparnaci canonicis, adductus de abbatia a nobis collaudante omni collegio regulariter est investitus; ita tamen quod canonici qui tunc temporis in ecclesia Sparnacensi erant, quamdiu viverent prebendas suas tenerent."

205 income from their individual prebends for the remainder of their lives.147 Renaud also emphasizes his own role in the reform of this church, stating that Galeran requested that

Count "would allow the church of Epernay to be transformed according to the order and rule of St. Augustine through our hand."148

The year 1129 also saw the substitution of regular canons for the secular canons of Saint-Callixte of Cysoing. Like the reform of Saint-Martin d'Epernay, this substitution developed from the desire of a leading member of the community to undertake the challenge of a regular lifestyle according to the Rule of St. Augustine. Heriman, the provost and treasurer of the collegial church of Saint-Callixte de Cysoing, in company with a few other canons of Saint-Callixte, "desiring to correct his own life" approached

Archbishop Renaud and requested that his church be ordered according to the Rule of St.

Augustine.149 Heriman renounced his offices which the archbishop then bestowed on the new abbot of the community, Anselm, who was given permission gradually to substitute regular canons as the secular canons departed.150 Later, in a letter to the clergy and people

147 Ibid, "ita tamen quod canonici... prebendas suas tenerent." 148 Ibid, "petivitque ab feo] et quatinus... permutari concederet;" 149 Demouy, Textes 553-554. "Herimannus siquidem, prepositus et thesaurarius Cisoniensis §cclesiae, cujus fiindum juris predecessorum nostrorum Remensium archiepiscoporum et nostri ab antiquis temporibus fuisse et esse constat, vitam suam emendare volens, et ut predicta ?cclesia secundum regulam beati Augustini ordinaretur, cum nonnullis canonicis suis devotissime supplicans, preposituram et thesaurariam, quae de manu nostra susceperat, in eadem manu nostra abdicavit." 150Ibid. 554. "Postmodum autem tibi [Anselm] in Christo, fili karissime, in regularem abbatem ejusdem §cclesi§ canonice electo ecclesiam ipsam et predicta officia, prepositur? videlicet et thesaurari? concessimus, ita nimirum ut decedentibus ejusdem ?cclesi? clericis, loco ipsorum alios substituas, qui divina aspirati gratia, mores suos sub regularis vit? disciplina cohercere ac communiter secundum sanctorum Patrum institutionem omnipotenti Domino deservire proponant; tuis itaque ac multorum religiosorum justis petitionibus debita benignitate annuentes, vit? canonic? ordinem, quern professus es in predicta ?cclesia, presentis privilegii auctoritate firmamus; ac ne cui post professionem exhibitam proprium quid habere, neve sine abbatis vel congregationis licentia de claustro discedere liceat interdicimus, et tam vos quam vestra omnia sedis metropolitan? protectione munimus, vobis namque vestrisque successoribus in eadem religione permansuris ea omnia perpetuo possidenda sancimus, qu? in presentiarum predicta ?cclesia juste possidet, quecumque etiam futuris temporibus legitime poterit adipisci; preterea eadem auctoritate decernimus, ut quicumque in eadem ?cclesia canonice electus fuerit in abbatem, nobis nostrisquesuccessoribus et Remensi ?cclesi? presentetur, et jus nostrum futurorumque Remensium pontificum recognoscat, et investiatur."

206 of Cysoing, Renaud ordered that those canons who had scandalously inherited their prebends were to resign them into the hands of their new abbot by the Feast of the

Apostles.151

It is interesting to note that unlike the previous cases we have discussed, Saint-

Callixte of Cysoing was already counted among the possessions of the Archbishop of

Reims. Renaud describes the church as "a foundation known to be of our right and that of

1 S9 our predecessors, the Archbishops of Reims from ancient times,...". Later he notes that

Heriman had renounced offices "into our same hand from which he had received them."153 Renaud also includes a clause protecting the rights of the Archbishop of Reims,

"moreover, by the same authority, we decree that whoever has been canonically elected as abbot in the same church, should be presented to us and our successors and the church of Reims and shall recognize our right and that of future pontiffs of Reims, and shall be invested."154 As in the case of Bishop Galo of Paris and Saint-Eloi, and unlike most of the other cases discussed in this chapter, a new order is being introduced to this church but the ius of the archbishop does not change.15

151 Ibid. 556-7. "De cetero vobis notum fieri volumus quod clericorum filiis, qui contra decreti nostri tenorem in ?cclesia, quam clericis regulariter vivere volentibus concessimus, jure hereditario prebendas susceperunt, omnino et prebendas et fructus earum interdicimus, et ne ulterius se inde intromittere presumant, ministerii nostri auctoritate usque ad octavam Apostolorum prohibemus. Tibi preterea, Roberte, in virtute ob?dienti§ precipimus, et submonemus, quatinus usque ad instantem diem dominicam pactum, quod de abdicatione prebend? in presentia nostra habuisti, exequi nullatenus omittas. Quod si tu et alii qui hereditario jure sanctuarium Dei possidere volunt, transgressores super hoc exstiteritis, tibi introitum chori et fratrum societatem usque ad instantem dominicam interdicimus; alios vero usque ad octavam Apostolorum, nisi prebendas in manu abbatis abdicaverint, anathematis sententia innodamus." 152 Ibid. 553. "Cisoniensis ecclesi?, cujus fundum juris predecessorum nostrorum Remensium archiepiscoporum et nostri ab antiquis temporibus fuisse et esse constat,..." 153 Ibid. 554. "quae de manu nostra susceperat, in eadem manu nostra abdicavit." 154 Ibid. 554. "preterea eadem auctoritate decernimus, ut quicumque in eadem ^cclesia canonice electus fuerit in abbatem, nobis nostrisque sucessoribus et Remensi §cclesi? presentetur, et jus nostrum futuorumque Remensium pontificum recognoscat, et investiatur." 55 The exception is the case of Saint-Pierre of Laon.

207 Our examination of Renaud of Reims' reforms gives an impression of an archbishop who favored reform in his archdiocese and often actively pursued it, yet was also happy to encourage and take advantage of the efforts of others. He encouraged the laity to surrender their rights over churches and assisted them when they sought to hand those churches over to monasteries or install regular canons in them. He likewise favored the gradual reform and expulsion of secular canons; in most cases allowing the secular canons to retain their prebends for life. It is only in the case of Saint-Callixte of Cysoing that he requires the secular canons to immediately renounce their prebends and he does so only because these prebends had been handed down in a hereditary fashion, directly contrary to diocesan decrees.156

Conclusions

In order to understand the reform of Saint-Jean of Laon, we must have some grasp of the overall climate of reform in the diocese of Laon and archdiocese of Reims in 1128.

Saint-Jean was one of many churches in the archdiocese in which a lay proprietor allowed the bishop to introduce a new ordo in the hope of reforming the church ad meliorem statum. Nevertheless, there are numerous distinctions that must be made. In most cases the lay proprietor renounces his ius whereas King Louis does not. Likewise, the majority of these scenarios involves the gradual replacement of secular canons who were allowed to retain the income from their individual prebends for the remainder of their lives. Nuns of course, did not possess individual prebends and could not, in any way, be gradually replaced by either monks or canons. They could however retire on a

See Note 151 above.

208 pension, as the abbess of Bucilly, or like the nuns of Saint-Jean, be exiled to an estate such as Crandelan.

When we place the reform of Saint-Jean in the context of the religious environment of the diocese of Laon and archdiocese of Reims, we see that there was a strong emphasis on reform in the area and particularly among the surrounding

Benedictine and Augustinian communities. Moreover, like Heloise and her adoption of

Cistercian customs as a model for her monastery at the Paraclete, the Benedictine communities of Laon and Reims sought inspiration for their reforms in Citeaux. As we now attempt to consider our case studies as a whole we must keep in mind this shifting model of monastic perfection, as well as the problems involved in the reform of female monasteries.

209 Conclusions

Our aim in this study has been to clarify the use of expulsion as a method of reform through the examination of three relatively well-known cases at the beginning of the twelfth century: Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean. Now that we have addressed each of these in turn, examining each individual case, its circumstance, participants and environment, it is time to draw particular attention to what these three incidents have in common and how they differ from the other reforms we have mentioned in passing.

Furthermore, we must return to the larger question of expulsion as a method of reform, in particular, who and what determines the expulsion of a religious community and how expulsion figures in the overall equation of reform.

In the course of our discussion of Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean, we have identified three common elements which appear in the documents describing these expulsions: jurisdiction, reputation, and corrigibility. Each of these monasteries was, at some point, a royal monastery, in which the king held proprietary interest under a system dating back to the Carolingian period. In the case of Saint-Eloi, the king's proprietary jurisdiction was transferred to the Bishop of Paris during the ninth century; in the matter of Argenteuil, Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis argued successfully that the king's predecessors had similarly granted proprietary jurisdiction to his monastery during the tenth century; finally, in the charter granting permission for the substitution of monks for the nuns of Saint-Jean, King Louis asserted that he and his wife held royal and dower rights in Saint-Jean of Laon that would not be affected by the change in community. In all three of these cases, as well as the secondary incidents which we have considered, the

210 available documentation suggests that if the bishop sought to expel a community, the cooperation of whomever held proprietary right in a monastery was crucial. Saint

Benedict of Nursia may have ideally envisioned the monastery as an independent entity, but in practice this frequently was not the case, particularly from the reign of

Charlemagne onwards.1

Reputation, too, played a crucial role in the decision to expel a community of nuns. Each of our three monasteries was accused of sinistra fama. Now it is possible that this is a literary topos, and it certainly becomes one in the later Middle Ages, but it seems equally likely that, in the early years of the twelfth century at least, this may be a case of an old order being unfavorably compared with the new. This is the case in Herman of

Tournai's description of the nuns of Montreuil-en-Thierache, whom he describes as following a stricter way of life than that of many male monasteries.2 Either way, there are numerous hints that the nuns of Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil and Saint-John had gradually been developing a negative reputation for some time before their expulsion. However, although it is occasionally implied, we have little, if any, concrete evidence that this reputation stemmed solely from sexual misconduct. Unlike the thirteenth-century case of

Bival or even the twelfth-century scandal at the Gilbertine monastery of Watton, we encounter no pregnant nuns in our documents.3 Once gained, a negative reputation, whether due to sexual scandal, lukewarm religious fervor, or inability to conform to new standards was difficult to overcome. It was not, however, impossible, as the nuns of

'Wood 118-127,211-235. 2 See Chapter 4, Note 46. For Bival, see Introduction 1; for the Nun of Watton, see Giles Constable, "Aelred of Rievaulx and the Nun of Watton: An Episode in the Early History of the Gilbertine Order." Medieval Women, ed. Derek Baker (Oxford: Blackwell, 1978) 205-26; Sharon K. Elkins, Holy Women of twelfth-century England (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1988) 106-11; and Brian Golding, Gilbert of Sempringham and the Gilbertine Order (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) 33-8.

211 Faremoutiers aptly demonstrated by surviving numerous appeals for their expulsion, presumably by reforming their way of life.

This brings us to our third point of similarity, which appears in two out of three of our cases, the notion of corrigibility. Suger's acquisition of Argenteuil was accomplished through both his successful argument that Argenteuil belonged by right to Saint-Denis and the witness of those present at the Council of Saint-Germain-des-Pres to the nuns' unsavory reputation; but Matthew of Albano observes that the matter arose suddenly, thus corrigibility goes unmentioned in his account. Yet it is a factor in the expulsions of the nuns of both Saint-Eloi and Saint-Jean. In each case the bishop involved describes the nuns as incorrigible. Bishop Galo of Paris argues that he had warned the nuns of Saint-

Eloi regarding their way of life and that they had refused to hear him. Bishop

Bartholomew of Laon describes the nuns of Saint-Jean as incorrigible and his biographer,

Herman of Tournai, further asserts that Bartholomew had warned the nuns many times to correct themselves, that they had promised to do so, and yet never followed through.

Jurisdiction, reputation, and a willingness to reform one's way of life; these three factors appear as crucial elements in the expulsions of the communities of nuns discussed in this dissertation. They also appear, to a certain extent, in our discussion of the reform of the monks of Lobbes. In contrast, the expulsions of canons which we have treated in our examination of the reforming activities of Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis, Bishop

Bartholomew of Laon and Archbishop Renaud II of Reims, while generally emphasizing jurisdiction, place less stress on reputation and corrigibility. The transfer of jurisdiction in these cases offers opportunity for reform, but it is clear that the bishops involved view the expulsion of the secular canons, which often takes place gradually over the course of

212 years, and their eventual replacement by regular canons or monks, as the installation of a higher ordo in these churches. Canons, though, could be gradually replaced, whereas this was not a viable option for nuns.

Similar terminology is used in the descriptions of the reforms of Saint-Eloi,

Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean. The monasteries are reformed ad meliorem statum by the introduction of monks, or the irreligiosae nuns are replace by religiosi monks. Yet whereas there can be little question that these reformers considered monks and regular canons to be of a higher order than secular canons, we cannot automatically assume the same in discussions of monks and nuns. Twelfth-century authors often appear misogynistic to twenty-first century readers because their views regarding the female sex are so different from ours. This is corroborated by the descriptions which we encounter in the documents describing the female sex as more fragile than the male and thus requiring greater supervision and protection. Heloise's arguments, as a member of that fragile sex, offer intriguing insights to this matter. This conception of women as the weaker sex, however, does suggest that, whether or not monks were considered a higher order than nuns, it may simply have been less administratively complex for a bishop to use monks rather than nuns to reform a monastery; after all, according to their perspective monks required less supervision.

The question, "Why monks?" brings us finally to the procedure followed in cases culminating in the expulsion of a religious community. If we consider the circumstances surrounding the expulsions at Saint-Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean as well as, to a lesser extent, the reforms at Lobbes, Chelles, Faremoutiers and Bucilly, we gain a rough idea of the steps a bishop might take or be expected to take in reforming a monastery. First of all,

213 we see the role offama, since the bishop's attention was often drawn to a specific monastery's need for reform by others, both ecclesiastical and lay folk, some with little connection to the monastery itself. For instance, Adele of Blois wrote to Ivo of Chartres regarding the spiritual state of Faremoutiers, and Ivo in turn wrote to Faremoutiers' diocesan bishop, Walter of Meaux. In the case of Saint-Eloi, King Philip addressed

Bishop Galo on the subject of its reform, asserting that many had approached him on the subject. At Lobbes the monks were accused of irreligion by Archdeacon Herlebald of

Cambrai, but the monks of Lobbes claimed that they were not under the episcopal jurisdiction of the Bishop of Cambrai, but the Bishop of Liege. In the case of Bucilly,

Adele of Vermandois, who had proprietary jurisdiction over the abbey, notified Bishop

Bartholomew that she was handing the abbey to him specifically for the purposes of reform.

Once a bishop's attention was drawn to the need for reform, it appears that he was expected to notify the inhabitants that they needed to change their way of life as we see with Saint-Eloi, Saint-Jean, Chelles and Lobbes. Should the community prove intractable, then the bishop would seek the support of other religious leaders and, where necessary, that of those secular lords with proprietary jurisdiction over that abbey. Thus we see

Bishop Bartholomew of Laon and Archbishop Renaud II of Reims approaching King

Louis VI and requesting his permission to replace the nuns of Saint-Jean with monks from various monasteries. So too, Bishop Stephen of Paris asserts that he had royal permission to reform the community of Chelles. In cases involving non-royal monasteries, such as Bucilly, proprietary jurisdiction was frequently given into the care of the bishop with the specific intent that he pass that jurisdiction on to a reformed

214 community. Thus this type of reform, the expulsion of an irreligiosus community and its replacement by a religiosus ordo, was not a light undertaking. The instigators frequently insist, often rather defensively, that their actions are the result of extensive deliberation with many secular and religious authorities.

In our three case studies it is the bishop who takes the initiative in deciding to expel the nuns and replace them with monks, though the idea of expulsion is frequently suggested by others. For instance, in the case of Saint-Eloi, King Philip first suggests that

Galo replace the nuns with a more religious community, but Galo's charter makes it clear that the final decision, as well as the terms of the expulsion, are his alone. The language of Bishop Stephen of Paris' charter dictating the expulsion of the nuns of Argenteuil likewise shows that although he is influenced by several factors, the final decision to expel the nuns is his. As the documentation for the reforms of Argenteuil and Saint-Jean demonstrates, the bishop's decision is frequently enacted or ratified in ecclesiastical council.4 The expelled community is then dispersed and relocated, either to other monasteries or a dependency of their former monastery. Finally, the new community seeks papal confirmation regarding its new possessions.

We should note here that expulsion was simply one of several options that a bishop could use to reform a recalcitrant community. Nowhere is this clearer than with the reform of Lobbes at the Council of Reims in 1128. Though the same basic accusation was leveled at the monks of Lobbes and the nuns of Saint-Jean, it was the abbot of

Lobbes who was exiled rather than the entire community. Thus we see that the replacement of an abbot or abbess was an alternative to expulsion. This idea is

4 The formal decision to grant Saint-Eloi to Saint-Maur-des-Fosses as a priory was enacted in chapter at the cathedral of Notre-Dame, Paris and the primary witnesses are cathedral dignitaries.

215 unintentionally strengthened by Herman of Tournai's remark in the De Miraculis S.

Mariae Laudunensis that detractors of Bartholomew's reform of Saint-Jean argued that the entire community should not have been punished for the sins of a few.5 Moreover, we have evidence that this was considered a viable method of reform in the face of similar charges during the thirteenth century. Archbishop Odo of Rouen exercised this exact option at the abbey of Bival in 1248 when he found several nuns accused of incontinence.

He deposed the abbess and required the nuns to elect another.6 We have no evidence that this option was considered in our case studies; and indeed, in that of Saint-Jean the arguments of Herman's detractors suggest that it was not.

Such scenarios force us to return to the difficult problem of gender. If nuns, as the

'weaker sex,' required greater care and supervision than monks, was it less complex for the bishops involved in these cases to expel the nuns and replace them with monks or did they believe that the presence of monks elevated a monastery to a higher state of religion? The limitations of this study do not allow us to explore these questions as they deserve. In order to understand such attitudes fully, we would need to expand the geographic scope of our discourse, and in addition consider methods of, and attitudes to, reform in far greater detail. It is enough, for now, to point out that it was the bishop who chose the method of reform, and by examining the reforming activities of individual bishops we can attain an important glimpse of what influenced them to choose the methods which they did. The bishops responsible for the expulsions of the nuns of Saint-

Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean, were products of their time who greatly admired the ideals of the newer orders of the late eleventh and early twelfth century, particularly the

5 Herman of Tournai, PL 156:1005. See Introduction, Note 2.

216 Augustinian, Victorine, and Premonstratensian canons, as well as the monks of Citeaux and Clairvaux. This admiration, in turn, influenced their approach to reform as well as their conception of what it meant to reform a monastery to a higher, more religious, or do.

1 No matter how much they admired the 'new' orders, the bishops responsible for the expulsions of Saint- Eloi, Argenteuil, and Saint-Jean did not choose to replace the nuns with Cistercians or Premonstratensians. Instead, the bishops granted the former monasteries of nuns to 'reformed' Benedictine monks, possibly in order to retain more easily their episcopal jurisdiction.

217 Manuscript Sources

Aisne, Archives departmentales G1850

Paris, Archives Nationales Kll K20 L888B LL77 LL78 LL175 LL176 LL177 LL1156 LL1158

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale ms. lat. 5439 (Cartulary of Morigny) ms. lat. 12593 (De Miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis)

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